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Abstract

We greatly appreciate the care and thought that is evident in the ten commentaries that discuss our debate paper, the majority of which argued in favor of a formalized ICD-11 gaming disorder. We agree that there are some people whose play of video games isrelated to life problems. We believe that understanding this population and the nature and severity of the problems they experience should be a focus area for future research. However, moving from research construct to formal disorder requires a much stronger evidence base than we currently have. The burden of evidence andthe clinical utility should be extremely high because there is a genuine risk of abuse of diagnoses. We provide suggestions about the level of evidence that might be required: transparent and preregistered studies, a better demarcation of the subject areathat includes a rationale for focusing on gaming in particular versus a more general behavioral addictions concept, the exploration of non-addiction approaches, and the unbiased exploration of clinical approaches that treat potentially underlying issues such as depressive mood or social anxiety first. We acknowledge there could be benefits to formalizing gaming disorder, many of which were highlighted by colleagues in their commentaries, but we think they do not yet outweigh the wider societal and public health risks involved. Given the gravity of diagnostic classification and its wider societal impact, we urge our colleagues at the WHO to err on the side of caution for now and postpone the formalization.
A weak scientic basis for gaming disorder: Let us err on the side of caution
ANTONIUS J. VAN ROOIJ
1
*, CHRISTOPHER J. FERGUSON
2
*, MICHELLE COLDER CARRAS
3
*,
DANIEL KARDEFELT-WINTHER
4
*, JING SHI
5,6
*, ESPEN AARSETH
7
, ANTHONY M. BEAN
8
,
KARIN HELMERSSON BERGMARK
9
, ANNE BRUS
10
, MARK COULSON
11
, JORY DELEUZE
12
, PRAVIN DULLUR
13
,
ELZA DUNKELS
14
, JOHAN EDMAN
15
, MALTE ELSON
16
, PETER J. ETCHELLS
17
, ANNE FISKAALI
18
, ISABELA GRANIC
19
,
JEROEN JANSZ
20
, FALTIN KARLSEN
21
, LINDA K. KAYE
22
, BONNIE KIRSH
5,23,24
, ANDREAS LIEBEROTH
25
, PATRICK MARKEY
26
,
KATHRYN L. MILLS
27
, RUNE KRISTIAN LUNDEDAL NIELSEN
7
,AMYORBEN
28
, ARNE POULSEN
10
,
NICOLE PRAUSE
29
, PATRICK PRAX
30
, THORSTEN QUANDT
31
, ADRIANO SCHIMMENTI
32
, VLADAN STARCEVIC
33
,
GABRIELLE STUTMAN
34
, NIGEL E. TURNER
6
, JAN VAN LOOY
35
and ANDREW K. PRZYBYLSKI
28,36
*
1
Department of Children & Risky Behavior, Trimbos Institute, Utrecht, The Netherlands
2
Department of Psychology, Stetson University, DeLand, FL, USA
3
Department of Mental Health, Johns Hopkins Bloomberg School of Public Health, Baltimore, MD, USA
4
Department of Clinical Neuroscience, Karolinska Institutet, Stockholm, Sweden
5
Rehabilitation Sciences Institute, University of Toronto, Toronto, Canada
6
Institute for Mental Health Policy Research, Centre for Addiction and Mental Health, Toronto, Canada
7
Center for Computer Games Research, IT University of Copenhagen, Copenhagen, Denmark
8
Department of Psychology, Framingham State University, Framingham, MA, USA
9
Department of Sociology, Stockholm University, Stockholm, Sweden
10
Department of People and Technology, Roskilde University, Roskilde, Denmark
11
Department of Psychology, Middlesex University, London, UK
12
Department of Psychology, Université Catholique de Louvain (UCL), Louvain, Belgium
13
School of medicine, Western Sydney University, Penrith, NSW, Australia
14
Department of Applied Educational Science, Umeå University, Umeå, Sweden
15
Department of Criminology, Stockholm University, Stockholm, Sweden
16
Psychology of Human Technology Interaction Group, Ruhr University Bochum, Bochum, Germany
17
Department of Psychology, Bath Spa University, Bath, UK
18
Department of Psychology and Behavioural Sciences, Aarhus University, Aarhus, Denmark
19
Developmental Psychopathology, Radboud University Nijmegen, Nijmegen, The Netherlands
20
Department of Media and Communication, ERMeCC, Erasmus University Rotterdam, Rotterdam, The Netherlands
21
Westerdals Department of Film and Media, Kristiania University College, Oslo, Norway
22
Department of Psychology, Edge Hill University, Ormskirk, UK
23
Department of Occupational Science and Occupational Therapy, University of Toronto, Toronto, Canada
24
Department of Psychiatry, University of Toronto, Toronto, Canada
25
Department of Educational Psychology, Danish School of Education, Aarhus University, Aarhus, Denmark
26
Department of Psychology, Villanova University, Villanova, PA, USA
27
Department of Psychology, University of Oregon, Eugene, OR, USA
28
Department of Experimental Psychology, University of Oxford, Oxford, UK
29
Liberos LLC, Los Angeles, CA, USA
30
Department of Game Design, Uppsala University, Visby, Sweden
31
Department of Communication, University of Münster, Münster, Germany
32
Department of Human and Social Sciences, UKE Kore University of Enna, Enna, Italy
33
Discipline of Psychiatry, University of Sydney, Sydney, Australia
34
Clinical Psychologist/Neuropsychologist, New York, NY, USA
35
Department of Communication Sciences, imec-mict-Ghent University, Ghent, Belgium
36
Oxford Internet Institute, University of Oxford, Oxford, UK
(Received: January 18, 2018; accepted: February 12, 2018)
* Corresponding authors: Antonius J. van Rooij, PhD; Department of Children & Risky Behavior, Trimbos Institute, Da Costakade 45, 3521
VS, Utrecht, The Netherlands; Phone: +31 30 29 59 343; Fax: +31 30 297 11 11; E-mail: trooij@trimbos.nl; Christopher J. Ferguson, PhD;
Department of Psychology, Stetson University, 421 N. Woodland Blvd., DeLand, FL, USA; Phone: +1 386 822 7288; Email: cjfergus@stetson.
edu; Michelle Colder Carras, PhD; Department of Mental Health, Johns Hopkins Bloomberg School of Public Health, 624 N. Broadway,
Baltimore, MD 21205, USA; Phone: +1 410 955 3910; Email: mcarras@jhu.edu; Daniel KardefeltWinther, PhD; Department of Clinical
Neuroscience, Karolinska Institutet, Tomtebodavägen 18A, Stockholm 17176, Sweden; Phone: +44 79 46567850; Email: daniel.kardefelt.
winther@ki.se; Jing Shi,MSc (OT), OT Reg. (Ont.); Rehabilitation Sciences Institute, University of Toronto, 937500 University Ave., Toronto,
ON, Canada; Phone: +1 416 946 8579; Email: j.shi@mail.utoronto.ca; Andrew K. Przybylski, PhD; Oxford Internet Institute, University of
Oxford, 1 St Giles Oxford, Oxford OX1 3JS, UK; Phone: +44 1865 287230; Fax: +44 1865 270708; Email: andy.przybylski@oii.ox.ac.uk
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© 2018 The Author(s)
DEBATE Journal of Behavioral Addictions
DOI: 10.1556/2006.7.2018.19
We greatly appreciate the care and thought that is evident in the 10 commentaries that discuss our debate paper, the
majority of which argued in favor of a formalized ICD-11 gaming disorder. We agree that there are some people
whose play of video games is related to life problems. We believe that understanding this population and the nature
and severity of the problems they experience should be a focus area for future research. However, moving from
research construct to formal disorder requires a much stronger evidence base than we currently have. The burden of
evidence and the clinical utility should be extremely high, because there is a genuine risk of abuse of diagnoses. We
provide suggestions about the level of evidence that might be required: transparent and preregistered studies, a better
demarcation of the subject area that includes a rationale for focusing on gaming particularly versus a more general
behavioral addictions concept, the exploration of non-addiction approaches, and the unbiased exploration of clinical
approaches that treat potentially underlying issues, such as depressive mood or social anxiety rst. We acknowledge
there could be benets to formalizing gaming disorder, many of which were highlighted by colleagues in their
commentaries, but we think they do not yet outweigh the wider societal and public health risks involved. Given the
gravity of diagnostic classication and its wider societal impact, we urge our colleagues at the WHO to err on the side
of caution for now and postpone the formalization.
