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The Emerging LGBTI Rights Challenge to Transitional Justice in Latin America
Abstract
Latin American truth commissions have recently expanded their purview to include cases of violence against gender and sexual minorities as human rights violations worthy of investigation. This article proposes that grappling with this emerging LGBTI (lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and intersex) rights challenge requires a queer, intersectional and decolonial analytical lens that underscores the relevance of global LGBTI politics, and critiques transitional justice foundational assumptions regarding temporality and binary logics. In practical terms, this analytical lens enacts a double move by unearthing the deeply tangled and life-extinguishing roots of impunity surrounding violence against gender and sexual minorities while advocating for the realization of LGBTI people's full citizenship. © The Author (2017). Published by Oxford University Press. All rights reserved.
... Without a doubt, owing to the pervasive and structural discrimination of women in conflictaffected and transitional settings globally and the marginalization of women's perspectives and experiences throughout TJ scholarship and praxis, such a focus remains urgently needed (O'Rourke, 2017). Yet, despite this importance, such a focus also reinforces the on-going exclusion of masculinities and queer perspectives throughout international relations (IR) and conflict research at large, and within the fields of peacebuilding and transitional justice in particular (Bueno-Hansen, 2018;Duriesmith, 2016;Fobear, 2014;Hagen, 2016;Schulz et al., 2023). In fact, specific masculinities perspectives and careful consideration for men's and boys' experiences as gendered-as well as for the lived realities of persons with diverse sexual orientations, gender identities and expressions, and sex characteristics (SOGIESC; Daigle & Myrttinen, 2018)-remain omitted from most gendered TJ analyses. ...
... In fact, specific masculinities perspectives and careful consideration for men's and boys' experiences as gendered-as well as for the lived realities of persons with diverse sexual orientations, gender identities and expressions, and sex characteristics (SOGIESC; Daigle & Myrttinen, 2018)-remain omitted from most gendered TJ analyses. This has slowly begun to change, and emerging critical research has increasingly called for attention to masculinities and SOGIESC questions in transitional justice scholarship (Bueno-Hansen, 2018;Fobear, 2014;Hamber, 2016;Theidon, 2009). Yet, as one of the authors cautioned previously, "these few studies thus far exist primarily in silos, and are often characterized by an often unitary focus on either masculinities or sexual and gender minorities" (Schulz, 2019, p. 692). ...
... To avoid this, careful consideration for gender and sexualities as fluid spectrums, for the elasticity of gender, as well as the inclusive recognition of people with diverse sexual orientations, gender identities, and expressions and sex characteristics (SOGIESC) is important to fully comprehend gendered understandings of conflicts and political transitions. These nonbinary experiences and perspectives, however, are only seldom taken into account in the context of conflict studies and peacebuilding in general (Hagen, 2016) and in relation to transitional justice processes specifically (Bueno-Hansen, 2018;Fobear, 2014). As summarized by McQuaid (2017), "on the subject of the particular justice needs and harms experienced by sexual minorities, much current transitional justice scholarship remains silent" (p. 1). ...
p>Transitional justice (TJ) refers to a set of measures and processes that deal with the legacies of human rights abuses and violent pasts, and that seek to aid societies transitioning from violence and conflict toward a more just and peaceful future. Much like the study of armed conflict and peacebuilding more broadly, the study and practice of transitional justice was traditionally silent on gender. Historically, gendered conflict-related experiences and harms have not been adequately addressed by most transitional justice mechanisms, and women in particular have been excluded from the design, conceptualization, and implementation of many TJ processes globally. While political violence perpetrated against men remained at the center of TJ concerns, a whole catalogue of gendered human rights abuses perpetrated primarily against women has largely remained at the peripheries of dominant TJ debates and interventions.
Catalyzed by political developments at the United Nations within the realm of the Women, Peace, and Security (WPS) agenda and by increasing attention to crimes of sexual violence by the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR) and the former Yugoslavia (ICTY), however, the focus in the 2000s has been radically altered to include the treatment of gender in transitional contexts. As such, considerations around gender and sex have increasingly gained traction in TJ scholarship and praxis, to the extent that different justice instruments now seek to engage with gendered harms in diverse ways. Against this background, to the authors review this growing engagement with gender and transitional justice, offering a broad and holistic overview of legal and political developments, emerging trends, and persistent gaps in incorporating gender into the study and practice of TJ. The authors show how gender has been operationalized in relation to different TJ instruments, but the authors also unearth resounding feminist critiques about the ways in which justice is approached, as well as how gender is often conceptualized in limited and exclusionary terms. To this end, the authors emphasize the need for a more sustained and inclusive engagement with gender in TJ settings, drawing on intersectional, queer, and decolonial perspectives to ultimately address the variety of gendered conflict-related experiences in (post)conflict and transitional settings.</p
... For instance, the Peruvian TC not only saw women as victims but also as political agents and members of subversive groups (González, 2021). This TC was also the first to investigate violence against LGBTI people (Bueno, 2017(Bueno, , 2020, a topic studied in-depth in the Ecuadorian and Brazilian TCs. Bueno highlights how the inclusion of gender in the Ecuadorian TC went beyond the 'add on' approach of the liberal feminism and the gender mainstreaming to include the contributions of feminist organisations that defy the heterosexual system in the country. ...
... The queer perspective challenges cisheterosexists' assumptions in general and in TJ in particular (Bueno, 2017(Bueno, , 2024Loken & Hagen, n.d.;Ritholtz, 2022;Serrano, 2004), pointing out their limitations regarding the short-term period and gender binarism typical of TCs. Although TJ has included trans approaches recently, the impacts of war and militarism on transmasculine people are barely studied. ...
