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On the meaning of global health and the role of global health journals

Authors:
Int Health 2018; 10:6365
doi:10.1093/inthealth/ihy010 Advance Access publication 8 March 2018
On the meaning of global health and the role of global
health journals
Seye Abimbola*
School of Public Health, University of Sydney, NSW, Australia and The George Institute for Global Health, Sydney, NSW, Australia;
Editor in Chief, BMJ Global Health
*Corresponding author: E-mail: seye.abimbola@sydney.edu.au
Received 16 January 2018; editorial decision 24 January 2018; accepted 24 January 2018
Whenever I hear the term tropical medicineor see it in print,
what often comes to mind is, how delightfully quaint!Quaint
because it is dated, reminiscent of the colonial origins of global
health. And delightful because it brings to mind how unremark-
able it has become to recognize that global solidarity is necessary
for health; that were in this together.Globalhealthdidnotbegin
that way. Indeed, my rst challenge 2 years ago when I was
appointed the inaugural Editor in Chief of BMJ Global Health was
how tricky it was to dene global health. It is an ongoing struggle.
In this editorial I describe where I am on that journey and how a
well-considered meaning of global health could transform global
health practice, research and journals.
To dene the remit of the journal, I had to rst dene global
healthwhat should qualify as a global health paper and what
should be the markers of quality of a global health paper. I
recalled a BMJ blog with a set of caricature denitions of four eras
in the history of global health
1
: global health 1.0 as tropical medi-
cine, beginning as an effort to keep white people and subse-
quently the labour force alive in thecolonialtropics;globalhealth
2.0 as international health, which was about clever people in high-
income countries (HICs) helping people in low- and middle-
income countries (LMICs); global health 3.0, which is (note the
change in tense) about people from HICs leading health pro-
grammes in LMICs; and global health 4.0, which is about people
from LMICs leading health programmes in LMICs.
While these denitions offer truth by way of caricature, they
say little about the why and how of global health, except for global
health 1.0, which began with a clear goal and continues today in
efforts to keep people alive by developing drugs and vaccines to
tackle largely infectious diseases. I wondered, for example,
whether global health 4.0 differs in any way from day-to-day pub-
lic health work done by nationals of LMICs in their own or neigh-
bouring countries, and whether such work only becomes global
healthwhen it is done by a person or with funds from HICs. The
denitions also made me wonder if there was any difference
between international health (global health 2.0) and global health
3.0 or 4.0. What about the health of disadvantaged groups in
HICs? Is addressing high HIV prevalence among Hispanics or
African Americans in the USA global health? Is intervening to
improve the health of indigenous peoples in Australia or Canada
global health?
These are important questions, not only for a journal editor, but
also for all of us who work in global health. We need to be able to
articulateclearlywhatitisthatwedo.However,globalhealthis
often dened by how it differs and departs from international
health, the difference being a focus on health equity and issues
that transcend national boundaries, being multidisciplinary and
embracing the role of non-state global actors such as philanthro-
pies.
2
But there is much in the international healtheratosuggest
that this is a false distinction: international health went beyond
bilateral relations (e.g., in efforts to eradicate smallpox), focused on
health equity (e.g., in the Alma Ata declaration), was multidisciplin-
ary (e.g., academic departments of international health were often
multi-disciplinary) and embraced and involved the role of non-state
philanthropies (e.g., the Rockefeller Foundation).
3
So is this distinction between international health and global
health in name only; differing brands, but the same substance? I
found my answer in a description of global health by Farmer et al.,
as not [an academic] discipline but a collection of problems [that]
turn on the quest for equity.
4
This is, for me, the distinction
between international health and global healthwhile inter-
national health focuses on helping LMICs, global health is about
health equity everywhere, including within HICs, such that a paper
addressing, for example, indigenous health equity in Australia is eli-
gible for consideration in a global health journal. This is my favour-
ite characterization of global health, as it makes no pretences
about global health being dened by global cooperation, national
boundaries and specic categories of actors. Nonetheless, this
description deserves further considerationwhat problems dene
global health and why is global health not (yet) a discipline?
For me, there are two kinds of problems: problems of discovery
and problems of delivery. Problems of discovery are about nding
EDITORIAL
©The Author(s) 2018. Published by Oxford University Press on behalf of Royal Society of Tropical Medicine and Hygiene. All rights reserved.
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technological innovations to improve global health equity, for
example, new vaccines for infectious diseases like HIV and mal-
aria, drugs to control non-communicable diseases or a new app
to connect patients and providers. The disciplines responsible for
nding solutions to these problems either predate or would exist
without global health, so they cannot be what denes global
health. On the other hand, delivery problems are encountered in
efforts to make innovations work in practice. Unlike discovery pro-
blems, which belong in the basic sciences, delivery problems
require the social sciences, rst to understand and then to address
the information and motivation problems that may prevent or
constrain delivery.