Keywords: gaming disorder, International Classication of Diseases-11, World Health Organization, diagnosis,
classication, mental disorders, moral panic
This reply reects the personal opinion of the authors
involved. The content of this paper does not necessarily
reect the ofcial opinion of their respective institutions.
INTRODUCTION
In our debate paper, we argued that formalization of a gaming
disorder in International Classication of Diseases-11
(ICD-11) has potentially problematic medical, scientic,
public health, societal, and rights-based repercussions that
should be considered (Aarseth et al., 2017). The difculty of
identifying the divide between normalbehavior and actual
illness has long been a problem in psychiatry and psychiatric
epidemiology, leading to false-positive diagnoses with
signicant economic and societal consequences (Frances,
2013;Wakeeld, 2015). Thus, caution is warranted. Keeping
this in mind, we maintain that the proposed new disorder
lacks the necessary scientic support and sufcient clinical
utility to justify making the jump from research construct to
recognized diagnostic category. Given that ICD-11 has no
category that would allow it to propose a tentative diagnosis
for further study (Van den Brink, 2017), it seems premature to
advance to full classication.
We acknowledge there could be benets to formalizing
gaming disorder, many of which were highlighted by
colleagues in their commentaries, but we think they do not
yet outweigh the wider societal and public health risks
involved. Ultimately, given the gravity of diagnostic classi-
cation and its wider societal impact (Frances, 2013) and the
low quality of the existing evidence base, we urge our
colleagues at the World Health Organization (WHO) to err
on the side of caution for now and postpone the formalization.
COMMENTARIES AND DEBATE PAPER
We greatly appreciate the care and thought that is evident in
the commentaries that discuss our debate paper (Billieux,
King, et al., 2017;Grifths, Kuss, Lopez-Fernandez, &
Pontes, 2017;Higuchi et al., 2017;James & Tunney, 2017;
Király & Demetrovics, 2017;Lee, Choo, & Lee, 2017;
Müller & Wöling, 2017;Saunders et al., 2017;Shadloo
et al., 2017;Van den Brink, 2017). The authors of this
response paper agree that there are some people whose play
of video games is related to life problems. We believe that
understanding this population and the nature and severity of
the problems they experience should be one focus area for
future research. But even if patients are simultaneously (A)
intensively playing video games and (B) functionally im-
paired to a clinically signicant level, the question remains
whether A causes B and whether there is benetfrom
formalizing a disorder based on this assumption.
The authors of the current response are not opposed to the
creation of new research constructs that cover both exces-
sive forms of behavior and functional impairment (Billieux,
Blaszczynski, et al., 2017;Billieux, Van Rooij, et al., 2017;
Kardefelt-Winther et al., 2017). However, moving from
research construct to formal disorder requires a much
stronger evidence base than we currently have. As has been
extensively debated in the context of psychiatric classica-
tion systems, both the scientic object of study and the
practical utility of the disorder should be clearly and
unambiguously established before formalizing new disor-
ders in disease classication systems (Frances, 2013;
Pingani et al., 2014;Wakeeld, 2015). The burden of
evidence and the clinical utility should be extremely high,
because there is a risk of abuse of diagnoses both within and
beyond the clinical context, as we argued in our original
paper (Aarseth et al., 2017). From our perspective, this
utility has not been sufciently demonstrated at this point
and the scientic evidence base is not yet sufciently clear
to address fundamental ambiguities that are still in play.
To illustrate the latter point about a lack of clarity in the
evidence base, we point to the fact that authors are still found
to be discussing the inherent properties of the proposed
disorder within the 10 commentaries. Much confusion
remains even among authors supporting the diagnosis
regarding what, exactly, the gaming disorder is. Would a
gaming disorder relate only to gambling oriented games or
Journal of Behavioral Addictions
van Rooij et al.
to video games more generally (James & Tunney, 2017)? Is
the problem behavior caused by other underlying mental
disorders (Billieux, King, et al., 2017), or is it a consequence
of alluring game mechanics (James & Tunney, 2017)? Are
we diagnosing people who play online games or ofine
games, or both (Király & Demetrovics, 2017)? And is
gaming disorder just a subcategory of a broader Internet
addiction disorder or perhaps just one of many behavioral
addictions (Higuchi et al., 2017)? What, exactly, are the
symptoms of gaming disorder? Or are we to presume that
clinicians will know it when they see it? As of this writing,
the WHO appears to have proposed four separate categories
for gaming disorders, all of which appear to differ from the
fth edition of the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of
Mental Disorders (DSM-5)s Internet gaming disorder
(IGD) (WHO, 2017a,2017b,2017c,2017d). This suggests
us considerable confusion in the eld regarding what gam-
ing disorder is. In our view, too many critical questions
remain unanswered to support formalizing the disorder.
With regard to the clinical utility, it remains unclear
what the clinical advantages are of a gaming disorder
label. Clinicians need to be aware of intensive leisure time
behaviors such as gaming and their (positive or negative)
interplay with disorders (Müller, Beutel, & Wöling, 2014;
Van Rooij, Schoenmakers, & van de Mheen, 2017), but the
question is whether a new diagnostic category will lead to
improved treatment for patients. Arguments are made that it
is nancially practical to have a diagnosis, which may very
well be true, but if this is all that is required to formalize a
disorder, then we could make the same argument about
almost every societal issue. The associated risks of stigma-
tization and diagnostic ination should be considered as
well.
Some of the commentaries addressed the issue of
whether gaming disorder is truly a unique stand-alone
disorder or merely symptomatic of other primary causes.
Many existing diagnoses occur together and, in fact, this
has sparked extensive debate about the generally over-
lapping nature of mental health diagnoses (Fried et al.,
2017). However, the issue is not whether gaming disorder
overlaps with other diagnoses, but whether it reects a
patients response to those disorders. Specically, is what
we call gaming disordermerely a coping strategy for
those with depression, attention-decit/hyperactivity dis-
order, or other disorders?
If gaming is a coping behavior in some cases (Kardefelt-
Winther, 2016), it would make more sense to explore the
underlying causes for this behavior rst and be sensitive to
the extent to which treating these rst-order challenges
might resolve gaming problems. This is a concrete research
question that could be operationalized by clinicians who are
actively working in this eld. If existing approaches are
clinically sufcient, we must ask ourselves: Do we need a
new gaming-specic disorder category? This should be
properly established before a disorder is formalized. Re-
cently, some high-quality, preregistered studies have iso-
lated gaming disorder symptoms and failed to nd that they,
in and of themselves, directly link to health over time
(e.g., Przybylski, Weinstein, & Murayama, 2017), which
further questions the value and accuracy of formalizing
gaming disorder as a stand-alone disorder.
