ChapterPDF Available

Is the Gender Gap Narrowing in Science and Engineering?

Authors:
UNESCO SCIENCE REPORT
Gender equality will encourage
new solutions and expand the
scope of research; it should be
considered a priority by all if
the global community is serious
about reaching the next set of
development goals.
Sophia Huyer
Professor Deborah Jin from the University
of Colorado (USA) was the first to succeed in
cooling down molecules to such an extent
that chemical reactions could be observed in
slow motion. Dr Jin was the L’Oréal–UNESCO
laureate for North America in 2013.
Photo: © Julian Dufort for the L’Oréal Foundation
84
85
Chapter 3
INTRODUCTION
Women underrepresented in decision-making on
climate change
As the global community prepares to make the transition
from the Millennium Development Goals to the Sustainable
Development Goals in 2015, it is turning its attention from
a focus on poverty reduction to a broader perspective
combining socio-economic and environmental priorities.
Over the next 15 years, scientific research will play a key role
in monitoring relevant trends in such areas as food security,
health, water and sanitation, energy, the management of
ocean and terrestrial ecosystems and climate change. Women
will play an essential role in implementing the Sustainable
Development Goals, by helping to identify global problems
and find solutions.
Since men tend to enjoy a higher socio-economic status,
women are disproportionately affected by droughts, floods
and other extreme weather events and marginalized when
it comes to making decisions on recovery and adaptation
(EIGE, 2012). Some economic sectors will be strongly affected
by climate change but women and men will not necessarily
be affected in the same way. In the tourism sector, for
instance, women in developing countries tend to earn
less than their male counterparts and occupy fewer
managerial positions. They are also overrepresented in the
non-agricultural informal sector: 84% in sub-Saharan Africa,
86% in Asia and 58% in Latin America (WTO and UN Women,
2011). There are, thus, clear gender differences in the ability to
cope with climate-change-induced shocks.
Despite these gender differences, women are not represented
equally in the key climate-change related sectors of science
as skilled workers, professionals or decision-makers. Although
they are fairly well represented in some related science
disciplines – including health, agriculture and environmental
management – they are very much a minority in other
fields that will be vital for the transition to sustainable
development, such as energy, engineering, transportation,
information technology (IT) and computing – the latter being
important for warning systems, information-sharing and
environmental monitoring.
Even in those scientific fields where women are present, they
are underrepresented in policy-making and programming.
The Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia is a case in point.
In this country, women are well-represented in governmental
decision-making structures related to climate change, such as
energy and transportation, environment and health services.
They are also comparatively well-represented in related
scientific disciplines. Many of them serve on the National
Climate Change Committee. However, when it comes to
designing and implementing plans, interpreting decisions
and monitoring results, women are a rare commodity
(Huyer, 2014).
TRENDS IN RESEARCH
Gender parity remains elusive among researchers
When it comes to women’s participation in research
overall, globally, we are seeing a leaky pipeline. Women are
actively pursuing bachelor’s and master’s degrees and even
outnumber men at these levels, since they represent 53% of
graduates, but their numbers drop off abruptly at PhD level.
Suddenly, male graduates (57%) overtake women (Figure 3.1).
The discrepancy widens at the researcher level, with men now
representing 72% of the global pool. The high proportion
of women in tertiary education is, thus, not necessarily
translating into a greater presence in research.
Although women account for just 28%1 of global researchers,
according to available data, this figure masks wide variations
at both the national and regional levels (Figure 3.2). Women
are highly represented in Southeast Europe (49%), for
instance, and in the Caribbean, Central Asia and Latin America
(44%). One in three researchers is a woman in the Arab
States (37%), the European Union (33%) and the European
Free Trade Association (34%), which are closely followed by
sub-Saharan Africa (30%).
For many regions, gender parity (45–55% of researchers) is
a legacy of the former Soviet bloc, which stretched across
Central Asia, the Baltic States and Eastern Europe to Southeast
Europe. One-third of the member states of the European
Union (EU) today were once part of the Soviet bloc. Over
the past decade, several Southeast European countries have
managed to recover the gender parity in research that they
had lost in the 1990s following the break-up of the former
Yugoslavia: Croatia, FYR Macedonia, Montenegro and Serbia
(see Table 10.4).
1. This estimate by the UNESCO Institute for Statistics for 137 countries excludes
North America, owing to the international incomparability of these data. The global
share of female researchers would not rise more than a few percentage points,
however, even if the share of female researchers in the USA could be included in
the calculation. Hypothetically, a 40% share of female researchers in the USA would
push the global share up from 28.4% to 30.7%.
3 . Is the gender gap narrowing in science
and engineering?
Sophia Huyer
UNESCO SCIENCE REPORT
86
Countries in other regions have made great strides. In Asia,
Malaysia, the Philippines and Thailand have all achieved
gender parity (see Figure 27.6) and, in Africa, Namibia and
South Africa are on the verge of joining this select club (see
Figure 19.3). The countries with the highest proportion of
female researchers are Bolivia (63%) and Venezuela (56%).
Lesotho has slipped out of this category after experiencing a
precipitous drop from 76% to 31% between 2002 and 2011.
Some high-income countries have a surprisingly low proportion
of female researchers. Just one in four researchers is a woman in
France, Germany and the Netherlands, for instance. Even lower
proportions are to be found in the Republic of Korea (18%) and
Japan (15%). Despite the government’s efforts to improve this
ratio (see Chapter 24), Japan still has the lowest proportion
of female researchers of any member of the Organisation for
Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD).
The lowest participation rate of all comes from Saudi Arabia:
1.4% (see Figure 17.7), down from 18.1% in 2000. However,
this figure only covers the King Abdulaziz City for Science and
Technology. Participation is also very low in Togo (10%) and
Ethiopia (13%) and has almost halved in Nepal since 2002
from 15% to 8% (see Figure 21.7).
The glass ceiling still intact
Each step up the ladder of the scientific research system sees
a drop in female participation until, at the highest echelons
of scientific research and decision-making, there are very
few women left. In 2015, the EU Commissioner for Research,
Science and Innovation Carlos Moedas called attention to this
phenomenon, adding that the majority of entrepreneurs in
science and engineering tended to be men. In Germany, the
coalition agreement signed in 2013 introduces a 30% quota
for women on company boards of directors (see Chapter 9).
Although data for most countries are limited, we know
that women made up 14% of university chancellors and
vice-chancellors at Brazilian public universities in 2010
(Abreu, 2011) and 17% of those in South Africa in 2011
(Figure 3.3). In Argentina, women make up 16% of directors
and vice-directors of national research centres (Bonder, 2015)
and, in Mexico, 10% of directors of scientific research institutes
at the National Autonomous University of Mexico. In the USA,
numbers are slightly higher at 23% (Huyer and Hafkin, 2012).
In the EU, less than 16% of tertiary institutions were headed by
a woman in 2010 and just 10% of universities (EU, 2013). At the
main tertiary institution for the English-speaking Caribbean, the
University of the West Indies, women represented 51% of
lecturers but only 32% of senior lecturers and 26% of full
professors in 2011 (Figure 16.7). Two reviews of national
academies of science produce similarly low numbers, with
women accounting for more than 25% of members in only a
handful of countries, including Cuba, Panama and South Africa.
Indonesia deserves an honorary mention at 17% (Henry, 2015;
Zubieta, 2015; Huyer and Hafkin, 2012).