This article argues the relevance of using a critical perspective of masculinities in the development of transitional justice, particularly in truth commissions, and contributes to updating previous studies in this field. Drawing on content analysis on the Colombian Truth Commission’s Final Report as a case study, the article shows it is crucial to critically study masculinities in truth-seeking mechanisms to achieve desirable changes, not only in the transition but also in the long-term transformations of structural and cultural violence. These changes encompass the continuum of violence, and the values and beliefs that feed militarism and prevent the definitive achievement of peace. Although the Colombian Truth Commission is among the few commissions that address masculinities, its scope is limited, especially in terms of its recommendations. In these, the role of men and masculinities and their contributions to peace are critical. This article contributes to academic debates on gender studies, masculinities, and transitional justice, insisting on the need for their inclusion in peacebuilding from an intersectional approach.
... While the last two decades have witnessed the mainstreaming of a gender analysis with a focus on sexual violence against women, the feld of TJ has slowly begun to include knowledge produced about the role of masculinities and the impact of armed confict, authoritarian regimes, and political repression against men (Theidon 2009;Hamber 2007Hamber , 2015Green 2012) and people of non-normative genders and sexualities (Fobear 2014;Bueno-Hansen 2018;Ashe 2019;Schulz 2020;Fobear and Baines 2020). Following the path of gender mainstreaming, this process of inclusion has been piecemeal and "add-on" (Bueno-Hansen 2015, thereby leaving largely intact the default heterosexual system. ...
... Two of the Brussels tribunal testimonies attest to persecution of lesbians: in Norway, through conversion therapy, including repeated rape over a period of six months, and in Mozambique, through rehabilitation camps (Rich 1980: 653). These punishments are largely about disciplining those that do not conform and who use violence as a pedagogical tool for communicating sex and gender norms and the consequences for betraying hegemonic sociocultural and/or political forces (Bueno-Hansen 2018). ...
... Se puede hablar de un continuum (Garcés-Amaya, 2023) de violencias en el marco de los órdenes sociales heterocisnormativos que anteceden a los periodos no democráticos y que persisten después de los procesos de Justicia Transicional. Las personas LGTBIQA+ han estado y siguen estando en muchos contextos perseguidas por la justicia y denigradas por la sociedad, impidiendo la reconstrucción de su memoria, su proyecto de vida y su reparación (Bueno-Hansen, 2018). Solo en procesos de Justicia Transicional muy recientes se empieza a reconocer las sexualidades no normativas como un objetivo de violencia diferencial que requiere reparaciones proporcionales a las experiencias específicas de los individuos afectados. ...
Una revisión de la justicia transicional y la memoria democrática bajo un enfoque de diversidad afectivo-sexual.
... Peacebuilding and transitional justice measures in contemporary conflict contexts where coloniality and colonial legacies still play an important role have demonstrated the need to go beyond 'add-on' gender approaches focusing on a homogenous grouping called 'women' (Bueno-Hansen, 2018). Mainstreaming intersectionality in these scenarios carries the promise that it can help expose the most serious yet unseen consequences of repression and violence in the social sectors experiencing the greatest marginalisation (Ní Aólain & Rooney, 2007). ...
More than three decades on from its inception, ‘intersectionality’ continues to be a puzzle for researchers, activists and practitioners in many fields looking for a coherent conceptual framework and concrete methodology via which to apply it. This entry proposes an approach to intersectionality which recognises the value of the travels and translations of this concept across multiple contexts and power asymmetries. That, while persisting in efforts to operationalise it in ways that stay true to its original purpose as a tool for social justice.
... Esta continuación de la violencia se debe a la falta de consideración por parte de grupos conservadores (Serrano-Amaya, 2019). En la mayoría de las ocasiones, los progresos en la inclusión de las personas LGTBIQA+ dentro de las medidas de reparación se ha debido a las luchas de las organizaciones de la sociedad civil (Bueno-Hansen, 2018). Veremos a continuación algunos de estos logros. ...
ES Resumen. Existe una correlación entre discriminación, pobreza y violencia que la comunidad internacional viene evidenciando desde hace años de manera notable. En uno de los colectivos donde más arraiga es en las personas trans, que suelen tener condiciones adversas traducidas en un mayor empobrecimiento. Todo esto se vuelve más complejo cuando existen contextos de violencia armada. Abordando la situación de las personas trans en Latinoamérica, nos enfocaremos en Colombia y las realidades Trans afectadas por el conflicto armado antes y después del Acuerdo de Paz. Palabras clave: Discriminación; pobreza; violencia; trans; Colombia. EN Trans realities: Latin American perspective and stories of discrimination, poverty, and violence in Colombia EN Abstract. There is a correlation between discrimination, poverty, and violence that the international community has been notably demonstrating for years. In one of the groups where it is most deeply rooted is in trans people, who tend to have adverse conditions that translate into greater impoverishment. All this becomes more complex when there are contexts of armed violence. Addressing the situation of trans people in Latin America, we will focus on Colombia and the trans realities affected by the armed conflict before and after the Peace Agreement.
... Aunque la violencia sexual como crimen de lesa humanidad o crimen de guerra es muy relevante en la jt, su investigación se ha reducido en muchas ocasiones a la afectación de las mujeres y a la violencia sexual patriarcal. Esto ha ocurrido a expensas de la investigación de otras afectaciones y violencias relevantes contra las mujeres, y a costa de la marginalización de vbg contra otras poblaciones Gómez et al., 2021;Bueno-Hansen, 2018;O'Rourke, 2016;Ní Aoláin, 2012). ...