Multiple clinicians and researchers also argue, through
the commentaries, that the proposed disorder will be useful
to stimulate research and treatment (e.g., Higuchi et al.,
2017). While ambiguities are indeed conrmed and pro-
blems with evidence are acknowledged (Shadloo et al.,
2017), it is argued by multiple authors that the disorder
will be the start of a process that results in a better
disorder classication. It may indeed be possible that the
formalization of a disorder will generate the momentum
needed to study patients instead of healthy high-school/
college students or non-representative online samples
recruited from Internet gaming forums, as is currently the
case in much of the literature (Van den Brink, 2017).
However, similar expectations were voiced when the
DSM-5 included IGD as a proposed category for further
study (Petry & OBrien, 2013), but we have not seen any
improvements with respect to more patient-centric research
or a stronger evidence base. As some have argued, includ-
ing Internet gaming disorder in the DSM-5 might have
been more harmful than helpful (Billieux, Schimmenti,
Khazaal, Maurage, & Heeren, 2015). It seems to have
locked the research eldintoaconrmatory approach
aiming to prove the existence, utility, and psychometric
properties of the IGD criteria in various populations, rather
than dealing with some of the more fundamental questions
about the nature of problematic gaming raised in the
commentaries, as well as this response paper. Findings
from conrmatory studies are irrelevant if we have not
established the scientic object of study and have some
condence in the accuracy and utility of the criteria that
cover essential components. Such exploratory work was
unfortunately marginalized in the wake of the DSM-5s
IGD proposal and this may continue if gaming disorder is
included in ICD-11.
With respect to the claim that a formal diagnosis is
necessary because it justies treatment administered to those
gamers who seek it: this line of reasoning assumes that there
has to be a diagnosis for every therapeutic modality, which
is clearly not the case. For example, people who consult
family therapists do not do so because they suffer from a
family disorder,but because they need professional help
to deal with a perceived problem. Individuals who seek
professional help for their gaming could receive such help
without their gaming habits being converted into a psychi-
atric diagnosis. If there is a sufcient number of such
individuals, clinics and specialized services would be estab-
lished and would grow. This is analogous to services for
other mental health problems, which are not tied to a
particular diagnosis, such as services for sexual assault
victims or bereavement.
Furthermore, formalizing a disorder with the intention to
improve research quality neglects the wider non-clinical
societal context. Formalization serves the immediate goals
of some of the stakeholders, but not all. For example,
clinicians obtain diagnostic clarity and opportunities for
insurance coverage for their patients and researchers obtain
opportunities to secure research funding. Unfortunately, the
possibly negative societal consequences fall to the general
population of individuals who play video games. Hundreds of
millions of people spend billions of hours each week playing
games (Brown, 2017;Lanxon, 2017;McGonigal, 2011).
Journal of Behavioral Addictions
Weak basis for gaming disorder
A move to pathologize gaming could have important rami-
cations for the potentially stigmatized or misdiagnosed
healthy highly engagedgamers, a group that has
been identied (in representative samples that postulated
its existence) as comprising between 1.1% and 10.9% of the
gaming population (Colder Carras, Van Rooij, et al., 2017;
Colder Carras & Kardefelt-Winther, 2018;Van Rooij,
Schoenmakers, Vermulst, Van den Eijnden, & van de
Mheen, 2011;Wittek et al., 2016). This is a group that
may strongly resemble problematic cases in the current
diagnostic approaches, such as the WHO and DSM-5 frame-
works, but that does not seem to experience signicant life
impairment as a consequence of their gaming (Deleuze
et al., 2017;Snodgrass et al., 2014,2018). While some
commentaries argued that a diagnosis would only apply to
clinical cases and not be applicable to regular healthy
gamers (Müller & Wöling, 2017;Shadloo et al., 2017),
we nd this view to be rather optimistic and not in tune with
todays media climate. The continuous ow of awed and
exaggerated media reporting around the assumed harms of
gaming should serve as a reminder that whatever we may
propose in a clinical setting tends to reach far beyond the
setting for which it was originally meant (e.g., Kardaras,
2016). The inuence of a gaming disorder diagnosis on
wider society and its impact on parents and children every-
where is not something we can afford to ignore in our work.
FURTHER ARGUMENTS IN FAVOR
OF CAUTION
We will now provide some further arguments as to why it is
necessary to err on the side of caution and limit the
conceptualization of gaming disorder”–or preferably
wider behavioral addiction disorders to the research
context. We remain opposed to enshrining gaming disorder
in diagnostic classication manuals that are widely used and
consulted in policy settings, school systems, and healthcare.
They are used by individuals who might not be knowledge-
able about the nuances of media use, moral panic, and
normative game-related behavior (including parents of
children).
Robust scientic standards are not (yet) employed
In recent years, major concerns have been raised about the
empirical foundations of psychological science in general
(Schimmack, 2012) and the study of technology in particu-
lar (Elson & Przybylski, 2017), in addition to concerns
about psychiatric epidemiology discussed above. We rmly
believe the reproducibility crisis (Cybulski, Mayo-Wilson,
& Grant, 2016) in the clinical (Nosek, Spies, & Motyl,
2012) and psychological (Open Science Collaboration,
2015) sciences have direct implications for the study of
and debates surrounding gaming disorder. Standards exist
for reporting and evaluating evidence for both clinical and
observational studies (McLeroy, Garney, Mayo-Wilson, &
Grant, 2016), and the use of these standards is rare in
gaming disorder literature (as elsewhere). For example,
even the most detailed and comprehensive recent review
of IGD (Mihara & Higuchi, 2017) does not include a
discussion or formal assessment of bias or limitations of
the reviewed studies or the systematic review itself, which is
not consistent with guidelines for systematic reviews of
epidemiological literature (Stroup et al., 2000). In contrast to
our stance, these important meta-scientic concerns were
not apparent in the commentaries, many of which referenced
the exact studies whose low-quality evidence motivated us
to write the original debate paper. In our view, those studies
suffer from a lack of scientic transparency and/or poor
methodological choices that undermine our condence in
the ndings. Much of the literature that seems to reect a
conrmation bias toward proving gaming disorder exists
rather than treating the concept with appropriate scientic
skepticism and curiosity. The inconsistencies in the litera-
ture have been commented elsewhere (e.g., Grifths et al.,
2016;Mihara & Higuchi, 2017;Quandt, 2017). To reiterate
three key points:
First, basic reporting standards need to be improved,
because the provision of data under analysis is not always
clear. For example, several commentaries referred to sepa-
rate publications that arose from a single data set of school-
children in Singapore (Gentile et al., 2011). Subsamples
from this single data set have been used in upward of 19
publications, without proper cross-attribution (Przybylski &
Wang, 2016). This practice, colloquially known as salami
slicing(Chambers, 2017), presents a challenge from a
publication ethics perspective (Šupak Smolčc, 2013),
inates the number of independent investigations one might
conclude have been done on a topic, and thwarts efforts to
systematically review outcomes from what is ultimately a
single study (Mayo-Wilson et al., 2017). In some cases, it
appears that identical constructs from the Singapore data
set are conceptualized and assessed differently across
publications (Ferguson, 2015).