Figure 3.1: The leaky pipeline: share of women in higher education and research, 2013 (%)
Source: UNESCO Institute for Statistics estimates based on data from its database, July 2015
Female bachelor’s
graduates
Female master’s
graduates
Female PhD
graduates
Female
researchers
g
53 53
43
28
87
Chapter 3
Is the gender gap narrowing in science and engineering?
87
Table 3.1: Female researchers by field of science, 2013 or closest year (%)
Year
Natural
sciences
Engineering and
technology
Medical
sciences
Agricultural
sciences
Social sciences
and humanities
Albania 2008 43.0 30.3 60.3 37.9 48.1
Angola 2011 35.0 9.1 51.1 22.4 26.8
Armenia 2013 46.4 33.5 61.7 66.7 56.3
Azerbaijan 2013 53.9 46.5 58.3 38.5 57.4
Bahrain 2013 40.5 32.1 45.9 43.0
Belarus 2013 50.6 31.5 64.6 60.1 59.5
Bosnia & Herzegovina 2013 43.7 29.6 58.1 42.7 47.0
Botswana 2012 27.8 7.9 43.6 18.1 37.5
Bulgaria 2012 51.0 32.4 58.8 55.6 55.8
Burkina Faso 2010 10.1 11.6 27.7 17.4 35.9
Cabo Verde 2011 35.0 19.6 60.0 100.0 54.5
Chile 2008 26.5 19.0 34.4 27.8 32.7
Colombia 2012 31.8 21.6 52.5 33.6 39.9
Costa Rica 2011 36.7 30.9 60.8 31.5 53.6
Croatia 2012 49.7 34.9 56.1 45.8 55.5
Cyprus 2012 38.7 25.4 46.3 22.8 43.6
Czech Rep. 2012 28.2 12.8 50.6 36.1 42.2
Egypt 2013 40.7 17.7 45.9 27.9 49.7
El Salvador 2013 35.4 17.7 65.0 35.5 46.4
Estonia 2012 38.2 32.0 65.0 49.7 61.8
Ethiopia 2013 12.2 7.1 26.1 7.6 13.3
Gabon 2009 31.4 20.0 58.3 30.2 17.0
Ghana 2010 16.9 6.6 20.8 15.5 22.3
Greece 2011 30.7 29.5 43.0 33.1 46.0
Guatemala 2012 44.1 43.5 60.6 17.2 53.6
Hungary 2012 24.0 20.0 48.1 37.8 44.8
Iran 2010 34.3 19.6 29.5 24.5 25.5
Iraq 2011 43.6 25.7 41.4 26.1 33.7
Japan 2013 12.6 5.3 30.8 21.5 31.9
Jordan 2008 25.7 18.4 44.1 18.7 31.7
Kazakhstan 2013 51.9 44.7 69.5 43.4 59.1
Kenya 2010 14.4 11.2 20.0 30.4 37.1
Korea, Rep. 2013 27.4 10.3 45.6 25.6 40.4
Kuwait 2013 41.8 29.9 44.9 43.8 34.7
Kyrgyzstan 2011 46.5 30.0 44.0 50.0 48.7
Latvia 2012 47.6 34.7 63.7 59.5 65.9
Lesotho 2009 42.0 16.7 40.0 75.0
Lithuania 2012 43.9 34.1 61.5 56.5 65.4
Macedonia, FYR 2012 40.4 40.1 64.2 45.5 52.0
Madagascar 2011 34.6 18.7 33.8 24.9 44.8
Malawi 2010 22.2 6.5 17.5 12.5 32.8
Malaysia 2012 49.0 49.8 50.8 48.9 51.6
Mali 2006 7.2 15.1 14.9 25.9 12.2
Malta 2012 27.2 17.2 49.3 26.2 34.8
Mauritius 2012 36.4 19.4 41.7 45.4 51.9
Moldova 2013 45.7 29.0 52.5 45.4 61.0
Mongolia 2013 48.7 45.9 64.2 54.6 40.6
Montenegro 2011 56.7 37.0 58.5 54.5 49.0
Morocco 2011 31.5 26.3 44.1 20.5 27.1
Mozambique 2010 27.8 28.9 53.1 20.4 32.0
Netherlands 2012 23.3 14.9 42.8 31.9 40.8
Oman 2013 13.0 6.2 30.0 27.6 23.1
Pakistan 2013 33.8 15.4 37.0 11.0 39.9
Palestine 2007 21.2 9.6 25.5 11.8 27.9
Philippines 2007 59.5 39.9 70.2 51.3 63.2
Poland 2012 37.0 20.6 56.3 49.7 47.3
Portugal 2012 44.5 28.5 60.8 53.2 52.5
Qatar 2012 21.7 12.5 27.8 17.9 34.3
Romania 2012 46.8 39.0 59.1 51.0 49.8
Russian Fed. 2013 41.5 35.9 59.5 56.4 60.3
Saudi Arabia 2009 2.3 2.0 22.2
Senegal 2010 16.7 13.0 31.7 24.4 26.1
Serbia 2012 55.2 35.9 50.4 60.0 51.8
Slovakia 2013 44.3 25.8 58.5 45.5 52.1
Slovenia 2012 37.5 19.5 54.2 52.8 51.0
Sri Lanka 2010 40.0 27.0 46.4 38.2 29.8
Tajikistan 2013 30.3 18.0 67.6 23.5 29.3
Togo 2012 9.0 7.7 8.3 3.2 14.1
Trinidad & Tobago 2012 44.2 32.6 52.3 39.6 55.3
Turkey 2013 36.0 25.6 47.3 32.9 41.8
Uganda 2010 17.1 23.3 30.6 19.7 27.0
Ukraine 2013 44.5 37.2 65.0 55.0 63.4
Uzbekistan 2011 35.4 30.1 53.6 24.9 46.5
Venezuela 2009 35.1 40.4 64.9 47.6 62.8
Zimbabwe 2012 25.3 23.3 40.0 25.5 25.6
Source: UNESCO Institute for Statistics, August 2015
UNESCO SCIENCE REPORT
Figure 3.2: Share of female researchers by country, 2013 or closest year (%)
RUSSIAN FEDERATION
KAZAKHSTAN
MONGOLIA
CHINA
INDIA
IRAN
EGYPT
LIBYA
MOROCCO
MALI
CUBA
GUATEMALA
EL SALVADOR
COSTA
RICA
COLOMBIA
VENEZUELA
TRINIDAD & TOBAGO
ECUADOR
BOLIVIA
BRAZIL
PARAGUAY
CHILE
ARGENTINA
URUGUAY
SENEGAL
GAMBIA BURKINA FASO
GHANA
TOGO
CAMEROON
CENTRAL
AFRICAN
REPUBLIC
GABON
ETHIOPIA
UGANDA
RWANDA
BURUNDI
KENYA
TANZANIA
MOZAMBIQUE
MALAWI
ZAMBIA
ANGOLA
NAMIBIA
BOTSWANA
ZIMBABWE
LESOTHOSOUTH
AFRICA
MADAGASCAR
TURKEY
PHILIPPINES
MALAYSIA
KOREA, REP. JAPAN
VIET NAM
SRI LANKA
SAUDI
ARABIA
PAKISTAN NEPAL
IRAQ
KYRGYZSTAN
UZBEKISTAN
TAJIKISTAN
OMAN
UAE
QATAR
BAHRAIN
KUWAIT
AZERBAIJAN
ARMENIA
JORDAN
ISRAEL
PALESTINE
TUNISIA
THAILAND
CYPRUS
Women have obtained gender parity in Southeast Europe and are on the
verge of doing so in the Caribbean, Latin America and Central Asia
48.5%
Share of women researchers
in top region for this indicator
28.4%
Share of women researchers
worldwide
88
Is the gender gap narrowing in science and engineering?