Este policy brief analiza el Informe Final de la Comisión de la Verdad (CEV) en Colombia desde una perspectiva feminista de las masculinidades, dada la importancia de estas para lograr cambios no solo en la justicia transicional, sino, más allá, en las violencias estructurales que hacen parte del continuum de violencias, valores y creencias que alimentan el militarismo e impiden la consecución definitiva de la paz. Si bien la cev aborda este fenómeno, su alcance en el Informe Final es limitado, aunque se solventa en otros recursos alojados en la plataforma digital del legado. No obstante, el análisis en torno a las masculinidades no se refleja ni en las recomendaciones específicas del tomo de género ni en las recomendaciones generales del Informe. Por ello, este documento busca sumar al legado de la cev una inclusión de las masculinidades en algunas recomendaciones del Informe, así como nuevas recomendaciones para la construcción de paz desde los hombres y las masculinidades.
... It considers the multiple ways that methods and methodologies can be queered, the importance of engaging in queer methodological research, and the ethics of queer methods and methodologies. In writing about queering conflict and political violence, we also engage with queer IR scholarship (Sjoberg and Weber, 2014;Picq and Thiel, 2015;Weber, 2016;Delatolla, 2020), critical security studies (Puar, 2007;Amar, 2014), feminist security studies (Wibben, 2011;Shepherd and Sjoberg, 2012;Shepherd, 2013;Hagen, 2016), studies of sexuality, nationalism, and contentious politics (Peterson, 1999;Canaday, 2009;Ashe, 2018;Nagle and Fakhoury, 2018;Slootmaeckers, 2019;Ayoub, 2015;Tschantret, 2018Tschantret, , 2020, of masculinities (Connell, 2005;Belkin, 2012), as well as feminist literature, which has taken a growing interest in LGBTIQ+ activism as a part of transitional justice (Bueno-Hansen, 2017;Fobear and Baines, 2020;Díaz Calderón, 2021). Critically, the book brings together scholars in a variety of disciplines who are focused on issues of political violence and conflict. ...
... It considers the multiple ways that methods and methodologies can be queered, the importance of engaging in queer methodological research, and the ethics of queer methods and methodologies. In writing about queering conflict and political violence, we also engage with queer IR scholarship (Sjoberg and Weber, 2014;Picq and Thiel, 2015;Weber, 2016;Delatolla, 2020), critical security studies (Puar, 2007;Amar, 2014), feminist security studies (Wibben, 2011;Shepherd and Sjoberg, 2012;Shepherd, 2013;Hagen, 2016), studies of sexuality, nationalism, and contentious politics (Peterson, 1999;Canaday, 2009;Ashe, 2018;Nagle and Fakhoury, 2018;Slootmaeckers, 2019;Ayoub, 2015;Tschantret, 2018Tschantret, , 2020, of masculinities (Connell, 2005;Belkin, 2012), as well as feminist literature, which has taken a growing interest in LGBTIQ+ activism as a part of transitional justice (Bueno-Hansen, 2017;Fobear and Baines, 2020;Díaz Calderón, 2021). Critically, the book brings together scholars in a variety of disciplines who are focused on issues of political violence and conflict. ...
... A heteronormative understanding of both women and gender can have an exclusionary impact, not only failing to engage with LGBTQ communities, but also failing to understand the harms experienced by LGBTQ people in conflict (Hagen, 2016;Myrttinen and Daigle, 2017;Ashe, 2018;Bueno-Hansen, 2018). 2 This gap is in large part an issue of translation between siloed communities. ...
This chapter takes a queer feminist approach to integrating LGBTQ women’s voices in the WPS agenda. I show how a workshop organized using a queer feminist methodology can bring together individuals often excluded from discussions about queer conflict research. I then explain why a queer feminist workshop presents a valuable methodology for coalition building, Queer Conflict Research highlighting the findings from a workshop of this kind in Bogotá, Colombia. The insights from this workshop show not only how this method can be effective, but also how this approach can create space for LBTQ women to inform next steps for implementing a more expansive gender perspective across all four pillars (participation, prevention, protection and relief and recovery) of the WPS agenda.
... It considers the multiple ways that methods and methodologies can be queered, the importance of engaging in queer methodological research, and the ethics of queer methods and methodologies. In writing about queering conflict and political violence, we also engage with queer IR scholarship (Sjoberg and Weber, 2014;Picq and Thiel, 2015;Weber, 2016;Delatolla, 2020), critical security studies (Puar, 2007;Amar, 2014), feminist security studies (Wibben, 2011;Shepherd and Sjoberg, 2012;Shepherd, 2013;Hagen, 2016), studies of sexuality, nationalism, and contentious politics (Peterson, 1999;Canaday, 2009;Ashe, 2018;Nagle and Fakhoury, 2018;Slootmaeckers, 2019;Ayoub, 2015;Tschantret, 2018Tschantret, , 2020, of masculinities (Connell, 2005;Belkin, 2012), as well as feminist literature, which has taken a growing interest in LGBTIQ+ activism as a part of transitional justice (Bueno-Hansen, 2017;Fobear and Baines, 2020;Díaz Calderón, 2021). Critically, the book brings together scholars in a variety of disciplines who are focused on issues of political violence and conflict. ...
... A systematic review of the literature uncovered a significant dearth of scholarship within transitional justice work specific to LGBTIQA+ inclusion. Only five publications between 2014 -2020 were identified (Ashe, 2019;Bueno-Hansen, 2018;Fobear, 2014;Fobear & Baines, 2020;Maier, 2020;Mbwana, 2020). No literature specifically investigating an intersectional understanding of Indigenous gender and sexual minority communities' experiences in transitional justice processes, either across the globe and within Australia was located. ...