Second, data transparency is generally low (Elson &
Przybylski, 2017;Wicherts, Borsboom, Kats, & Molenaar,
2006). As far as we are aware, only three of the dozens of
publications in the gaming disorder literature openly share
their data and materials (Przybylski, 2016;Przybylski et al.,
2017;Weinstein, Przybylski, & Murayama, 2017). The fact
that so few data sets are publicly available is problematic,
because it raises the concern that errors in these data sets will
go undetected (King, Haagsma, Delfabbro, Gradisar, &
Grifths, 2013). The inaccessibility of raw data prevents
researchers and reviewers from being able to directly inter-
rogate work and precludes the scientic community at large
from building upon the investments, researchers and tax-
payers have already made to study gaming disorder (Morey
et al., 2016). Third, although most of the studies in the
literature are presented as providing conrmatory tests of
research questions, we cannot rule out the possibility that
these are in fact post hoc analyses and interpretations,
because the sampling and analysis plans were not registered
prior to data collection (Wagenmakers, Wetzels, Borsboom,
van der Maas, & Kievit, 2012). This practice, known as
Hypothesizing After the Results are Known, is thought to
be widespread in psychology (Gelman & Loken, 2013) and
increases the likelihood of false-positive ndings (i.e., type
1 error). Until researchers responsibly distinguish between
exploratory (i.e., theory-building) and preregistered conr-
matory (i.e., theory-testing) analysis, much of the present
Journal of Behavioral Addictions
van Rooij et al.
research ndings must be understood as tentative and thus
inappropriate for creating diagnoses that will inuence lives,
health systems, and policies (Chambers, 2017;Munafò
et al., 2017). Furthermore, researchers carefully need to
select appropriate data sources for preregistered conrmato-
ry analysis, including both the choice of cross-sectional or
longitudinal data collection and the choice of population. We
cannot rely on ndings from cross-sectional research con-
ducted with largely healthy populations which arguably
constitutes most research on this topic when undertaking
such a critical activity as formalizing a new disorder (Van
Rooij & Kardefelt-Winther, 2017).
As mentioned previously, the onus to demonstrate that
the evidence base is of sufciently high quality to underpin a
formal diagnosis is on those who advocate for formal
classication. Given the problems listed in this section, we
maintain that the quality of the existing evidence base is
low. We ask those who wish to formalize gaming disorder in
ICD-11 to demonstrate otherwise, as a high-quality evi-
dence base needs to precede a formal disorder classication.
The argument for singling out video games is not convincing
A behavioral addiction denition focused purely on video
games is on its face arbitrary. A convincing rationale for
focusing on gaming, rather than the myriad of other activi-
ties one might overdo, is lacking. We acknowledge that
some individuals may overdo gaming, just as they may
overdo social media, work, or sex, or tan to excess or,
indeed, dance. A brief subject search on PsychINFO using
the terms video game addictionor videogame addiction
or gaming addictionand similar terms for other behavioral
issues, such as food (e.g., food addictionor eating
addiction), exercise, work (work addictionor occupa-
tional addiction), plastic surgery, etc., reveal that other
behaviors have also received considerable scientic atten-
tion. The results are presented in Table 1.
Yet, only gaming disorder has been proposed for ICD-11
inclusion, with no formal or transparent review of the
evidence quality for any of the various addictions. We
suggest that a general behavioral addiction category might
be more initially defensible, both theoretically and in terms
of clinical utility, than a myriad of specic behavioral
addictions. Of course, such a broader disorder suffers from
the same risks of abuse as a narrower one: the discussed
robust scientic standards should be employed.
Moral panic might be inuencing formalization and might
increase due to it
Many of the commentaries sought to ease our concerns
about moral panic by assuring us that a gaming disorder
diagnosis would reduce moral panic. However, a historical
analysis of moral panics nds that they usually work in the
inverse direction ofcial reication promotes the panic,
not eases it (Bowman, 2016;Ferguson, 2013). These can
result in poorly thought out and ineffectual public policy
efforts to restrict gaming time, such as South Koreas
shutdownlaw (which blocked online playing for children
between 12 and 6 a.m.). While such solutionsmay lead
parents, clinicians, and society to feel that something is
being done to address the perceived problem of excessive
gaming, in fact, this intervention has had a negligible
positive effect and even some negative outcomes (Lee, Kim,
& Hong, 2017). Moreover, as the United Nations Childrens
Fund stated in their recent report Children in a Digital
World:applying clinical concepts to childrens everyday
behaviour does not help support them in developing healthy
screen time habits.(UNICEF, 2017, p. 115)
Given that we have already seen a proliferation of both
dubious treatment centers and authoritarian regulations of
speech and content in the name of gaming addiction, we
believe the course of events is predictable. The commentar-
ies on our original paper have given us no reason for
optimism, given how readily some authors equated gaming
disorder with substance abuse (Müller & Wöling, 2017), a
comparison we consider misleading to the public and lack-
ing in sound evidence (Kardefelt-Winther et al., 2017). We
are also concerned that the formalization of gaming disorder
might be a product of moral panic (Bean, Nielsen, Van
Rooij, & Ferguson, 2017). We understand that certain
countries face pressure to formalize gaming disorder as a
response to perceived excessive gaming, but this does not
reect the situation in all participating countries that use the
ICD. For countries where excessive gaming is perceived to
be a problem, it may be more appropriate to seek solutions
on a domestic level. This would enable cultural and context-
specic considerations to be made that the ICD, although
somewhat exible, cannot easily accommodate.
CONCLUSIONS
To conclude, we would like to address a question raised by
Grifths et al. (2017) as a point of criticism to our call for
more clinical samples in research: How can there be
clinical samples in relation to a mental disorder that should
not exist in the rst place?The answer is, of course, that
prior to enshrining gaming disorder as a diagnosis, its
clinical utility must be demonstrated in high-quality, trans-
parent research with patients. If no patients are found, this
would suggest that we do not need the formal disorder
category. However, even if we nd patients to study,
patients themselves (or their parents) can also be inuenced
by moral panic and may come to believe they suffer from a
Table 1. Literature citations in PsychINFO for various
addictions
Proposed addiction Number of found articles
Food addiction 229
Video game addiction 149
Sex addiction 117
Gambling addiction 71
Work addiction 65
Exercise addiction 55
Shopping addiction 19
Tanning addiction 6
Dance addiction 2
Journal of Behavioral Addictions
Weak basis for gaming disorder
disorder due to news coverage. A highly publicized disor-
dermay offer a simplied explanation for problems that, in
fact, have a deeper meaning. There is no easy solution to this
challenge, but it is clear that clinicians need to be critical
evaluators of underlying disease processes. Unfortunately,
clinicians too can be inuenced by moral panic and, as the
saying goes, If the only tool you have is a hammer,
everything begins to look like a nail.Those who eventually
conduct research with patients need to nd ways to distin-
guish gaming patterns with signicant negative long-term
health effects from coping behaviors or temporary excessive
gaming behavior without any serious long-term harm.
Grifths et al. (2017) also ask, How can such playing of
video games be problematic, yet not be disordered?This is
a logical fallacy, in that the premise of the answer is implied
in the question. Many issues are problems without being
disorders. Experiencing stress due to work demands is a
problem, yet not a disorder. Experiencing body dissatisfac-
tion due to perceived competition with peers over mates can
be regarded as a problem, yet not a disorder. This is because
many problem behaviors are normative reactions to difcult
circumstances. Relegating an excessive, by societal norms,
behavior to the realm of the pathological has come under
heavy criticism recently, e.g., in the removal of the bereave-
ment exclusion for major depressive disorder in DSM-5
(Frances, 2013;Regier, Kuhl, & Kupfer, 2013;Wakeeld,
2015).