ICELAND
UNITED KINGDOM
NORWAY
SWEDEN
DENMARK
FINLAND
RUSSIAN
FEDERATION
BELARUS
UKRAINE
ROMANIA
BULGARIA
GREECE TURKEY
POLAND
HUNGARY
AUSTRIA
GERMANY
FRANCE
ITALY
SPAIN
PORTUGAL
LUXEMBOURG
SWITZERLAND
BELGIUM
NETHERLANDS
CZECH REP.
SLOVAKIA
MOLDOVA
SERBIA
MONTENEGRO
CROATIA
BOS. &
HERZ.
SLOVENIA
ALBANIA
MACEDONIA
FYR
CYPRUS
ESTONIA
LATVIA
LITHUANIA
IRELAND
Spotlight on Europe
Regional shares of female researchers,
2013 (%)
Note: Data are unavailable for North America. The regional
averages are based on available data and are derived by using
the nearest year’s data, whenever data are missing for 2013.
48.5
44.4
44.3
44.3
40.2
36.8
34.2
33.1
30.0
27.2
22.5
16.9
Southeast Europe
Caribbean
Central Asia
Latin America
Eastern Europe
Arab States
European Free Trade
Association
European Union
Sub-Saharan Africa
West Asia
Southeast Asia
South Asia
33.1%
Share of women researchers
in the European Union
Note: Data for the most recent year available since
2007. For China, data cover R&D personnel rather than
researchers. For Congo, India and Israel, data are based
on full-time equivalents rather than head counts.
Source: UNESCO Institute for Statistics estimates based
on data from its database, July 2015
0–14.9%
15–24.9%
25–34.9%
35–44.9%
45–54.9%
55% or more
Data unavailable
89
Chapter 3
UNESCO SCIENCE REPORT
90
These trends are evident in other spheres of scientific
decision-making, with women being underrepresented as
peer reviewers, on editorial boards and research councils.
A survey of 10 highly regarded journals in environmental
biology, natural resource management and plant sciences
reviewed the number of women on editorial boards and
among editors from 1985 to 2013. The study found that
women made up 16% of subject editors, 14% of associate
editors and 12% of editors-in-chief (Cho et al., 2014).
TRENDS IN TERTIARY EDUCATION
The scales have tipped in favour of female students
The absence of women from the highest echelons of science
and related decision-making is surprising, given the progress
towards gender parity observed at all levels of education in
recent decades. The pendulum has even swung the other
way, with there now being a global gender imbalance in
favour of female students, albeit not in all regions. Female
university students dominate in North America (57%), Central
and South America (49–67%) and even more so across the
Caribbean2 (57–85%). Europe and West Asia show a similar
trend, with the notable exception of Turkey and Switzerland,
where females make up around 40% of tertiary enrolment,
and Liechtenstein (about 21%). In most Arab states, the same
trend towards gender parity can be observed, the exceptions
here being Iraq, Mauritania and Yemen, where figures for
2. Antigua and Barbuda, Barbados, Cuba, Dominican Republic and Jamaica
women drop to 20–30%. Data from Morocco show a cyclical
pattern from 2000 but a general rise to 47% in 2010.
In sub-Saharan Africa, numbers are substantially lower,
reflecting a gender imbalance in education at all levels (see
Chapters 18–20). Shares of women graduates at the tertiary
level range from the low teens to more than half, as in
Namibia (58%) and South Africa (60%). Female representation
has dropped substantially in Swaziland, from a high of 55%
in 2005 to 39% in 2013. In South Asia, the participation of
women in tertiary education remains low, with the notable
exception of Sri Lanka at 61%.
Overall, women are more likely to pursue tertiary education
in countries with relatively higher levels of national income.
The lowest ratios of women to men tend to be found in low-
income countries, most of which are situated in sub-Saharan
Africa. Examples are Ethiopia (31%), Eritrea (33%), Guinea
(30%) and Niger (28%). In Central African Republic and Chad,
male tertiary students are 2.5 times more common than
female ones (Table 19.4). Notable exceptions among the
31 low-income countries are Comoros (46%), Madagascar
(49%) and Nepal (48%).
The same pattern can be found in countries with relatively
low GDP per capita in other regions but there are signs that
the trend is waning. In Asia, female students face considerable
disparities in Afghanistan (share of women tertiary students:
24%), Tajikistan (38%), and Turkmenistan (39%) but the share
has become much more favourable to women in recent years
Figure 3.3: Share of women in selected South African institutions, 2011(%)
Note: The data for the share of women among full university professors are for 2009.
Source: ASSAf (2011)
22
Heads of science councils
and national science facilities
Heads of universities
(chancellors and vice-chancellors)
Full university
professors
Members of the Academy
of Sciences
19 17 21
Is the gender gap narrowing in science and engineering?
91
Chapter 3
in Cambodia (38% in 2011) and Bangladesh (41% in 2012).
In the Arab States, the lowest participation rate concerns
Yemeni women (30%). Djibouti and Morocco have each
increased the share of female students to more than 40%.
A slight rise in national wealth may correlate to a drop in
gender disparities. Sub-Saharan African countries with higher
levels of wealth also report higher participation rates for
women than men in tertiary education. For example, 59%
of tertiary students are women in Cabo Verde and 54% in
Namibia. However, there are notable exceptions among high-
income3 countries. Men continue to outnumber women in
tertiary education in Liechtenstein, Japan and Turkey.
Empirical research and anecdotal observations highlight
several reasons for the growing participation of women in
higher education. Education is perceived as a means of moving
up the social ladder (Mellström, 2009). Having a tertiary
education brings individual returns in the form of higher
income levels, even though women are obliged to have more
years of education under their belt than men to secure jobs of
comparable pay – a pattern found in countries of all income
levels. Many countries are also anxious to expand their skilled
labour force, in order to develop a knowledge economy and
increase their global competitiveness, examples being Iran (see
Chapter 15) and Malaysia (see Chapter 26). Another explanation
lies in the active campaign for gender equality undertaken by
numerous organizations in recent decades.
TRENDS IN TERTIARY SCIENCE
EDUCATION
Women now dominate graduates in health
Although women tertiary graduates generally outnumber
their male counterparts – with national and regional
variations –, this is not necessarily the case when the
data are broken down by field into science, engineering,
agriculture and health.4 The good news is that the share of
female graduates in scientific fields is on the rise. This trend
has been most marked since 2001 in all developing regions
except Latin America and the Caribbean, where women’s
participation was already high.
The presence of women varies according to the field of study.
Women now dominate the broad fields of health and welfare
in most countries and regions but not the rest of the sciences;
they are least likely to figure among engineering graduates,
3. defined as countries with per capita GDP above PPP$ 10 000
4. ‘Science’ here is defined as encompassing life sciences, physical sciences,
mathematics, statistics and computer sciences; ‘engineering’ includes
manufacturing and processing, construction and architecture; ‘agriculture’ includes
forestry, fisheries and veterinary science; ‘health and welfare’ includes medicine,
nursing, dental studies, medical technology, therapy, pharmacy and social services.
for instance. There are also exceptions to the rule. In Oman,
for instance, women make up 53% of engineering graduates
(Table 3.2). Women are a minority among health and welfare
graduates in four sub-Saharan countries5 and two Asian ones:
Bangladesh (33%) and Viet Nam (42%).