Transitional justice processes and mechanisms are undertaken to examine,
interrogate, and respond to the legacies of massive and serious human right
abuses (International Center for Transitional Justice [ICTJ], 2022), with the aim
of societal transformation and reconciliation, particularly as this relates to racial
and colonial violence (OHCHR, 2022). Globally, gender and sexual minorities
are some of the most oppressed groups, enduring significant and overwhelming
human rights violations under colonising regimes (Ashe, 2019), yet have been
predominantly excluded from these processes. In the past thirty years, there have
been more than thirty-five truth commissions in different countries with a past of
conflict and violence (Fobear, 2014), yet almost all have failed to embrace the
participation and testimony of the LGBTIQA+ community.
In Australia, states and territories are progressing truth and justice processes as
fundamental mechanisms supporting treaties between these jurisdictions and
First Nations Peoples. Colonisation, from first contact to current day, has
embedded and enforced strict social constructs of gender and sexuality.
Indigenous LGBTIQA+ people have experienced significant historical and
continual harms specifically targeting non-compliant genders and/or sexualities.
The inclusion of Indigenous LGBTQIA+ communities in Australian truthtelling and transitional justice processes, including the guaranteeing of robust
Indigenous LGBTIQA+ voice and testimony, is critical to ensure that truthtelling is accurate and comprehensive.
As psychosocial risks are associated with individuals and communities being
involved in these processes, Indigenous LGBTIQA+ cultural safety, health, social
and emotional wellbeing supports, must be prioritised. This paper proposes
direct guidelines and actions for supporting Indigenous LGBTQIA+ safety and
wellbeing in truth and justice processes.
... Intersectionality is a method to understand the causes, dynamic and effects of violence whose recognition is increasing in academia and accountability mechanisms. The approach was first established by feminist legal scholars who highlighted that discrimination is not just produced on a single ground but, often, on intersecting grounds against the most marginalized identity groups; for instance, discrimination against Black American women [2] or lesbian, gay, bisexual, trans, intersex, queer and other (LGBTIQ+) in the context of decolonization [3] whose complex dynamic requires understanding and visibility to address those harms. ...
Crimes of sexual and gender-based violence have experienced tremendous interest in international justice mechanisms and transitions from violence. Following their recognition and first convictions, gender justice is facing reparations as a new challenge that aims at effective remedies for victims. In the Ntaganda case, the International Criminal Court recently allocated reparations for girl soldier victims of rape and sexual slavery applying the principle of gender-sensitive reparations and stating that ‘intersectionality’ should be a core component. Intersectionality is a human rights-based approach to understand the structural dynamic of discrimination underpinning gross violations against marginalized groups in order to obtain an effective remedy. This chapter answers the question whether the International Criminal Court is entitled to and is effectively applying an intersectional approach to reparations for crimes of sexual and gender-based violence in what amount would be true to engagement with effective remedies tackling the root causes of gross violations.
... Critiques of #MeToo argue that this awareness feeds into a pious and intolerant "cancel culture" or mob mentality that unfairly targets "innocent" people, primarily men. 11 In many societies and over substantial periods of time, sexual violence has also routinely been dismissed as not being of serious concern; and discussions (whether medical, legal, political, or cultural) on the topic have explicitly blamed and stigmatised the victims of such attacks, rather than condemning the perpetrators or seeking justice. 12 the British physician Alfred Swaine Taylor assured readers of his influential textbook on medical jurisprudence in 1865 that false allegations of rape were often "wilfully and designedly made"-a statement that had little to do with any evidence of such false accusations coming before the courts, and everything to do with the myths surrounding sexual violence in Victorian England. ...
Objetivo/Contexto:
Este artículo explica por qué los acontecimientos actuales exigen la exploración de las historias de violencia sexual, situando los cuatro artículos que componen este dossier en su contexto historiográfico y social más amplio. A pesar del importante corpus que hasta la fecha ha explorado temas relacionados con el género y la sexualidad en la región en los siglos xix y xx, la violencia sexual sigue siendo muy poco estudiada.
Metodología:
Vinculándose con las protestas contra la violencia y el acoso sexual y de género en Brasil y a nivel internacional desde mediados de la década de 2010, como la campaña global #MeToo en 2017, el artículo revisa la erudición actual relacionada con las historias de violencia sexual.
Originalidad:
Este dossier representa una valiosa colección de ensayos, dedicada específicamente a la historia de la violencia sexual en América Latina durante los siglos xix y xx. El artículo muestra por qué es este un tema tan urgente para la consideración de los historiadores en 2022 y contextualiza las contribuciones a continuación.
Conclusiones:
Hay una necesidad urgente de seguir investigando las historias de violencia sexual durante la modernidad tardía en los diferentes países de América Latina, especialmente porque los temas destacados por los cuatro autores -y en particular los relacionados con la discriminación y los estereotipos de género, raza y clase que perjudican a las víctimas- aún son relevantes en las experiencias contemporáneas.
... Lemay Langloise (2018) signals that this narrow framing is further shaped by the WPS framing itself (see also Morley, 2021). In addition, there is now growing engagement with heteronormativity and non-binary understandings of gender in transitional justice approaches (Mbwana, 2020;Bueno-Hansen, 2018). ...
Transitional justice agendas are increasingly informed by an awareness that conflict is experienced in gendered ways, and that efforts to address the legacies of violence and conflict therefore need to be gender-responsive. Transitional justice has also become a mainstream feature of transition processes from conflict or authoritarian rule. This is evident in how wider policy and normative frameworks relating to global peacebuilding and rule of law agendas have evolved. It remains a struggle, however, to ensure that gender-responsive transitional justice mandates and mechanisms are fully resourced, and that women's groups and gender activists have access to and influence over the decision-making spaces where transitional justice is negotiated and defined, and its implementation monitored. This paper reviews the state of the knowledge on gender-responsive transitional justice, and the role of the Women, Peace and Security agenda and related programming in supporting this.