As indicated above, some people may excessively play as
a method of coping with other mental health issues. For
others, gaming could be a way to avoid unpleasant activities
such as work or school as part of an existential crisis about
the direction of ones life. Much like individuals who have
lost a loved one may experience extreme mental states
similar to major depressive disorder for an extended period;
people who play video games may exhibit extreme behaviors
in reaction to a stressor. The issues can be quite complicated.
If we equate coping or responding to problems with a mental
disorder, this will further expand the elastic boundaries of
psychiatric diagnosis (Frances, 2013). They might stretch to
the point of meaninglessness, potentially resulting in a
dismissive view of behavioral addiction research (Billieux
et al., 2015;Kardefelt-Winther et al., 2017).
We join other researchers in psychiatry, psychiatric epi-
demiology, and the social sciences who propose that a
clinical disorder should rest on the foundation of rigorous,
transparent, and standardized methods. This requires ac-
knowledging the reality that all studies are not created equal.
Empirical evidence derived from gold standard research
featuring standards, such as formal assessment of multiple
sources of bias, preregistration, open data, open materials,
open analytic code, and comprehensive reporting of conicts
of interest, is fundamentally more valuable than the closed
source and non-transparent work, which characterizes most
of the current literature on gaming disorder. Conrmatory
(i.e., hypothesis testing) data analysis plans must be publicly
preregistered in advance of data collection and these must be
distinguished from exploratory (i.e., hypothesis generating)
ndings to facilitate the generation of high-quality evidence.
Such evidence must then be synthesized using appropriate
standards to determine consistency and strengths of effects as
well as sources of bias in a way that can inform policy-
making (Liberati et al., 2009;Stroup et al., 2000). This level
of evidence is not yet reached in gaming disorder research.
Risk of abuse of a formalized new disorder that solely
involves the behavior of playing video games a stigma-
tized entertainment activity can only expand the false-
positive issues in psychiatry. This expansion will likely have
a psychological and societal cost, potential harming the
well-being of our children. We understand the arguments
for wanting a clinical disorder, but maintain that the clinical
utility of the proposed diagnosis is still unclear and the
evidence base is not yet good enough. In short, we believe
this debate is worthwhile and that a case might be made for
diagnostic formalization in the future, but currently it is
premature.
How to move forward: Beyond the echo chamber
We agree with Kuss, Grifths, and Pontes (2017) on the
importance of including multiple stakeholders in the process
of formalizing a potential disorder, including not just aca-
demics, but gamers, industry executives, therapists, and
others. We suggest that the WHO solicit input and feedback
from a wider variety of stakeholders, including individuals
who currently seek help or who have sought help for
gaming-related problems and their family members/carers,
as recommended for the development of mental disorder
classications in general (Pingani et al., 2014;Stein &
Phillips, 2013). Children in particular should be included
in this process as one of the primary stakeholder groups
playing games regularly. According to the United Nations
Convention on the Rights of the Child, children have a
fundamental right to have their voices heard in matters that
concern them: formalizing a disorder classication that
involves one of childrens most popular everyday behaviors
certainly concerns them.
Involving the aforementioned groups in the decision-
making process will lead to a more holistic and accurate
view of the diversity of video gaming. Stakeholder engage-
ment has proven to be a fruitful endeavor in participatory
mixed-methods research conducted with gamers (Colder
Carras, Porter, et al., 2017). Indeed, we would take this a
step further and encourage such stakeholders to participate in
the peer review of studies before they are conducted by
following the Registered Reports methodology (www.cos.io/
rr/). In this approach, multiple stakeholders must agree on the
value of the study hypotheses, methods, and sampling plans,
so that the ndings of any given study are not subjected to
control by any interested party. Finally, we suggest that the
WHO working group conducts or commissions a critical
review of the existing literature following the highest stan-
dards for evidence evaluation with an eye toward the Open
Science principles mentioned in this paper.
We remain optimistic for the future. Some preregistered
and methodologically rigorous papers have recently been
published in this eld (e.g., Weinstein et al., 2017) and
valuable qualitative work is starting to appear more widely,
challenging the disorder model in some cases (Snodgrass
et al., 2017,2018). In the meantime, we would strongly
encourage the WHO to err on the side of caution, halt further
formalization of new gaming disorders, and stimulate better
research into the role that screen time plays in our lives.
Journal of Behavioral Addictions
van Rooij et al.
Funding sources: MCCs contribution to this research was
supported by the National Institute of Mental Health Train-
ing grant 5T32MH014592-39.
Authorscontribution: AJVR, CJF, MCC, DK-W, JS, and
AKP were directly involved in writing the paper. The
remaining authors intellectually support the content of the
debate paper.
Conict of interest: No conicts of interest were reported by
any author.
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Journal of Behavioral Addictions
Weak basis for gaming disorder
... The proposed introduction of gaming disorder (GD) in the 11th revision of the International Classification of Diseases (ICD-11) developed by the World Health Organization (WHO) has led to a lively debate over the past year. Besides the broad support for the decision in the academic press, a recent publication by van Rooij et al. (2018) repeated the criticism raised against the inclusion of GD in ICD-11 by Aarseth et al. (2017). We argue that this group of researchers fails to recognize the clinical and public health considerations, which support the WHO perspective. ...
... Notably, research evidence demonstrating the negative consequences in the cases of GD in multiple domains and over different time periods was highlighted . Unfortunately, these evidence-based points as well as data that treatment services internationally face a growing challenge in responding effectively to referrals for gaming-related problems have not been acknowledged by van Rooij et al. (2018). Other criticisms (e.g., "GD as a diagnosis represents moral panic") are based on assumptions that cannot be empirically proven and no evidence was provided to demonstrate such a panic. ...
... Conflicting interpretations and conclusions of research findings can arise for multiple reasons. An examination of the professional backgrounds of those who criticize the inclusion of GD in ICD-11 reveals that manyalbeit not allauthors come from areas other than clinical sciences or public health; these include media psychology, computer games research, experimental and social psychology, sociology, educational psychology, game design, and communication science (van Rooij et al., 2018). By contrast, researchers in favor of the inclusion of GD originate predominantly from clinical and public health disciplines, such as psychiatry, child psychiatry, mental health, internal medicine, family practice, clinical psychology, clinical neuroscience, and addiction treatment and prevention (see Saunders et al., 2017). ...
... El crecimiento acelerado en el uso de videojuegos ha generado un debate intenso en la comunidad científica acerca de la relación con la salud mental de quienes los usan (Aaserth et al., 2017;Higuchi et al., 2017;Karde-Guadalupe de la Iglesia feltWinther et al., 2017;Király y Demetrovics, 2017;Van Rooij et al., 2018). Existe un evidente interés en generar evidencia que ayude a comprender el fenómeno y a arrojar luz sobre las inquietudes que trascienden el ámbito académico y se ven reflejadas en la población general y en distintos medios de comunicación. ...
... Se hipotetiza que en el caso de presencia de sintomatología psicológica, el uso problemático de videojuegos emerge como un intento de sentir alivio o disminuir el malestar. Es decir, los videojuegos se presentarían como un tipo de estrategia de afrontamiento (Bányai et al., 2019;Laconi et al., 2017;Lemmens et al. 2011;Plante et al., 2019;Van Rooij et al., 2018). En cuanto al bienestar, se hipotetiza el jugar como una manifestación conductual del afecto positivo o como una conducta hedonista (Snodgrass et al., 2011). ...