5
They highlight the failure of governments,
non-governmental organizations, the private sector, service provi-
ders and communities to put in place or demand equitable health
systems.
Delivery problems dene global health. While the gulf between
discovery and delivery exists in other elds, what makes global
health peculiar is that discoveries and the decisions on whether or
how to deliver them are typically made at a distance, removed
from the realities of their targets or intended beneciaries. They
are removed not only geographically, but also socially, culturally
and economically, even when geographically proximal. Notably,
the distance is not only between HIC and LMIC actors, it is also pre-
sent within HICs and within LMICs, especially across class, social
and ethnic divides. It is present when people with resources to
address delivery problems do not have the information or motiv-
ation to either make the discoveries available or tailor them to local
circumstances. It is present when feedback takes longer or does not
work at all; i.e., feedback between actors at the global and national
level,thenationalandsubnationallevel,orthesubnationallevel
and the community, or between any of the parties to these combi-
nations. It is present when there are asymmetries of power, motiv-
ation and information between the helper and the helped.
5,6
So, what do these mean for global health practice and research,
and for the journals that report them and seek to facilitate conver-
sations to improve them? First is the need to recognize an informa-
tion paradox at the heart of the delivery problem. On the one
hand, the only thing the helper in global health has more of than
the helped is power and resources. The helped have far more infor-
mation on how to get global health delivery right, on how to inter-
vene in their lives. But on the other side of the paradox, the helped
in global health (as individuals, households and communities)
often do not have the information to help themselves adopt
appropriate health practices, to help them hold their governments
and service providers to account. We helpers must acknowledge
and embrace our ignorance in our work and also reect in our jour-
nal articles how we used information from the ground to inform
our work and how we in turn channelled new information back to
the people to help them hold their governments and service provi-
ders to account.
Beyond the methodological markers of quality, which are spe-
cic to each of the disciplines that feed into global health, journals
should require that the papers they publish are informed by,
framed by and reect on delivery problems. Editors of global health
journals should demand of authors that the so what?of their
papers be articulated in terms of delivery problems, providing a
potential unifying framework for global health papers, thus helping
to full the promise (hitherto unfullled in global health) of journals
serving as a forum for the different disciplines to speak to one
another. If we think of an academic discipline as a eld in which
people share the same assumptions and engage in debates on
how to build on those assumptions
7
and the purpose of a journal
as a forum for such disciplinary conversation and debate, then an
important responsibility of global health journals is to foster, facili-
tate and forge a common language to link these disciplines that
will, potentially, allow global health to become a discipline rather
than only a collection of disciplines.
8,9
In the last two decades, health policy and systems research
(HPSR) has emerged as the multidisciplinary eld that addresses
delivery problems in global health, but the eld has so far not
moved towards becoming a discipline.
10
To create a discipline of
global health, journals should explicitly acknowledge this crucial
intersection between global health and HPSR. Beyond nding a
way for disciplines to speak to one another, global health journals
have a responsibility to make jurisdictions speak to one another.
This requires communication at a level of abstraction higher than
jurisdictional details and framing delivery problems at the level of
social phenomena. And therein lies a tension. Ensuring that
insights travel between jurisdictions requires abstraction, but to be
meaningful, published global health work requires a high level of
contextual detail. Balancing both demands is a challenge that edi-
tors of global health journals need to recognize and address, espe-
cially given the tendency of journals to require that authors limit
thelengthoftheirworkbasedonarbitrarywordlimits.
One way to encourage abstraction is to insist that research
papers identify the social phenomenon under inquiry and abstract
their research questions and/or their ndings in terms of social the-
ories that have been used to study or explain similar phenomena
across disciplines. This may encourage deeper thinking and multi-
disciplinary analysis and reection, and potentially advance the
eldofglobalhealthasanacademicdiscipline.Inaddition,global
health journals should work together to develop guidelines for
structured reporting of context, even if in a regular appendix to glo-
bal health research papers. It is also important that global health
journals create a space and raise the prole of practicepapers
dedicated to reports on implementation that may not achieve the
abstraction, theoretical sophistication and analytical rigour of a
research paper, but which may provide rich contextual detail and
transferable insight based on experience and descriptive data.
In conclusion, it appears to me that we have been looking in
the wrong places to denewhatisthecoreofourwork.Ifwetake
the meaning of our eld seriously, and go where that meaning
leads, we will probably do things differently, as practitioners,
researchers and journal editors. If people who are the targets and
intended beneciariesofglobalhealthworkweretodene global
health and determine how it is studied, practised and reported, I
suspect it will not be about the global commissions, discussions
and debates of the day in Geneva, New York and London and on
Twitter, and the jostling of the privileged global elite for power and
position, but rather about the information and motivation pro-
blems that limit and constrain delivery, beginning at the local level.