... This took up much of the time and resources of the state. Consequently, little attention was paid to the spread of hate crimes (Bueno-Hansen 2017), what Serrano-Amaya (2018) has categorized as "sexual para-politics." ...
The first section of this Element reviews the history of LGBTQ rights in the region since the 1960s. The second section reviews explanations for the expansion of rights and setbacks, especially since the mid 2000s. Explanations are organized according to three themes: (1) the (re-)emergence of a religious cleavage; (2) the role of political institutions such as presidential leadership, political parties, federalism, courts, and transnational forces; and (3) the role of social movement strategies, and especially, unity. The last section compares the progress on LGBTQ rights (significant) with reproductive rights (insignificant). This Element concludes with an overview of the causes and possible future direction of the current backlash against LGBTQ rights.
... Por otro lado, el acumulado internacional recoge la experiencia de incorporación de la perspectiva de género en comisiones de la verdad en Guatemala, Perú y Sudáfrica (Bueno-Hansen, 2017;Guzmán, 2020;Mendia, 2020), y la reflexión en torno al vacío explicativo y de materialización de derechos que su ausencia significa para las mujeres, como en el caso argentino 18 . Lo anterior ha permitido identificar lecciones y aprendizajes útiles para la experiencia colombiana. ...
Este capítulo tiene el objetivo de describir y analizar los avances más significativos que alcanzó la CEv en materia de incorporación del enfoque de género desde su inicio hasta los primeros meses del 2020, al igual que identificar los retos que enfrenta para los meses restantes de su implementación. Para ello, el presente texto se estructura de la siguiente manera: en una primera parte retoma los antecedentes en Colombia de comisiones de la verdad y, en ese contexto, de la consolidación del movimiento de mujeres y feminista por la paz y su reclamo de los derechos de las mujeres victimizadas. En segundo lugar, describe brevemente el funcionamiento y la estructura de la Comisión de la Verdad en lo relativo al enfoque de género. En tercer lugar, analiza los avances en torno a la inclusión de la perspectiva de género en su quehacer. Por último, identifica cuatro retos que la Comisión enfrenta para la incorporación en su mandato de los hechos de violencia experimentados por las mujeres, desarrollando en especial dos de ellos.
... 24 The aim of this initiative was to implement a truth commission that explicitly includes LGBTQIA+ rights in all of its processes. LGBTQIA+ persons and organisations in Colombia had, over the past 50 years, documented all aspects of violence against sexual and gender minorities, 25 and this was an opportunity for them to discuss their findings and find a way forward for inclusion. ...
Queer scholarship highlights and analyses how international politics are produced through sexuality and gender norms. Doing so, queer perspectives question and unpack binaries and the assumptions underlying dominant concepts in international politics such as sovereignty. Although there is some vibrant research on the European Union (EU) and the promotion of lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, queer/questioning, intersex and asexual (LGBTQIA+) human and citizenship rights, a systematic framework that adopts a queer perspective on the EU's role as a global actor and its foreign and security policy is lacking. To start tackling this gap, we study the EU's implementation of the United Nations Women, Peace and Security (WPS) agenda through a queer lens. We suggest that the focus on WPS allows us to open up a broader queer research agenda to study the EU's foreign and security policy by unpacking the dominant invisibilities, heteronormativity and binaries.
Inglés: As judicial representatives of LGBTQI+ victims before the Colombian transitional justice tribunal, we have found that our demands for justice shake the positivist foundations of transitional justice, perhaps with greater intensity than international criminal law can withstand. The formal inclusion of historically excluded populations in protocols or guidelines for justice delivery have proven insufficient without the profound transformation of the ways in which violence and conflict have been investigated and analysed. This paper explores the possibilities of queering transitional justice with the use of methodological and analytical alternatives that can enable the access to justice for LGBTIQ+ persons. Through case study and documentary analysis, this paper explores the possibilities of queer reading and other queer coding strategies as tools for judicial investigation, analysis and interpretation by advocates, justices and other relevant actors in the transitional justice scenario in Colombia. Finally, it provides policy recommendations for a more comprehensive understanding and response to the gendered dimensions of conflict, enabling justice delivery for victims in other transitional justice ecosystems around the world.
South Africa is noted for high records of gender-based violence (GBV), hence, an informetrics analysis was conducted on her GBV research output to fit Lotka's law of scientific productivity over a ten-year window 2009-2018. Data was harvested from the EBSCO Discovery Service Database. The result c = 80% and α =2.78; conceded a greater number of GBV scientists to single contributors even though these values exceeded Lotka's benchmark of c = 60% and α= 2. This marked differences notwithstanding, author's productivity of GBV literature concurs with Lotka's law, in that, a large number of researchers contributed one publication each on GBV; while less than 1% author contributed 11articles on the average. This could be due to the fact that GBV being a public health problem intersects many areas of subject specialties within and outside the medical profession which could have prompted multidisciplinary scientific investigations. The implication is that Gender-based violence (GBV), is increasingly becoming an interdisciplinary component of medical education
In the realm of transitional justice, legal mechanisms wield significant influence. The aim of this chapter is to explore ways to integrate queer legal perspectives into the theory and practice of transitional justice. The chapter begins with an overview of key tenets of queer theory, examining how queer perspectives can enhance transitional justice efforts. It then examines queer legal theoretical perspectives, revealing how they unveil the heteronormative underpinnings of legal systems. Through this deconstruction of binary notions of sexuality and gender in legal texts, queer legal theory aids in reshaping legal frameworks within transitional contexts. Finally, the chapter scrutinizes how queer legal theory intersects with transitional justice through legal texts. The analysis posits that despite the absence of explicit references to sexual orientation and gender identity in key transitional justice documents like the Rome Statute, a queer interpretative approach can bolster the protection of the rights of individuals with diverse sexual orientations, gender identities, expressions, and sex characteristics.