... En concreto, la presencia de sintomatología psicológica incrementaba las experiencias tanto positivas como negativas, y la presencia de bienestar sólo las positivas. Este resultado podría indicar que la salud mental en el momento de jugar videojuegos condicionaría dicha experiencia, lo cual estaría en línea con la hipótesis de compensación (Bányai et al., 2019;Laconi et al., 2017;Plante et al., 2019;Van Rooij et al., 2018). Específicamente quienes presenten sintomatología estarían más propensos a percibir que pierden el control en relación al uso de videojuegos, sentirse aislados socialmente, experimentar obsesión, afectividad negativa, abstinencia, agotamiento y problemas en otras áreas de la vida personal y el agotamiento. ...
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Aún no existe consenso en la comunidad científica en el debate sobre la relación entre la salud mental y el uso de videojuegos. En este trabajo se examinó la asociación entre la salud mental, en términos de bienestar y sintomatología psicológica, y el uso de videojuegos, en cuanto a horas de uso y experiencias de tipo positivas o negativas. La muestra estuvo constituida por dos grupos de participantes argentinos, uno formado por 189 videojugadores (Medad = 30.1 años, DT = 9.46; 66.1% varones) y un segundo grupo formado por 91 participantes no jugadores (Medad = 33.4 años, DT = 11.1; 87.91% mujeres). Los resultados mostraron una ausencia de relación lineal o curvilínea entre la salud mental y la cantidad de horas dedicadas al juego, así como no diferencias en el grado de salud mental entre los jugadores y los no jugadores. Se encontraron asociaciones entre la sintomatología psicológica y las experiencias negativas de juego, al igual que entre el bienestar y las experiencias positivas de juego. Los resultados respaldarían las hipótesis de desplazamiento, compensación y bidireccional. No parece que la salud mental y las experiencias con el juego sean fenómenos independientes. Se propone la hipótesis de la interacción moderada como nueva hipótesis para futuras investigaciones.
... Die akademische Diskussion im Vorfeld der Einführung der "Gaming Disorder" spannte sich im Wesentlichen zwischen zwei Positionen auf: Eine Gruppe argumentierte mit der aus ihrer Sicht zu geringen wissenschaftlichen Datenbasis und damit verbunden zu geringen Evidenz für die neugeschaffenen Kriterien. Daher forderten die Autoren extreme Vorsicht und Zurückhaltung bei der Einführung einer neugeschaffenen Erkrankung ein, und betonten auch die schwierige differentialdiagnostische Abklärung von komorbiden Störungsbildern wie depressiven Störungen oder sozialer Ängstlichkeit (van Rooij et al., 2018). Eine andere Gruppe argumentierte mit dem hohen Leidensdruck Betroffener sowie der Notwendigkeit der Einführung der Diagnose aus Sicht der öffentlichen Gesundheitsfürsorge, vor allem im Hinblick auf die Entwicklung von geeigneten Interventionen. ...
Article
Gaming Disorder According to the ICD-11: Background, Criteria and Possible Implications Within 60 years, playing computer games-online or offline, with a computer, games console or smartphone-has developed from a niche activity for mostly young males into a global industry worth billions. Studies show that children and adolescents in particular tend to play digital games for several hours a day, making gaming one of the most common leisure activities for young people. A small proportion of young gamers may develop addictive behaviour with harmful effects on their psychosocial functioning. Following an intense discussion process lasting several years, the World Health Organisation (WHO) responded by introducing the new disorder category, "gaming disorder", which was placed as a second disorder alongside "gambling disorder" in the chapter on behavioural addictions. As with substance-related addiction disorders, computer game addiction is conceptualized within an "addiction trian-gle" framework, which considers a combination of individual risk factors, environmental factors and factors intrinsic to the game itself. This article presents a discussion of the recently proposed diagnosis of gaming disorder in the context of its diagnostic criteria and aetiological factors and concludes by discussing possible implications for clinical practice. Prax. Kinderpsychol. Kinderpsychiat. 73/2024, 753-771
... On the contrary, some research has noted that some previous research has made it is unclear whether there is a relationship between self-difficulties and pathological gaming (e.g., Van Rooij et al., 2018). In fact, some authors suggest the need to exercise caution when approaching any diagnostic assessment related to pathological gaming, as the quality of previous research in this area is considered to be low and there is still no consensus on the symptomatology and assessment of pathological gaming (Aarseth et al., 2017). ...
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During the past decade, video games have become the main industrial entertainment sector, although research on the effects of violence in video games on juvenile aggressiveness has raised concerns that they may pose a significant social risk. The objective of this study was to analyze the relationship of exposure to violent video games, pathological video-gaming, and justification of violence with the perpetration of Child-to-Parent Violence (CPV) against the mother and the father, controlling for the sex, educational level, and violent TV exposure of the participant. The sample consisted of 439 students from Compulsory Secondary Education, (238 boys and 201 girls), aged between 13 and 18. Exposure to video games was assessed through an author-elaborated questionnaire, violence justification, and pathological video-gaming were evaluated with the Exposure to Violence Questionnaire and the Assessment of Pathological Computer-Gaming, respectively, and CPV was assessed through the Child-to-Parent Aggression Questionnaire. Hierarchical multiple regression analyses showed that pathological video-gaming and, specially, justification of violence, were related to the perpetration of CPV against both mothers and fathers. However, a relationship of exposure to violent video games and violence on TV with the perpetration of CPV was not found. These results suggest a potential new target for CPV prevention, as well as for the treatment of juvenile offenders.
... Two primary methodological challenges might underlie the conflicting findings in the literature. First, the scarcity of evidence regarding the causal relationship between playing video games and well-being has been a problem; most observational studies depend on association analysis with either cross-sectional or longitudinal data 31,32 . Second, many experimental studies lack tests for external validity and have faced criticisms 26,30,33 . ...
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The widespread use of video games has raised concerns about their potential negative impact on mental well-being. Nevertheless, the empirical evidence supporting this notion is largely based on correlational studies, warranting further investigation into the causal relationship. Here we identify the causal effect of video gaming on mental well-being in Japan (2020–2022) using game console lotteries as a natural experiment. Employing approaches designed for causal inference on survey data (n = 97,602), we found that game console ownership, along with increased game play, improved mental well-being. The console ownership reduced psychological distress and improved life satisfaction by 0.1–0.6 standard deviations. Furthermore, a causal forest machine learning algorithm revealed divergent impacts between different types of console, with one showing smaller benefits for adolescents and females while the other showed larger benefits for adolescents. These findings highlight the complex impact of digital media on mental well-being and the importance of considering differential screen time effects.
... GD as a psychiatric disorder has been criticized by researchers who are concerned about the risk of medicalizing normal behavior, stigmatizing gaming, and pathologizing children's everyday activities. They argue that sufficient evidence does not yet exist and that the criteria developed are overly based on other addiction disorders [5]. ...