The second-most popular field of science for women is science.
While numbers are not as high as for health and welfare, the
share of women studying science is on a par with that of men
or slightly higher in many mainly Latin American and Arab
countries. In the 10 countries reporting data from Latin America
and the Caribbean, females make up 45% or more of tertiary
graduates in science. They make up over half of graduates
in Panama and Venezuela, the Dominican Republic and in
Trinidad and Tobago (the latter having a very small graduate
population). In Guatemala, as much as 75% of science graduates
are female. Eleven out of 18 Arab States also have a majority
of female science graduates.6 The countries in South Asia
reporting data – Bangladesh and Sri Lanka – reveal averages
of 40–50%, whereas some east and southeast Asian countries
show percentages of 52% or more: Brunei Darussalam (66%),
Philippines (52%), Malaysia (62%) and Myanmar (65%). Japan
and Cambodia have low shares of 26% and 11% respectively
and the Republic of Korea a share of 39%.
Graduation rates for women in Europe and North America
range from a high of 55% in Italy, Portugal and Romania
to a low of 26% in the Netherlands. Next come Malta and
Switzerland with 29% and 30% respectively. The majority of
countries fall in the 30–46% range.
Within the broad field of science, some interesting trends
can be observed. Women graduates are consistently highly
represented in the life sciences, often at over 50%. However,
their representation in the other fields is inconsistent. In
North America and much of Europe, few women graduate
in physics, mathematics and computer science but, in other
regions, the proportion of women may be close to parity
in physics or mathematics. This may explain the decrease
in science students in some countries; often, an increase in
agriculture or engineering occurs at the expense of science,
suggesting a redistribution of female participation rather than
an overall increase.
More women are graduating in agriculture
Trends in agricultural science tell an interesting story. Around the
world, there has been a steady increase in female graduates since
2000. The reasons for this surge are unclear, although anecdotal
evidence suggests that one explanation may lie in the growing
emphasis on national food security and the food industry.
5. Benin, Burundi, Eritrea and Ethiopia
6. Algeria, Bahrain, Jordan, Kuwait, Lebanon, Oman, Palestine, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, Tunisia
and United Arab Emirates
91
UNESCO SCIENCE REPORT
92
a = not applicable Note: Engineering includes manufacturing and construction. The oldest data are for 2012.
Source: UNESCO Institute for Statistics, August 2015
Table 3.2: Share of female tertiary graduates in four selected fields, 2013 or closest year (%)
Year Science Engineering Agriculture Health & welfare
Albania 2013 66.1 38.8 41.5 72.7
Algeria 2013 65.4 32.4 56.5 64.6
Angola 2013 36.2 19.3 21.7 63.3
Argentina 2012 45.1 31.0 43.9 73.8
Austria 2013 33.3 21.2 55.9 70.8
Bahrain 2014 66.3 27.6 a 76.8
Bangladesh 2012 44.4 16.6 31.1 33.3
Belarus 2013 54.4 30.0 29.2 83.8
Bhutan 2013 25.0 24.9 15.5 52.6
Bosnia & Herzegovina 2013 46.8 37.5 46.9 74.2
Brazil 2012 33.1 29.5 42.3 77.1
Brunei Darussalam 2013 65.8 41.8 a 85.7
Burkina Faso 2013 18.8 20.6 16.8 45.9
Colombia 2013 41.8 32.1 40.9 72.0
Costa Rica 2013 30.5 33.7 37.4 76.9
Cuba 2013 44.9 28.3 30.0 68.2
Denmark 2013 35.4 35.3 67.4 80.0
Egypt 2013 49.6 25.3 46.6 54.4
El Salvador 2013 59.0 26.6 24.6 78.0
Eritrea 2014 35.0 15.8 29.8 26.3
Finland 2013 42.5 21.7 57.6 85.1
France 2013 37.8 25.6 50.1 74.4
Georgia 2013 47.7 23.1 27.5 74.4
Ghana 2013 27.1 18.4 17.2 57.6
Honduras 2013 35.9 37.4 28.3 74.7
Iran 2013 66.2 24.7 41.1 65.1
Kazakhstan 2013 61.5 31.0 43.0 79.8
Kuwait 2013 72.2 25.0 a 44.5
Kyrgyzstan 2013 61.3 25.8 27.9 77.1
Lao PDR 2013 39.1 10.6 30.7 59.8
Latvia 2013 38.7 26.8 48.7 92.3
Lesotho 2013 54.5 27.5 45.7 78.8
Lithuania 2013 41.8 21.8 50.9 84.3
Macedonia, FYR 2013 37.6 39.1 48.5 75.3
Madagascar 2013 32.1 24.2 51.9 74.1
Malaysia 2012 62.0 38.7 54.4 62.9
Mongolia 2013 46.6 37.9 63.0 83.9
Mozambique 2013 35.6 34.4 40.6 47.4
Myanmar 2012 64.9 64.6 51.5 80.7
Nepal 2013 28.4 14.0 33.3 57.0
Netherlands 2012 25.8 20.9 54.5 75.1
New Zealand 2012 39.1 27.4 69.3 78.1
Norway 2013 35.9 19.6 58.9 83.6
Oman 2013 75.1 52.7 6.0 37.8
Palestine 2013 58.5 31.3 37.1 56.7
Panama 2012 50.5 35.9 54.0 75.6
Philippines 2013 52.1 29.5 50.7 72.1
Poland 2012 46.1 36.1 56.4 71.5
Portugal 2013 55.7 32.5 59.9 78.9
Qatar 2013 64.7 27.4 a 72.9
Korea, Rep. 2013 39.0 24.0 41.1 71.4
Moldova 2013 48.9 30.5 28.3 77.6
Rwanda 2012 40.3 19.6 27.3 61.9
Saudi Arabia 2013 57.2 3.4 29.6 52.0
Serbia 2013 46.2 35.0 46.5 73.3
Slovakia 2013 45.6 30.9 50.9 81.9
Slovenia 2012 39.9 24.4 59.1 81.8
South Africa 2012 49.1 28.5 48.6 73.7
Spain 2012 38.4 26.8 45.4 75.0
Sri Lanka 2013 47.4 22.4 57.4 58.1
Sudan 2013 41.8 31.8 64.3 66.4
Swaziland 2013 31.6 15.2 42.8 60.4
Sweden 2012 40.6 28.9 63.1 82.0
Switzerland 2013 31.8 14.0 30.1 74.4
Syria 2013 50.9 36.0 45.0 49.5
Tunisia 2013 63.8 41.1 69.9 77.5
Turkey 2012 48.2 24.8 45.0 63.4
Ukraine 2013 49.6 26.2 34.1 80.6
United Arab Emirates 2013 60.2 31.1 54.1 84.6
UK 2013 45.7 22.2 64.1 77.3
USA 2012 40.1 18.5 48.3 81.5
Viet Nam 2013 a 31.0 36.7 42.3
Zimbabwe 2013 47.7 21.4 40.3 50.0
Is the gender gap narrowing in science and engineering?
93
Chapter 3
Another possible explanation is that women are highly
represented in biotechnology. For example, in South Africa,
women were underrepresented in engineering (16%) in 2004
and in ‘natural scientific professions’ (16%) in 2006 but made
up 52% of employees working in biotechnology-related
companies.