I hope that we can begin to truly decolonize global health by being
awareofwhatwedonotknow,thatpeopleunderstandtheirown
lives better than we could ever do, that they and only they can
truly improve their own circumstances and that those of us who
work in global health are only, at best, enablers.
S. Abimbola
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Authorscontributions: SA undertook all duties of authorship and is
guarantor of the paper.
Acknowledgements: The author is grateful for comments and discus-
sions at the meetings and conferences where different stages and parts
of the reections in this editorial were presented.
Funding: None.
Competing interests: None declared.
Ethics approval: Not required.
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International Health
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... It is a narrative that sees global health as a field in which people from previously colonising countries establish and lead health programmes in previously colonised countries. In this narrative, the next, if aspirational, stage is one in which people in previously colonised countries establish and lead health programmes in their own countries (Abimbola, 2018). What I have always found unsettling about this narrative is the assumption that what is so quotidian -people establishing and leading health programmes in their own countriescould be deemed aspirational; as if it was not already true. ...
... This phenomenon can also corrupt the local expert's own sense of reality. In the process of massaging, simplifying and altering reality, the local expert also risks losing their own sense of reality; the sense of complexity and of multidimensional reality that is often necessary to solve problems in global health (Abimbola, 2018). An additional corrupting influence of a preoccupation with the foreign gaze is that it can distract local experts from engaging in the often consequential and often non-academic conversations in their own setting, some of which are not in English. ...
... As a result, we do not optimise potential learning that may otherwise occur across settings and/or interventions. We fail to draw insights from seemingly different interventions which, on closer examination, belong in the same "core elements" family (Abimbola, 2018). Which does incalculable harm to our ability to solve the problems that trouble us in global health and development. ...
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The field of research known as academic global health is in the midst of a scientific debate that is questioning its epistemological foundations. This book contributes to that questioning. Through a series of essays that weave together personal narratives and conceptual reflections, it shows how as researchers in academic global health, we defer to a distant, powerful, foreign gaze, whose power shapes our pose and what we can see or say. Many of our accepted knowledge practices – how we make, use, share and value knowledge – are steeped in structural prejudice and heavily peppered by epistemic injustice. To transform academic global health, we need a critical mass of people who can articulate why many of our accepted knowledge practices are unfair, people who know where to aim their efforts to entrench just practices, people who can get others to join in those efforts. This book was written to help build that critical mass.
... As Schrecker notes (Chapter 9, this volume), "'global health' problems are not just those of people far away." Indeed, in following the historical emergence of global health, Abimbola (2018) states that "while international health focuses on helping low-and middle-income countries (LMICs), global health is about health equity everywhere, including within HICs." The same is true for sustainable development and the 2030 Agenda (United Nations, 2015). ...
... I hope that we can begin to truly decolonize global health by being aware of what we do not know, that people understand their own lives better than we could ever do, that they and only they can truly improve their own circumstances and that those of us who work in global health are only, at best, enablers. (Abimbola, 2018) ...
... These ethical considerations are especially critical in LMICs, where the health sciences have a notorious history of extractive research. [11][12][13] In host countries that neighbor refugees' country of origin, there may be increased scrutiny of refugees because of ongoing conflict, sociopolitical tensions, and xenophobia; 10 infectious disease research must be aware of its potential to widen such divides. In this systematic review, we aim to assess the current state of research done to prevent, treat, and manage infectious diseases within refugee camps and informal settlements in the ten LMICs that host refugees and other types of forcibly displaced people. ...
... 20,24,39,45,46,49,58,59 There were several reasons that studies considered their interventions unfeasible, but primarily included unavailability of resources and cost (Figure 3). 11 re ee . CC-BY 4.0 International license It is made available under a is the author/funder, who has granted medRxiv a license to display the preprint in perpetuity. ...
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... Global health decisions are often made remotely, without consideration for the people they affect. 1 Ideally, the conduct of global health research should straddle the twin ideals of research integrity and research fairness 2 and should follow practices that guarantee the validity and trustworthiness of science. 3 It should also aim to transcend the 'distance' between research teams and researched populations that currently characterises the study of global health problems. ...
... A systematic review found that 28% of studies mentioned some kind of 'discriminatory power imbalance' between Global North and South research team members. 1 Studies have shown that LMIC research agendas are led by donors in HICs, 20 with research funding disproportionately allocated to HIC institutes. 21 To our knowledge, there are no systematic analyses of global health research funding flows, but donor reports and tracking tools reveal that approximately 70% of funding is channelled through Global North institution. ...