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Background Gaming disorder (GD) is a new official diagnosis in the International Classification of Diseases, 11th Revision, and with its recognition, the need to offer treatment for the condition has become apparent. More knowledge is needed about the type of treatment needed for this group of patients. Objective This study aims to evaluate the effectiveness and acceptability of a novel module-based psychological treatment for GD based on cognitive behavioral therapy and family therapy. Methods This study is a nonrandomized intervention study, with a pretest, posttest, and 3-month follow-up design. It will assess changes in GD symptoms, psychological distress, and gaming time, alongside treatment satisfaction, working alliance, and a qualitative exploration of patients’ and relatives’ experiences of the treatment. Results This study started in March 2022 and the recruitment is expected to close in August 2024. Conclusions This study evaluates the effectiveness and acceptability of a psychological treatment for patients with problematic gaming behavior and GD. It is an effectiveness trial and will be conducted in routine care. This study will have high external validity and ensure that the results are relevant for a diverse clinical population with psychiatric comorbidity. Trial Registration ClinicalTrials.gov NCT06018922; https://clinicaltrials.gov/study/NCT06018922 International Registered Report Identifier (IRRID) DERR1-10.2196/56315
Article
Background and Aims Given the insufficient validation of previously imported smartphone addiction scales in China, this study revised and evaluated the Problematic Smartphone Use Scale among Chinese college students (PSUS‐C). Methods We based our research on a national sample comprising 1324 higher education institutions and 130 145 participants. Using cross‐sectional data, comprehensive methods were employed to examine validity, reliability and measurement invariance. Results The final scale consists of 20 items across four dimensions: withdrawal and loss of control, negative impact, salience behaviors and excessive use. All Heterotrait‐Monotrait (HTMT) values were below 0.85, and the lower 90% and upper 95% confidence intervals were also below 0.85, except for factors 1 and 3. The amount of variance (AVE) values were greater than 0.5, composite reliability (ω) values exceeded 0.89 and all factor loadings were above 0.5. The criterion validity was supported as expected: problematic smartphone usage positively correlated with depression ( r = 0.451), loneliness (8 items, r = 0.455), loneliness (6 items, r = 0.504), social media use ( r = 0.614) and phone usage duration ( r = 0.148); and negatively correlated with life satisfaction ( r = −0.218) and self‐esteem ( r = −0.416). Across sex, type of university and place of residence, the measurement invariance performed well, with most changes in root mean square error of approximation (ΔRMSEA), comparative fit index (ΔCFI) and Tucker–Lewis index (ΔTLI) values being less than 0.005, and no indicator showing a difference greater than 0.010. Conclusions The Problematic Smartphone Use Scale for College Students (PSUS‐C) demonstrated good factor structure, internal consistency, construct validity, discriminant validity and criterion validity. Strict and structural invariance were demonstrated across sex, type of university and place of residence. The PSUS‐C has the potential to assess smartphone addiction among Chinese university students.
Article
Под аутоагрессивным поведением в современной клинической психологии и психиатрии понимаются осознаваемые или неосознаваемые действия, направленные на нанесение самоповреждений как в физической, так и в психической сферах. В профильной литературе этот поведенческий феномен многие авторы рассматривают как деструктивный механизм психологической защиты. Более того, аутоагрессивные поведенческие акты могут фенотипически проявляться в самообвинении, вплоть до формирования комплекса вины и греховности; самоунижении, доходящем зачастую до синдрома невротического самобичевания; нанесении себе различной степени тяжести телесных повреждений, нередко являющихся суицидальными попытками; злоупотреблении алкоголем или другими психоактивными веществами; парафильных формах сексуального поведения; стремлении к участию в экстремальных спортивных соревнованиях; предпочтении опасных для здоровья и жизни профессий. Но проявления аутоагрессии, безусловно, нельзя интерпретировать только как симптом клинического мазохизма. В статье приводятся результаты изучения иерархии механизмов психологической защиты и личностных характеристик 104 соматически и психически здоровых девушек, у бо́льшей части которых в анамнезе проявлено аутоагрессивное поведение для преодоления фрустрации, вызванной психоэмоциональным стрессом. В заключение авторы обсуждают выявленные особенности применения девушками с несуицидальным самоповреждающим поведением в анамнезе механизмов психологической защиты и их личностные характеристики в аспекте понимания этого антистрессорного действия как особой деструктивной стратегии преодоления стресса и патологической почвы для формирования и развития специфической аддикции. By auto-aggressive behavior in modern clinical psychology and psychiatry is understood as conscious or non-comprehensible actions aimed at inflicting self-harm in both the physical and mental spheres. In the profile literature, this behavioral phenomenon is considered by many authors as one of the destructive mechanisms of psychological defense. Moreover, auto-aggressive behavioral acts can phenotypically manifest in self-incrimination, including the formation of a complex of guilt and sinfulness, self-humiliation, often reaching the neurotic self-flagellation syndrome, inflicting varying severity of injuries, often suicidal attempts, alcohol abuse, or other psychoactive substances paraphilic forms of sexual behavior, the desire to participate in extreme sports competitions, the preference of dangerous for Hur and professions of life. But manifestations of auto-aggression, of course, cannot be interpreted only by a clinical masochistic interpretation. The article presents the results of studying the hierarchy of psychological defense mechanisms and personal characteristics of 104 somatically and mentally healthy girls, most of whom used auto-aggressive behavior in the anamnesis to overcome frustration caused by psycho-emotional stress. In conclusion, the authors discuss the identified features of the use of girls with non-suicidal selfdamaging behavior in the history of psychological defense mechanisms and their personal characteristics in terms of understanding this anti-stress action as a special destructive coping strategy and pathological soil for the formation and development of specific addiction.
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This study aimed to explore the relationships among screen time, quality of relationships, happiness, physical health, and sleep quality, addressing concerns about digital engagement's impact on well-being. With rising screen time in contemporary society, understanding its effects on interpersonal dynamics and mental health has become essential, as existing literature highlights its negative consequences. A quantitative survey of n=300 participants from diverse demographics utilized validated questionnaires, with data analysis involving correlation, regression, and mediation analyses to examine sleep quality's role. Results indicated that higher screen time significantly correlated with lower relationship quality and decreased happiness, with sleep quality mediating the relationship between screen time and happiness. To enhance personal relationships and overall quality of life, interventions should promote healthy screen habits and improve sleep quality, while future research should focus on longitudinal effects and effective strategies to mitigate the negative outcomes of excessive screen time.
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The proposed diagnosis of Internet gaming disorder (IGD) in DSM-5 has been criticized for “borrowing” criteria related to substance addiction, as this might result in misclassifying highly involved gamers as having a disorder. In this paper, we took a person-centered statistical approach to group adolescent gamers by levels of addiction-related symptoms and gaming-related problems, compared these groups to traditional scale scores for IGD, and checked how groups were related to psychosocial well-being using a preregistered analysis plan. We performed latent class analysis and regression with items from IGD and psychosocial well-being scales in a representative sample of 7865 adolescent European gamers. Symptoms and problems matched in only two groups: an IGD class (2.2%) having a high level of symptoms and problems and a Normative class (63.5%) having low levels of symptoms and problems. We also identified two classes comprising 30.9% of our sample that would be misclassified based on their report of gaming-related problems: an Engaged class (7.3%) that seemed to correspond to the engaged gamers described in previous literature, and a Concerned class (23.6%) reporting few symptoms but moderate to high levels of problems. Our findings suggest that a reformulation of IGD is needed. Treating Engaged gamers as having IGD when their poor well-being might not be gaming related may delay appropriate treatment, while Concerned gamers may need help to reduce gaming but would not be identified as such. Additional work to describe the phenomenology of these two groups would help refine diagnosis, prevention and treatment for IGD.