At the same time, women are poorly represented in
agricultural extension services in the developing world. Better
understanding of women’s incursion into this sector, as well
as their career paths, may shed some light on the barriers and
opportunities for women in the other sciences.
Women least present in engineering
Women are consistently least represented in engineering,
manufacturing and construction. In many cases, engineering
has lost ground to other sciences, including agriculture.
However, there are regional exceptions: the share of women
graduating as engineers has risen in sub-Saharan Africa, the
Arab States and parts of Asia. Of the 13 sub-Saharan countries
reporting data, seven observe substantial increases (more
than 5%) in women engineers since 2000.7 However, less than
20% of women still graduate in engineering, with the notable
exceptions of Liberia and Mozambique. Of the seven Arab
countries reporting data, four observe a steady percentage
or an increase;8 the highest scores come from the United
Arab Emirates and Palestine (31%), Algeria (31%) and Oman,
with an astonishing 53%. Some Asian countries show similar
rates: 31% in Viet Nam, 39% in Malaysia and 42% in Brunei
Darussalam.
The numbers in Europe and North America are generally low:
19% in Canada, Germany and the USA and 22% in Finland, for
example, but there are some bright spots: 50% of engineering
graduates are women in Cyprus and 38% in Denmark.
Fewer female graduates in computer science
An analysis of computer science shows a steady decrease
in female graduates since 2000 that is particularly marked
in high-income countries. Exceptions in Europe include
Denmark, where female graduates increased from 15% to 24%
between 2000 and 2012, and Germany, which saw an increase
from 10% to 17%. These are still very low levels. In Turkey, the
proportion of women graduating in computer science rose
from a relatively high 29% to 33%. Over the same period, the
share of women graduates slipped in Australia, New Zealand,
the Republic of Korea and USA. The situation in Latin America
and the Caribbean is worrying: in all countries reporting
data, the share of women graduates in computer science has
dropped by between 2 and 13 percentage points.
7. Benin, Burundi, Eritrea, Ethiopia, Madagascar, Mozambique and Namibia
8. Morocco, Oman, Palestine and Saudi Arabia
This should be a wake-up call. Female participation is falling in
a field that is expanding globally as its importance for national
economies grows, penetrating every aspect of daily life. Could
this be a symptom of the phenomenon by which ‘women
are the first hired and the first fired?’ In other words, are they
being pushed out once a company gains prestige and raises
the remuneration of staff, or when companies run into financial
difficulties?
Women engineers well-regarded in Malaysia and India
There are exceptions. The Malaysian information technology
(IT) sector is made up equally of women and men, with large
numbers of women employed as university professors and in
the private sector. This is a product of two historical trends: the
predominance of women in the Malay electronics industry, the
precursor to the IT industry, and the national push to achieve
a ‘pan-Malayan’ culture beyond the three ethnic groups
of Indian, Chinese and Malay. Government support for the
education of all three groups is available on a quota basis and,
since few Malay men are interested in IT, this leaves more room
for women. Additionally, families tend to be supportive of their
daughters’ entry into this prestigious and highly remunerated
industry, in the interests of upward mobility (Mellström, 2009).
In India, the substantial increase in women undergraduates in
engineering may be indicative of a change in the ‘masculine’
perception of engineering in the country. It is also a product
of interest on the part of parents, since their daughters will
be assured of employment as the field expands, as well as an
advantageous marriage. Other factors include the ‘friendly’
image of engineering in India, compared to computer
sciences, and the easy access to engineering education
resulting from the increase in the number of women’s
engineering colleges9 over the last two decades (Gupta, 2012).
TRENDS FROM A REGIONAL PERSPECTIVE
Latin America tops world for female participation
Latin America has some of the world’s highest rates of women
studying scientific fields; it also shares with the Caribbean one
of the highest proportions of female researchers: 44%. Of the
12 countries reporting data for the years 2010–2013, seven
have achieved gender parity, or even dominate research:
Bolivia (63%), Venezuela (56%), Argentina (53%), Paraguay
(52%), Uruguay (49%), Brazil (48%) and Guatemala (45%).
Costa Rica is just a whisker behind, with 43%. Chile has the
lowest score among countries for which there are recent data
(31%). The Caribbean paints a similar picture, with Cuba having
achieved gender parity (47%) and Trinidad and Tobago being
on the cusp (44%).
9. Fifteen women’s engineering colleges have been established in the country
since 1991.
UNESCO SCIENCE REPORT
94
Factoring in specific scientific fields changes some of these
dynamics. As in most other regions, the great majority of
health graduates are women (60–85%). Women are also
strongly represented in science. More than 40% of science
graduates are women in each of Argentina, Colombia,
Ecuador, El Salvador, Mexico, Panama and Uruguay. The
Caribbean paints a similar picture, with women graduates
in science being on a par with men or dominating this field
in Barbados, Cuba, Dominican Republic and Trinidad and
Tobago. In engineering, women make up over 30% of the
graduate population in seven Latin American countries10 and
one Caribbean country – the Dominican Republic. Of note is
the decrease in women engineering graduates in Argentina,
Chile and Honduras.
The discouraging news is that the participation of women
in science has consistently dropped over the past decade.
This trend has been observed in all sectors of the larger
economies: Argentina, Brazil, Chile and Colombia. Mexico is
a notable exception, having recorded a slight increase. Some
of the decrease may be attributed to women transferring to
agricultural sciences in these countries.
Another negative trend is the drop in female doctoral
students and in the labour force. Of those countries
reporting data, the majority signal a significant drop of 10–20
percentage points in the transition from master’s to doctoral
graduates, a trend which augurs ill for employers.
Despite the substantial participation by women in the science
and technology sector, attitudes and institutional practices
persist in Latin America that devalue a women’s ability. For
example, a review of the software and information services
industry in Latin America found that a glass ceiling persists,
with substantial gender disparities in management positions
and on boards of directors. National reviews of women’s
representation in science in the region refer to obstacles
relating to the work–life balance and disadvantages to women
in science and research who are expected to both manage the
household and put in full-time and even overtime at the same
rates as men (ECLAC, 2014; Bonder, 2015).
Gender parity in Eastern Europe and Central Asia
Most countries in Eastern Europe, West and Central Asia have
attained gender parity in research (Armenia, Azerbaijan,
Georgia, Kazakhstan, Mongolia and Ukraine) or are on the
brink of doing so (Kyrgyzstan and Uzbekistan). This trend
is reflected in tertiary education, with some exceptions in
engineering and computer science. Although Belarus and the
Russian Federation have seen a drop over the past decade,
women still represented 41% of researchers in 2013.
10. Argentina, Colombia, Costa Rica, Honduras, Panama, Uruguay
One in three researchers is a woman in Turkey (36%) and
Tajikistan (34%). Participation rates are lower in Iran (26%) and
Israel (21%), although Israeli women represent 28% of senior
academic staff. At university, Israeli women dominate medical
sciences (63%) but only a minority study engineering (14%),
physical sciences (11%), mathematics and computer science
(10%) [see Chapter 16].
There has been an interesting evolution in Iran. Whereas the
share of female PhD graduates in health remained stable at
38–39% between 2007 and 2012, it rose in all three other
broad fields. Most spectacular was the leap in female PhD
graduates in agricultural sciences from 4% to 33% but there
was also a marked progression in science (from 28% to 39%)
and engineering (from 8% to 16%) [see Figure 12.3].