International criminal law (ICL) has traditionally overlooked sexual and gender-based violence (SGBV) and struggles to understand it. Prosecutions have been largely inefficient and not reflective of gender harms. The Rome Statute requires interpreting SGBV as a social construction (article 7(3)), in consistency with international human rights law (IHRL) and without discrimination (article 21(3)). There is, however, little guidance to implement these approaches. This article argues that intersectionality, an IHRL-based approach that reveals compounded discrimination, is an efficient tool to interpret SGBV and, therefore, should be integrated in ICL. The article traces the origins of intersectionality in feminism and its recognition by IHRL dealing with violence against women. It establishes the applicability of intersectionality in ICL that it demonstrates with a comparative analysis of the Lubanga and Ntaganda cases. The findings show that intersectionality suits ICL’s specific needs which allows labelling and explaining some of those contributions throughout the judicial process.
While conflict-related sexual violence has gained attention on international transitional justice agendas, conflict-related reproductive violence continues to be overlooked. The Colombian Truth Commission was the first truth-seeking transitional justice body worldwide to directly investigate these forms of conflict-related violence. Based on an ethnographic analysis of the Commission’s work on reproductive violence, in this article I engage with the reproductive justice framework to argue that the Commission’s work broadened understandings of both gendered victimhood and reproductive autonomy. Regarding gendered victimhood, I show that the Commission’s work focused on gaining recognition for conflict-related reproductive violence as distinct from conflict-related sexual violence, identifying conflict-related practices of reproductive violence and offering recommendations for addressing such practices. Secondly, I show that not only was the Commission the first truth-seeking body to directly investigate reproductive violence, but it did so through an understanding of reproductive violence that does not revolve around the notion of autonomy as individual choice. I argue that by doing this, the Commission compelled us to comprehensively consider war as part of the conditions under which reproductive autonomy may be exercised. Following this line, the latter part of the article focuses on the Colombian government’s use of glyphosate as a form of conflict-related reproductive violence that claimed ownership over the reproductive futures of entire communities by creating environmental devastation.
La Ley 1448 de 2011 creó un procedimiento de restitución de tierras que busca reparar a las víctimas del desplazamiento forzado en Colombia, y que debe implementar un enfoque diferencial que beneficie a grupos poblacionales históricamente discriminados, entre ellos las personas LGTB. Por ello, se pretende analizar en qué ha consistido la implementación del enfoque de orientación sexual e identidad de género en estos procedimientos. Se da inicio con una breve conceptualización acerca de este enfoque diferencial, y luego se aborda el marco jurídico de protección de las personas LGTB en situación de desplazamiento. Después, se estudian los problemas y deficiencias en la implementación de este enfoque en los procesos de atención, restitución, fase posfallo, microfocalización y participación de víctimas. Por último, se formulan recomendaciones que buscan superar las irregularidades observadas en cada uno.
This article explores what queer as a concept brings to peacebuilding, presenting a guiding framework and introduction for a special issue on queer peacebuilding. It offers an initial approach to the topic, which means to center queer and trans perspectives of peace and bring queer epistemologies to bear on how peace is constituted so as to rearticulate the concept both in theory and praxis. In doing so, it addresses an unexamined gap in peacebuilding efforts to achieve gender justice and inclusive security in conflict-affected societies, namely the unique experiences of LGBTQ (lesbian, gay, bisexual, trans and queer) individuals and their collective efforts to achieve social justice in these contexts. The authors approach the topic of queer peacebuilding through three questions: What is queer peacebuilding?, ‘Why is queer peacebuilding important? and What can queer peacebuilding contribute? While the impacts of queer peacebuilding in sites of contentious politics around the globe are visible, it remains an emergent and somewhat elusive concept, still under construction within peace and security scholarship and practice. By presenting a conceptualization of the notion of queer peacebuilding, the authors seek to further academic efforts to construct and analyze queer peace.
This article proposes a queer approach to analyze the emerging notions of victim in different contents and institutional developments of Colombia’s Justice and Peace Transitional Justice (2005) and Final Agreement (2016) models, which are, as yet, little explored in the field of peacebuilding studies. It analyzes the openings and conditions of possibility to name heterosexual violence and cisprivileges as constitutive of structural and armed violence, focusing on official documents in dialogue with the existing queer literature in this field of studies. The analysis considers three scenarios: the first years of implementation of the Justice and Peace Law, the lessons learned in the justice component in the application of the gender approach, and the progress in the implementation of the Final Agreement and the persistent challenges. The analysis concludes, and therein lies the originality of the article, that there is a qualitative change in the understanding of violence, which goes from being androcentric and assuming a binary interpretation to explicitly recognize LGBTI people and their quality of victims in the face of heteronormative violence, the continuum of structural, daily and armed violences, its intertwining with other power matrices, and the recognition of the different patterns that operated to correct or eliminate sexual and gender dissidence.