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Background and aims The DSM-5 includes criteria for diagnosing Internet gaming disorder (IGD) that are adapted from substance abuse and widely used in research and clinical contexts, although evidence supporting their validity remains scarce. This study compared online gamers who do or do not endorse IGD criteria regarding self-control-related abilities (impulsivity, inhibitory control, and decision-making), considered the hallmarks of addictive behaviors. Method A double approach was adopted to distinguish pathological from recreational gamers: The first is the classic DSM-5 approach (≥5 criteria required to endorse the IGD diagnosis), and the second consists in using latent class analysis (LCA) for IGD criteria to distinguish gamers’ subgroups. We computed comparisons separately for each approach. Ninety-seven volunteer gamers from the community were recruited. Self-reported questionnaires were used to measure demographic- and game-related characteristics, problematic online gaming (with the Problematic Online Gaming Questionnaire), impulsivity (with the UPPS-P Impulsive Behavior Scale), and depression (with the Beck Depression Inventory-II). Experimental tasks were used to measure inhibitory control (Hybrid-Stop Task) and decision-making abilities (Game of Dice Task). Results Thirty-two participants met IGD criteria (33% of the sample), whereas LCA identified two groups of gamers [pathological (35%) and recreational]. Comparisons that used both approaches (DSM-5 and LCA) failed to identify significant differences regarding all constructs except for variables related to actual or problematic gaming behaviors. Discussion The validity of IGD criteria is questioned, mostly with respect to their relevance in distinguishing high engagement from pathological involvement in video games.
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• Cultural knowledge is important for defining mental disorders in context. • We asked groups of engaged gamers to submit and rank criteria of game “addiction”. • We compared these criteria to proposed domains for Internet gaming disorder (IGD). • Gamers agreed with some criteria and proposed novel ideas from other domains. • Participatory approaches may help refine IGD criteria and improve content validity. In response to calls for further research into the phenomenology of Internet gaming disorder (IGD), we used a community-engaged consensus development approach to evaluate how members of the “gamer culture” describe problematic gaming and the relationship of these descriptions to the proposed IGD criteria. Two focus groups of gamers were recruited at a video game convention. Participants were asked to submit suggestions for signs of game “addiction”. Participants discussed and ranked the criteria in order of conceptual importance. The rankings were analyzed quantitatively, and then a multidisciplinary team compared the ranked criteria to the DSM-5 IGD proposed criteria. The strongest agreement between participants’ rankings and IGD symptomatology was found for harms/functional impairment due to gaming, continued use despite problems, unsuccessful attempts to control gaming, and loss of interest in previous hobbies and entertainment. There was less support for other IGD criteria. Participants also offered new content domains. These findings suggest that collaborative knowledge-building approaches may help researchers and policymakers understand the characteristics and processes specific to problematic video game play and improve content validity of IGD criteria. Future efforts may benefit from multi-stakeholder approaches to refine IGD criteria and inform theory, measurement and intervention.
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The American Psychiatric Association has identified Internet Gaming Disorder (IGD) as a potential psychiatric condition and called for research to investigate its etiology, stability, and impacts on health and behavior. The present study recruited 5,777 American adults and applied self-determination theory to examine how motivational factors influence, and are influenced by, IGD and health across a six month period. Following a preregistered analysis plan, results confirmed our hypotheses that IGD criteria are moderately stable and that they and basic psychological need satisfaction have a reciprocal relationship over time. Results also showed need satisfaction promoted health and served as a protective factor against IGD. Contrary to what was hypothesized, results provided no evidence directly linking IGD to health over time. Exploratory analyses suggested that IGD may have indirect effects on health by way of its impact on basic needs. Implications are discussed in terms of existing gaming addiction and motivational frameworks.
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Research has established loneliness as a good predictor of intensive Internet use. But it is not fully understood whether Internet activity lessens lonely individuals' felt distress (known as positive psychosocial “compensation”), or by contrast further magnifies it (the “poor-get-poorer” hypothesis). Focused on online videogames in particular, we use qualitative cultural psychiatric interviews (N = 20) and path analysis of online survey data (N = 3629) to model pathways connecting loneliness, videogame involvement, and positive and negative online gaming experiences. Informed by social signaling theory, we hypothesize that lonely individuals who are intensively involved in online videogames (as opposed to playing casually) will experience more positive play experiences, given the way that such gamers’ costly expenditures of time, energy, and resources “signal” their commitment and also their insiderness to gaming communities, thus fostering for them a greater sense of social inclusion and support. By contrast, lonely gamers who fail to engage videogames in this intensive and socially supportive manner can instead compound their life distress with additional problems related to their online play. Ironically, it is thus gamers displaying dimensions of what seems on the surface to be “addictive” play—but is better described in this context as intensive gaming involvement—who experience the greatest psychosocial benefits from their play. Our research aims to add nuance to debates about how the Internet shapes the mental health of distressed emerging adults in particular. Rather than posing a single solution, we posit that the answer depends on the manner in which lonely and distressed individuals engage with life online.
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Objective: To determine whether disagreements among multiple data sources affect systematic reviews of randomized clinical trials (RCTs). Study design and setting: Eligible RCTs examined gabapentin for neuropathic pain and quetiapine for bipolar depression, reported in public (e.g., journal articles) and non-public sources (clinical study reports [CSRs] and individual participant data [IPD]). Results: We found 21 gabapentin RCTs (74 reports, six IPD) and seven quetiapine RCTs (50 reports, one IPD); most were reported in journal articles (18/21 [86%] and 6/7 [86%], respectively). When available, CSRs contained the most trial design and risk of bias information. CSRs and IPD contained the most results. For the outcome domains "pain intensity" (gabapentin) and "depression" (quetiapine), we found single trials with 68 and 98 different meta-analyzable results, respectively; by purposefully selecting one meta-analyzable result for each RCT, we could change the overall result for pain intensity from effective (standardized mean difference [SMD]=-0.45; 95%CI -0.63 to -0.27) to ineffective (SMD=-0.06; 95%CI -0.24 to 0.12). We could change the effect for depression from a medium effect (SMD=-0.55; 95%CI -0.85 to -0.25) to a small effect (SMD=-0.26; 95%CI -0.41 to -0.1). Conclusions: Disagreements across data sources affect the effect size, statistical significance, and interpretation of trials and meta-analyses.
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Online gaming has greatly increased in popularity in recent years, and with this has come a multiplicity of problems due to excessive involvement in gaming. Gaming disorder, both online and offline, has been defined for the first time in the draft of 11th revision of the International Classification of Diseases (ICD-11). National surveys have shown prevalence rates of gaming disorder/addiction of 10%-15% among young people in several Asian countries and of 1%-10% in their counterparts in some Western countries. Several diseases related to excessive gaming are now recognized, and clinics are being established to respond to individual, family, and community concerns, but many cases remain hidden. Gaming disorder shares many features with addictions due to psychoactive substances and with gambling disorder, and functional neuroimaging shows that similar areas of the brain are activated. Governments and health agencies worldwide are seeking for the effects of online gaming to be addressed, and for preventive approaches to be developed. Central to this effort is a need to delineate the nature of the problem, which is the purpose of the definitions in the draft of ICD-11.
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Data from a specialist treatment facility for Internet addiction (IA) in Japan showed that (a) the vast majority of treatment seekers are addicted to online games, (b) their symptoms are often quite severe, and (c) there is a significant demand for IA treatment. In addition, systemic obstacles to the delivery of medical services in Japan exist due to the exclusion of IA criteria from ICD-10. Consequently, the inclusion of GD criteria in ICD-11 will almost certainly increase the capacity and quality of treatment through advances in research and possible changes in national medical systems to meet treatment demand.