Southeast Europe: a legacy of gender parity
With the exception of Greece, all the countries of Southeast
Europe were once part of the Soviet bloc. Some 49% of
researchers in these countries are women (compared to 37%
in Greece in 2011). This high proportion is considered a legacy
of the consistent investment in education by the Socialist
governments in place until the early 1990s, including that of
the former Yugoslavia. Moreover, the participation of female
researchers is holding steady or increasing in much of the
region, with representation broadly even across the four sectors
of government, business, higher education and non-profit.
In most countries, women tend to be on a par with men
among tertiary graduates in science. Between 70% and
85% of graduates are women in health, less than 40% in
agriculture and between 20% and 30% in engineering.
Albania has seen a considerable increase in the share of its
women graduates in engineering and agriculture.
EU: female researcher pool growing fastest
Women make up 33% of researchers overall in the EU, slightly
more than their representation in science (32%). Women
constitute 40% of researchers in higher education, 40% in
government and 19% in the private sector, with the number
of female researchers increasing faster than that of male
researchers. The proportion of female researchers has been
increasing over the last decade, at a faster rate than men
(5.1% annually over 2002–2009 compared with 3.3% for men),
which is also true for their participation among scientists
and engineers (up 5.4% annually between 2002 and 2010,
compared with 3.1 % for men).
Despite these gains, women’s academic careers in Europe
remain characterized by strong vertical and horizontal
segregation. In 2010, although female students (55%)
and graduates (59%) outnumbered male students, men
outnumbered women at the PhD and graduate levels (albeit by
a small margin). Further along in the research career, women
Is the gender gap narrowing in science and engineering?
95
Chapter 3
represented 44% of grade C academic staff, 37% of grade B
academic staff and 20% of grade A academic staff.11 These
trends are intensified in science, with women making up 31%
of the student population at the tertiary level to 38% of PhD
students and 35% of PhD graduates. At the faculty level, they
make up 32% of academic grade C personnel, 23 % of grade
B and 11 % of grade A. The proportion of women among full
professors is lowest in engineering and technology, at 7.9 %.
With respect to representation in science decision-making,
in 2010 15.5% of higher education institutions were headed
by women and 10% of universities had a female rector.
Membership on science boards remained predominantly male
as well, with women making up 36% of board members.
The EU has engaged in a major effort to integrate female
researchers and gender research into its research and
innovation strategy since the mid-2000s. Increases in
women’s representation in all of the scientific fields overall
indicates that this effort has met with some success; however,
the continued lack of representation of women at the
top level of faculties, management and science decision
making indicate that more work needs to be done. The EU is
addressing this through a gender equality strategy and cross-
cutting mandate in Horizon 2020, its research and innovation
funding programme for 2014–2020.
A lack of data for other high-income countries
In Australia, New Zealand and the USA, women make up
the great majority of graduates in fields related to health.
The same can be said of agriculture, in New Zealand’s case.
Both Australia and the USA have seen a modest progression
in the share of female graduates in these two broad fields:
43–46% in agriculture and 76–77% in health for Australia and
47.5–48% in agriculture and 79–81% in health for the USA.
Just one in five women graduate in engineering in these two
countries, a situation that has not changed over the past
decade. In New Zealand, women jumped from representing
39% to 70% of agricultural graduates between 2000 and 2012
but ceded ground in science (43–39%), engineering (33–27%)
and health (80–78%). As for Canada, it has not reported sex-
disaggregated data for women graduates in science and
engineering. Moreover, none of the four countries listed here
has reported recent data on the share of female researchers.
South Asia: the lowest shares of women
South Asia is the region where women make up the smallest
proportion of researchers: 17%. This is 13 percentage points
below sub-Saharan Africa. Of those countries in South Asia
reporting data, Nepal has the lowest representation of all at
8% (2010), a substantial drop from 15% in 2002. Only 14%
11. Grade A is the highest grade/post at which research is normally conducted;
grade B researchers occupy mid-level positions; grade C is the first grade/post
to which a newly qualified PhD-holder would normally be recruited (European
Commission, 2013).
of researchers are women in the region’s most populous
country, India. The percentage of female researchers is
highest in Sri Lanka but has receded somewhat to 37% (2010)
from the 42% reported in 2006. Pakistan is gradually catching
up (20% in 2013) [see Figure 21.7].
A breakdown of the research labour force reveals that South
Asian women are most present in the private non-profit sector
– they make up 60% of employees in Sri Lanka – followed by
the academic sector: 30% of Pakistani and 42% of Sri Lankan
female researchers. Women tend to be less present in the
government sector and least likely to be employed in the
business sector, accounting for 23% of employees in Sri Lanka
and just 5% in Nepal (Figure 3.4).
Women have achieved parity in science in both Sri Lanka
and Bangladesh but are less likely to undertake research
in engineering. They represent 17% of the research pool in
Bangladesh and 29% in Sri Lanka. Many Sri Lankan women
have followed the global trend of opting for a career in
agricultural sciences (54%) and they have also achieved parity
in health and welfare. In Bangladesh, just over 30% choose
agricultural sciences and health, which goes against the
global trend. Although Bangladesh still has progress to make,
the share of women in each scientific field has increased
steadily over the past decade.
Southeast Asia: women often on a par with men
Southeast Asia presents a different picture entirely, with
women basically on a par with men in some countries: they
make up 52% of researchers in the Philippines and Thailand,
for example. Other countries are close to parity, such as
Malaysia and Viet Nam, whereas Indonesia and Singapore are
still around the 30% mark. Cambodia trails its neighbours at
20%. Female researchers in the region are spread fairly equally
across the sectors of participation, with the exception of the
private sector, where they make up 30% or less of researchers
in most countries.
The proportion of women tertiary graduates reflects these
trends, with high percentages of women in science in Brunei
Darussalam, Malaysia, Myanmar and the Philippines (around
60%) and a low of 10% in Cambodia. Women make up the
majority of graduates in health sciences, from 60% in Laos
to 81% in Myanmar – Viet Nam being an exception at 42%.
Women graduates are on a par with men in agriculture but less
present in engineering: Viet Nam (31%), the Philippines (30%)
and Malaysia (39%); here, the exception is Myanmar, at 65%.
In the Republic of Korea, women make up about 40% of
graduates in science and agriculture and 71% of graduates in
health sciences but only 18% of female researchers overall. This
represents a loss in the investment made in educating girls and
women up through tertiary education, a result of traditional
UNESCO SCIENCE REPORT
96
Female researchers in the region are primarily employed
in government research institutes, with some countries
also seeing a high participation of women in private non-
profit organizations and universities. With the exception
of Sudan (40%) and Palestine (35%), fewer than one in
four researchers in the business enterprise sector is a
woman; for half of the countries reporting data, there are
barely any women at all employed in this sector.
Despite these variable numbers, the percentage of female
tertiary-level graduates in science and engineering is
very high across the region, which indicates there is a
substantial drop between graduation and employment
and research. Women make up half or more than half
of science graduates in all but Sudan and over 45% in
agriculture in eight out of the 15 countries reporting data.12
In engineering, women make up over 70% of graduates in
Oman, with rates of 25–38% in the majority of the other
countries – which is high in comparison to other regions.
Interestingly, the participation of women is somewhat
lower in health than in other regions, possibly on account
of cultural norms restricting interactions between males
and females. Iraq and Oman have the lowest percentages
(mid-30s), whereas Iran, Jordan, Kuwait, Palestine and
Saudi Arabia are at gender parity in this field. The United
Arab Emirates and Bahrain have the highest rates of all:
83% and 84%.