Research on armed conflict's gender dynamics has expanded significantly in the past decade. However, research in this field pays little attention to sexual orientation and gender identity. Moreover, where scholarship focused on violence against sexual and gender minority (SGM) individuals during war exists, it is largely divorced from work on gender-based violence (GBV) in conflict-related environments and from sexuality studies. In this article, we integrate these bodies of work and argue for the theoretical expansion of GBV as a conceptual, empirical, and analytic category to study and explain targeted attacks against lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and otherwise queer individuals. We suggest two theoretical interventions to better equip existing GBV frameworks to explain violence perpetrated against SGM people. We argue, first, that violence targeting SGM communities is GBV, as sexuality and gender identity are integral components of gender, and second, that analyzing gender dynamics adds to our understanding of when, how, and why targeting SGM individuals composes part of an organization's regulatory “repertoire of violence.” We examine violence in Colombia's civil war as an illustrative application of our approach and we identify future, fruitful research avenues with important policy implications for studying and responding to GBV during war.
En El amarillo sol de tus cabellos largos, Carla Zuñiga crea personajes travestis marginalizados, explotados, disfrazados, que reclaman justicia contra la desigualdad de género. Zuñiga escribe su obra durante la era posdictadura y pone en escena a una madre travesti que llora la pérdida de la custodia de su hijo y pelea para recuperarlo con la ayuda de su comunidad. Zuñiga conforma personajes que se confrontan con el trauma, la discriminación de género y la violencia, construyendo al mismo tiempo caminos que buscan alcanzar la justicia transicional. En definitiva, esta dramaturga ofrece una contribución importante para examinar la normalización de la violencia de género en la sociedad sudamericana democrática, posdictadura, contemporánea.
In recent years many articles have discussed transitional justice in Chile with respect to the Pinochet dictatorship, and some of these have had a gendered perspective. In this article we seek to build upon this research, but touching upon recent human rights violations and political sexual violence that took place in Chile during the 18-O Uprising (October 2019 to January 2020). Key in our argument is that young feminists and sexual dissidents have been crucial in re-conceptualizing and making visible the Piñera government’s human rights abuses, both appealing to previous human rights and feminist discourses and practices, as well as inventing new, creative ways of expressing their claims for transitional justice and reparations, like the ‘Rapist in Your Path’ performance. We will use discussion groups and interviews with young feminists and LGBTQ+ people, as well as a revision of relevant national and international human rights reports, to make our argument.
La forma en que el Estado reconoce la ciudadanía con respecto a los roles de género en Perú ha estado fuera de sintonía con las prácticas reales de género. Durante la mayor parte del período transcurrido desde la colonización española, el ciudadano medio ha sido designado oficialmente o imaginado como varón heterosexual. Durante el último medio siglo, las mujeres han llegado a ocupar un papel de ciudadanía independiente de formas que las incitan a ajustarse a un modelo de moralidad materna y responsabilidad doméstica. En la economía neoextractivista actual, con la fuerte voz pública del conservadurismo social y la corrupción política arraigada, esto plantea limitaciones de comportamiento y el riesgo de endeudamiento. Muy pocos cambios de política se han dirigido a transformar los roles de género masculino o dirigirse a los ciudadanos LGBTI. Solicito más investigación sobre las implicaciones de esta situación para apoyar los movimientos que luchan por que todos los peruanos, independientemente de su identidad de género o sexualidad, vivan una vida plena.
Halted by the police, repeatedly defaced, and ultimately erased, the mural El Amor No Tiene Género (Love Has No Gender) lasted less than one week on the streets of Quito before it disappeared under a layer of whitewash in July 2019. The image – a trio of kissing couples – was painted by local street artist Apitatán to celebrate Ecuador’s landmark approval of marriage equality. Its destruction inspired widespread media coverage, direct-action activism, and institutional support for the mural which culminated in its revival two months later. This article investigates what the double life of Apitatán’s mural reveals about the politics of visibility in Quito at a critical moment of consolidating political rights for the country’s LGBTQ community. Drawing on digital ethnography and storytelling methods, I weave together these two visibility disputes – about the mural and about queer love – to illustrate how public visibility is always contingent. To do so, my analysis explores the interplay between erasure and policing practices to enforce conditions of visibility within the urban environment.
This chapter makes a case for applying a masculinities lens to understand multiple forms of violence in conflict and nonconflict settings. It discusses how violence is tied to inequalities, marginalization, patriarchal and other power structures, masculinities, and young men’s identities. It further examines how those dynamics shape the differential impact of conflict on females versus males and individuals of other gender identities. Further, it brings an intersectional understanding of how ethnicity, social class, and masculinities interact in conflict and high-violence settings, addressing the cases of Brazil and the eastern Democratic Republic of Congo.
Este capítulo es resultado del seguimiento a la implementación del acuerdo de paz, en especial a las medidas de género y a la puesta en marcha de la Comisión de la Verdad, a través de dos proyectos de investigación titulados “La paz y el desarrollo en la transición política: imaginarios y prácticas de sujetos históricamente discriminados” e “Inclusión de las afectaciones vividas por las mujeres y sus procesos de resistencia en las Comisiones de la Verdad de Perú y Colombia: miradas retro y prospectivas de la justicia transicional”, los cuales, a su vez, dan continuidad a mi investigación doctoral. Así mismo, materializa reflexiones sobre memoria, historia y paz que vengo desarrollando desde hace ya varios años gracias al trasegar por la academia y por distintos movimientos sociales, incluido el feminista y el de víctimas. La primera parte del texto presenta un breve balance de la incorporación de la perspectiva de género en el acuerdo de paz, identifica algunos de los límites de su implementación y propone algunas dimensiones que permiten potencializar este enfoque. La segunda sitúa los feminismos decoloniales y plantea ejes de análisis para la tarea de esclarecimiento de la Comisión de la Verdad. La tercera sección expone algunas de las contribuciones de estos feminismos a la construcción de una paz transformadora. Por último, el texto concluye con unas breves reflexiones.