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... G lobal health (GH) is a diverse field of study that promotes interdisciplinary collaborations focused on population-based prevention and individual-level clinical care across borders. 1,2 The field extends beyond medicine to include economics, history, engineering, public policy, and biomedical and environmental sciences. 2 GH in gastroenterology and hepatology (GI) applies GH concepts to clinical and research aspects of digestive health and diseases, which account for 18.2% of incidence, 38.4% of prevalence, and 14.2% of deaths globally. ...
... It emerged from the intertwined fields of tropical medicine and colonial health, which have been described as "designed to control colonized populations and make political and economic exploitation by European and North American powers easier" (Hirsch, 2021, p. 189). Physicians from the global north engaging in health-care initiatives in previously colonized countries face the risk of inadvertently perpetuating this inequity (Abimbola, 2018), or at least being perceived as doing so. However, recent articles have highlighted the opportunities to develop pathways for improving clinical care and research initiatives, thus achieving equity and fostering true decolonization of health care (Wispelwey et al., 2023). ...
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Geographical location of residence and socioeconomic status are two primary factors determining one’s access to health care, which often derail the common goal of affording equal accessibility of health-care resources to all individuals. The authors, comprising three physicians from Tanzania and two from the United Kingdom (UK), share a common commitment to understanding and addressing the consequences of colonization on health-care provision. Drawing on extensive experience in both clinical and academic capacities in East Africa, we define decolonization from the perspective of building sustainable and independent clinical and academic services in Tanzania, supported by experienced UK clinicians. In this opinion piece, we describe and discuss workforce and political issues that have shaped the historical and present influences of the UK in Tanzanian health care. In addition, we highlight certain successful initiatives that are already improving outcomes in Africa and offer further examples of practices that might improve clinical and academic outcomes for marginalized populations in the future.
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Could we overcome the challenges of embedding interdisciplinarity in the academic mainstream if relevant expertise were defined and recognised as a new discipline? Such expertise includes the ability to combine knowledge from different disciplines, as well as to assess which disciplines and stakeholders have relevant perspectives, figure out how elements of problems are interconnected, decide how to deal with critical unknowns, and use research to support evidence-based change. A new discipline of integration and implementation sciences (I2S) would codify such knowledge and skills, especially for dealing with complex societal and environmental problems. It would operate in an analogous way to the discipline of statistics, as a: (1) collaborative hub within teams, (2) focus for dedicated methods journals and (3) lobby group for effective application. Key initial tasks are to develop a repository of currently hard-to-access methods, and an identifiable academic community; both guided by a unifying and motivating vision of where disciplining interdisciplinarity will lead.
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What's wrong with development aid? It is argued that much of aid's failure is related to the institutions that structure its delivery. These institutions govern the complex relationships between the main actors in the aid delivery system, and often generate a series of perverse incentives that promote inefficient and unsustainable outcomes. The theoretical insights of the new institutional economics are applied to several settings. First, the institutions of Sida, the Swedish aid agency, is investigated to analyze how that aid agency's institutions can produce incentives inimical to desired outcomes, contrary to the desires of its own staff. Second, cases from India, a country with low aid dependence, and Zambia, a country with high aid dependence, are used to explore how institutions on the ground in recipient countries might also mediate the effectiveness of aid. Suggestions are offered on how to improve aid's effectiveness. These include how to structure evaluations in order to improve outcomes, how to employ agency staff to gain from their on-the-ground experience, and how to engage stakeholders as 'owners' in the design, resource mobilization, learning, and evaluation process of development assistance programs. © C. Gibson, K. Andersson, E. Ostrom, and S. Shivakumar, 2005. All rights reserved.
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Moving from global heath 3.0 to global health 4.0
  • Smith
Smith R. Moving from global heath 3.0 to global health 4.0. BMJ Opin 8 Oct 2013. Available from: http://blogs.bmj.com/bmj/2013/10/08/ richard-smith-moving-from-global-heath-3-0-to-global-health-4-0/
Five minutes with Trish Greenhalgh: 'We need to be clear that research impact isn't a single dimension'. LSE Impact Blog
  • T Greenhalgh
Greenhalgh T. Five minutes with Trish Greenhalgh: 'We need to be clear that research impact isn't a single dimension'. LSE Impact Blog. Available from: http://blogs.lse.ac.uk/impactofsocialsciences/2014/09/ 02/five-minutes-with-trish-greenhalgh/.
Five minutes with Trish Greenhalgh: ‘We need to be clear that research impact isn’t a single dimension’
  • Greenhalgh
False distinctions between international health and global health. Global Health Now 2
  • D Peters
Peters D. False distinctions between international health and global health. Global Health Now 2 Nov 2017. Available from: https://www. globalhealthnow.org/2017-11/false-distinctions-between-internationalhealth-and-global-health