Why such a high proportion of female engineering students
in the region? The case of the United Arab Emirates offers
12. Algeria, Egypt, Jordan, Lebanon, Sudan, Syria, Tunisia and UAE
views of women’s role in society and in the home. Kim and
Moon (2011) remark on the tendency of Korean women to
withdraw from the labour force to take care of children and
assume family responsibilities, calling it a ‘domestic brain drain’.
Women remain very much a minority in Japanese science (15%
in 2013), although the situation has improved slightly (13% in
2008) since the government fixed a target in 2006 of raising the
ratio of female researchers to 25% (see Chapter 24). Calculated
on the basis of the current number of doctoral students, the
government hopes to obtain a 20% share of women in science,
15% in engineering and 30% in agriculture and health by the
time the current Basic Plan for Science and Technology ends in
2016. Today, Japanese female researchers are most common in
the public sector in health and agriculture, where they represent
29% of academics and 20% of government researchers (see
Figure 24.5). One of the main thrusts of Abenomics, Japan’s
current growth strategy, is to enhance the socio-economic
role of women. Consequently, the selection criteria for most
large university grants now take into account the proportion of
women among teaching staff and researchers (Chapter 24).
Arab States: a high share of female students
At 37%, the share of female researchers in the Arab States
compares well with other regions. The countries with the
highest proportion of female researchers are Bahrain, Brunei
Darussalam and Sudan at around 40%. Jordan, Libya, Oman,
Palestine and Qatar have percentage shares in the low
twenties. The country with the lowest participation of female
researchers is Saudi Arabia, even though they make up the
majority of tertiary graduates, but the figure of 1.4% covers
only the King Abdulaziz City for Science and Technology.
Figure 3.4: Share of women among researchers employed in the business enterprise sector, 2013 or closest year (%)
Note: Data are in head counts. The oldest data are for the Philippines and Israel (2007), Iran, Lesotho and Zambia (2008) and Thailand (2009).
Source: UNESCO Institute for Statistics, August 2015
0
10
20
30
40
50
60
26.9
28.9
29.3
29.3
29.4
29.4
30.2
30.8
30.8
31.0
31.4
32.9
33.3
33.3
33.8
35.1
35.2
37.2
37.4
37.4
37.6
37.8
40.1
40.3
42.8
42.9
43.1
44.8
45.6
47.2
47.5
47.9
49.8
57.3
58.6
26.7
5.3
8.1
11.0
11.4
11.6
13.8
14.2
14.5
15.1
15.4
16.3
16.3
18.2
19.2
19.4
19.7
20.0
20.2
20.8
21.4
21.6
21.9
22.2
22.3
23.2
23.3
23.5
23.9
25.5
25.5
25.5
25.6
25.8
25.9
26.1
Bosnia & Her
z.
Azerbaija
n
Kazakhstan
Mongolia
Latvia
Uruguay
Serbia
Kyrgyzstan
Philippine
s
Croatia
Bulgaria
Ukraine
Uzbekistan
Romania
Montenegr
o
Belarus
Russian Fe
d.
Viet Nam
South Afric
a
Thailand
Kenya
Botswana
Namibia
Portugal
Zambia
Lithuania
Greece
Malaysia
Estonia
Spain
El Salvador
Argentin
a
Cyprus
Moldova
Denmark
Malta
Belgium
Slovenia
Chile
Sweden
Colombia
Iceland
Singapore
Turkey
Qatar
Switzerland
Sri Lanka
Ireland
Norway
Iran
Italy
Israel
Uganda
Slovakia
France
Poland
UK
Hungary
Lesotho
Austria
Finland
Ethiopia
Czech Rep.
Netherlands
Germany
Korea, Rep.
Mali
Luxembourg
India
Japan
Nepal
96
Is the gender gap narrowing in science and engineering?
97
Chapter 3
some insights. The government has made it a priority to develop
a knowledge economy, having recognized the need for a strong
human resource base in science, technology and engineering.
With just 1% of the labour force being Emirati, it is also concerned
about the low percentage of Emirati citizens employed in key
industries (see Chapter 17). As a result, it has introduced policies
promoting the training and employment of Emirati citizens, as
well as a greater participation of Emirati women in the labour
force. Emirati female engineering students have said that they
are attracted to a career in engineering for reasons of financial
independence, the high social status associated with this field,
the opportunity to engage in creative and challenging projects
and the wide range of career opportunities.
Once Arab women scientists and engineers graduate, they may
come up against barriers to finding gainful employment. These
include a misalignment between university programmes and
labour market demand – a phenomenon which also affects
men –, a lack of awareness about what a career in their chosen
field entails, family bias against working in mixed-gender
environments and a lack of female role models (Samulewicz et al,
2012; see also Chapter 17).
One of the countries with the smallest female labour force is
developing technical and vocational education for girls as part
of a wider scheme to reduce dependence on foreign labour.
By 2017, the Technical and Vocational Training Corporation of
Saudi Arabia is to have constructed 50 technical colleges,
50 girls’ higher technical institutes and 180 industrial secondary
institutes. The plan is to create training placements for about
500 000 students, half of them girls. Boys and girls will be
trained in vocational professions that include information
0
10
20
30
40
50
60
26.9
28.9
29.3
29.3
29.4
29.4
30.2
30.8
30.8
31.0
31.4
32.9
33.3
33.3
33.8
35.1
35.2
37.2
37.4
37.4
37.6
37.8
40.1
40.3
42.8
42.9
43.1
44.8
45.6
47.2
47.5
47.9
49.8
57.3
58.6
26.7
5.3
8.1
11.0
11.4
11.6
13.8
14.2
14.5
15.1
15.4
16.3
16.3
18.2
19.2
19.4
19.7
20.0
20.2
20.8
21.4
21.6
21.9
22.2
22.3
23.2
23.3
23.5
23.9
25.5
25.5
25.5
25.6
25.8
25.9
26.1
Bosnia & Herz.
Azerbaijan
Kazakhstan
Mongolia
Latvia
Uruguay
Serbia
Kyrgyzstan
Philippines
Croatia
Bulgaria
Ukraine
Uzbekistan
Romania
Montenegro
Belarus
Russian Fed.
Viet Nam
South Africa
Thailand
Kenya
Botswana
Namibia
Portugal
Zambia
Lithuania
Greece
Malaysia
Estonia
Spain
El Salvador
Argentina
Cyprus
Moldova
Denmark
Malta
Belgium
Slovenia
Chile
Sweden
Colombia
Iceland
Singapore
Turkey
Qatar
Switzerland
Sri Lanka
Ireland
Norway
Iran
Italy
Israel
Uganda
Slovakia
France
Poland
UK
Hungary
Lesotho
Austria
Finland
Ethiopia
Czech Re
p.
Netherland
s
Germany
Korea, Rep
.
Mali
Luxembourg
India
Japan
Nepal
technology, medical equipment handling, plumbing, electricity
and mechanics (see Chapter 17).
Sub-Saharan Africa: solid gains
Just under one in three (30%) researchers in sub-Saharan
Africa is a woman. Much of sub-Saharan Africa is seeing solid
gains in the share of women among tertiary graduates in
scientific fields. In two of the top four countries for women’s
representation in science, women graduates are part of very
small cohorts: they make up 54% of Lesotho’s 47 tertiary
graduates in science and 60% of those in Namibia’s graduating
class of 149. South Africa and Zimbabwe, which have larger
graduate populations in science, have achieved parity, with
49% and 47% respectively. The next grouping clusters seven
countries poised at around 35–40%,13 whereas the rest are
grouped around 30% or below.14 Burkina Faso ranks lowest,
with women making up 18% of its science graduates.