Este Policy Brief identifica las formas en que la perspectiva de género ha sido incluida en algunas comisiones de la verdad de América Latina y en las recomendaciones de sus informes finales, así como el impacto que estas han alcanzado. En clave prospectiva, el Policy Brief realiza sugerencias a la CEV desde una perspectiva feminista descolonial para facilitar la implementación de sus recomendaciones y conseguir que estas aporten a la transformación de las causas del conflicto y su impacto en las mujeres en su diversidad y en las personas LGBTIQ+. Adicionalmente, se plantean recomendaciones que se espera sean incluidas en el informe final para contribuir a erradicar en el corto, mediano y largo plazo, las violencias contra estos sujetos, así como también para transformar las condiciones estructurales que facilitan la reproducción del conflicto armado y la
violencia sociopolítica. Por último, se propone una ruta de exigibilidad para la implementación de las recomendaciones.
This review surveys the philosophical underpinnings, conceptual frames, and methodological choices informing the scholarship on truth commission impact to examine whether, how, how much, and why truth commissions influence policy, court decisions, and social norms. It focuses on three areas: ( a) truth commission impact as the product of complex interactions between politicians, civil society activists, and truth commissions; ( b) conceptual and methodological debates and disagreements in studies of impact; and ( c) normative visions guiding expectations and assessments. The findings of empirical scholarship range from partial confirmation of bold and at times vague expectations to damning accounts of commissions’ failure to deliver. In addition to conceptual and methodological choices, scholars’ normative assumptions and expectations also explain divergent accounts of truth commission impact. Three sets of normative frameworks set the expectations in particular: building liberal democratic institutions; transforming socioeconomic, gendered, and racialized hierarchies; and reflecting local values, norms, and power dynamics.
This chapter presents a comprehensive review of the literature on transitional justice, concentrating on its genealogy and how participation has evolved over time. The transitional justice literature has seen three distinct waves, with the most recent increasingly focused on national ownership and reconciliation, merging local peacebuilding, and local transitional justice research agendas. The importance of the participation of diaspora populations in transitional justice features prominently in this regard.
This article offers a critical perspective on emerging and alternative spaces for emancipation within transitional justice studies. Taking into account recent critical literature and postcolonial interventions in transitional justice studies, we argue that barriers to moving our understanding of transitional justice forward are both conceptual and methodological. Conceptual hurdles are visible through narrow justice demands often limited to the context of post-conflict and post-authoritarian settings, thus normalizing injustice in liberal democratic and postcolonial contexts. Methodological impediments exist because transitional justice scholarship operates at a positivist level, or trying to explain certain, and desired, outcomes rather than destabilizing and unsettling unequal power relations. As a result, research practice in the field reflects the perspectives and preferences of elites in transition societies through a legal-technical mechanistic imagining of transitional justice that we refer to as the transitional justice machine. We argue that the needs and voices of marginalized social actors, particularly within states that are largely defined as liberal democratic or postcolonial, have long been ignored due to these practices. Against the backdrop of evolving agency patterns, including widespread global protest and demands to deal with the past across countries, we zoom in on a variety of actors who, until now, have not been at the focus of transitional justice studies. Drawing on a variety of case studies, this article contributes to the critical understanding of transitional justice studies as a Bourdieusian field. First, by expanding the conceptual lens to include racial, socioeconomic , and postcolonial injustice, and, second, by advancing a more critical methodological approach that puts at its center unequal power relationships. © koninklijke brill nv, leiden, 2021 |
Feminist scholarship on gender violence in Latin America has elucidated its ubiquity and deep entrenchment within many societies, from the colonial encounter until the present day. As such, it remains important to enquire into the relationship between sociocultural norms and gender violence: how norms enable and legitimate gender violence, and how these norms can be reconfigured to resist gender violence. This article draws on Judith Butler’s work on normative violence to explore how norms enabled, legitimated and obscured the distinct repertoires of gender violence in Colombian civilian society and left-wing rebel group the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC). Butler’s theorization on how norms can be challenged, both through different gender performances and the revision of criteria of gender intelligibility, is then extended to understanding the emergence of resistance to gender violence in The Common Alternative Revolutionary Force, the political party which the FARC transitioned into in 2017.
This study investigated the characteristics of big data produced by the Technical
University of Kenya (a public university) and Strathmore University (a private
university) in Kenya. The two universities provided contextual insights into the
differences and similarities between the characteristics of big data from the
perspectives of private and public universities in Kenya. The study adopted
convergent parallel mixed methods research design. Quantitative and qualitative data
was collected using questionnaires and key informant interviews. The target
population for the study was 22,050 respondents consisting of clients (students) as
well as ICT staff, directors and managers from both TUK and SU. Informationoriented
purposive sampling was used to select information-rich subjects. This gave
TUK a sample size of 580 and 114 for SU. Quantitative data was analysed using
Statistical Package for Social Sciences (SPSS) while the qualitative data was
analysed using thematic analysis. It was established that both institutions generate
big data which can be described in terms of Volume, Variety and Velocity (3Vs) of big
data. The volume of big data is produced in terms of Gigabytes, Terabytes,
Megabytes and Kilobytes. The velocity of processing this big data was using real
time, periodic, batch and near real-time approaches. The institutions had different
varieties of big data ranging from email-based data, photos, video, audio, social
media data, MS Office data, cell phone data, financial data, web-log data, and gaming
related data. The results of the study can be used by academic institutions to
leverage on the data they produce through analytics to improve their performance.
This study is original in terms of its subject matter, scope and application.
Keywords: big data, big data characteristics, Technical University of Kenya,
Strathmore University, Kenya.
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