Female representation in engineering is fairly high in
sub-Saharan Africa in comparison with other regions. In
Mozambique, Lesotho, Angola and South Africa, women
make up between 28% (South Africa) and 34% (Mozambique)
of science graduates. Numbers of female graduates in
agricultural science have been increasing steadily across the
continent, with eight countries reporting the share of women
graduates of 40% or more.15 In health, this rate ranges from
26% and 27% in Benin and Eritrea to 94% in Namibia.
13. Angola, Burundi, Eritrea, Liberia, Madagascar, Mozambique and Rwanda
14. Benin, Ethiopia, Ghana, Swaziland and Uganda
15. Lesotho, Madagascar, Mozambique, Namibia, Sierra Leone, South Africa,
Swaziland and Zimbabwe
UNESCO SCIENCE REPORT
98
such as favouritism or victimization, or to feel that their
supervisor was oblivious to their personal life, or to feel
isolated from their research group. They were also more
likely to be uncomfortable with the research culture of
their group in terms of working patterns, work hours and
competition among peers. As a result, female students
viewed an academic career as offering a solitary existence;
they felt intimidated by the competitive atmosphere and
that an academic career demanded too much of a sacrifice
from them concerning other aspects of their life. Many female
students also spoke of having been advised against pursuing
a scientific career, owing to the challenges they would face as
a woman (Royal Society of Chemistry, 2008). In Japan, female
engineering undergraduates complained of experiencing
difficulties in approaching instructors with questions and
had trouble engaging with learning both in and outside the
classroom (Hosaka, 2013).
The ‘maternal wall’ results from expectations that a woman’s
job performance will be affected by her taking a leave of
absence to have children, or by absences from work to
take care of the family (Williams, 2004). In some countries,
once women have embarked on a scientific career, their
trajectories tend to be less stable than those of men and
characterized by shorter term and temporary work, rather
than full-time positions (Kim and Moon, 2011). Some of these
challenges stem from a working and research environment
where women are expected to fit in and ‘become one of the
boys’ rather than one which encourages flexible working
arrangements to accommodate the life situations of both
women and men. In East Africa, barriers facing female
researchers include difficulty in travelling to conferences or
in participating in field work, on the assumption that they
are the primary domestic caregiver at home (Campion and
Shrum, 2004). The maternal wall is supplemented by the ‘glass
ceiling,’ whereby a woman’s performance tends to be more
closely scrutinized than that of men, obliging women to work
harder to prove themselves (Williams, 2004).
Women should not have to choose between two
sacrifices
Women who do take leave for family reasons sacrifice
progress in their careers, particularly in the research
environment. When they return, they are either considered
as having fallen behind in their career, compared to their
peers, or in need of retraining in their field. Changing the
current system of performance appraisal and reward to
accommodate women’s child-bearing years without obliging
them to sacrifice their careers is the single most important
step towards rectifying this imbalance.
In many countries, the work–life balance and family
responsibilities are also emerging concerns for men
(CMPWASE, 2007).
POLICY ISSUES
Progress but a persistent ‘generation effect’
Concrete progress is being made in much of the world in
increasing the share of women studying scientific disciplines.
Moreover, female participation at tertiary level is expanding
beyond life and health sciences. We are also seeing progress
in the recognition of female scientists at national, regional
and global levels. The African Union has instigated awards for
women scientists, for instance (see Chapter 18). In the past
five years, five Nobel prizes have been awarded to women
for work in medicine, physiology and chemistry.16 In 2014,
the Iranian Maryam Mirzakhani became the first woman
to receive the prestigious Fields Medal awarded by the
International Mathematical Union.
However, the data also show that gender equality in science
is not a natural result of these trends – it is not simply a matter
of waiting for female tertiary graduates to make their way
through the system. Gaps and barriers persist throughout
the scientific research system. This has been systematically
documented in Europe and the USA, where a decade or so of
injecting policy, programming and funding into the system
to promote gender equality in research have not produced
as much progress as expected. Indeed, in the USA, numbers
have remained stagnant and even decreased in some fields
over the past decade, whereas there has been little change in
the gender balance in the EU for positions of leadership and
prestige (EU, 2013). Eurostat uses the term ‘generation effect’
to refer to a gender imbalance in the research population
which increases with age rather than evening out. Despite
increases in numbers of female students, the gender gap in
scientific research in Europe is still disproportionately high,
making it less likely women will automatically ‘catch up’ to
men (EU, 2013).
Getting more women into science isn’t working
A combination of factors reduces the proportion of women
at each stage of a scientific career: the graduate-level
environment; the maternal wall/glass ceiling; performance
evaluation criteria; the lack of recognition; lack of support for
leadership bids; and unconscious gender bias.
With regard to the graduate-level environment, a 2008 study
of the career intentions of graduate students in chemistry in
the UK found that 72% of women had planned to become
a researcher at the start of their studies but, by the time
they completed their PhD, only 37% still harboured this
career goal. This was the result of a number of factors which
‘discourage women more than men from planning a career
in research, especially in academia’. Female students were
more likely to encounter problems with their supervisor
16. See: www.nobelprize.org/nobel_prizes/lists/women.html
Is the gender gap narrowing in science and engineering?
99
Chapter 3
Women have less access to research funding
Performance evaluation includes productivity measurements,
such as the number of authored publications and patents, the
citation rate of these papers and the amount of research funding
obtained. In science, productivity is measured in terms of
research, teaching and service (such as committee membership),
with research tending to carry the most weight. Publication in
high-prestige journals or conference proceedings ranks highest
and teaching lowest. Studies in the USA indicate that female
faculty tend to focus on teaching and service more than research,
particularly in terms of the number of authored publications.
At the same time, young researchers are expected to spend
80–120 hours per week in the laboratory, putting women with
children at an immediate disadvantage (CMPWASE, 2007).
Universally, the publication rate of female researchers is lower
than that for men, although there are data gaps. South African
women authored 25% of published articles in 2005, Korean
women 15% in 2009 (Kim and Moon, 2011) and Iranian women
about 13%, with a focus on chemistry, medical and social
sciences (see Chapter 15). Recent research suggests that the
main explanation for this trend lies in women’s limited access to
funding and generally lower status: women are less represented
than men at prestigious universities and among senior faculty,
the very positions where researchers publish the most (Ceci
and Williams, 2011). For example, in East Africa in 2004, the lack
of equal access to funding and interaction with regional and
international collaborators decreased the likelihood of female
researchers being published in prestigious international journals
(Campion and Shrum, 2004).
If women in all countries are penalized when it comes to
research funding, the same goes for patents. ‘In all countries,
across all sectors and in all fields, the percentage of women
obtaining patents is … less than their male counterparts
(Rosser, 2009). Globally, patenting rates by women are highest
in pharmaceutical fields (24.1%), followed by basic chemicals
(12.5%), machine tools (2.3%) and energy machinery (1.9 %).
In Europe, the share of patent applications made by women
was around 8% in 2008. About 94% of US patents are owned by
men (Frietsch et al., 2008; Rosser, 2009). Research on this topic
suggests that ability is not an issue. Rather, women scientists
tend not to understand or show interest in the patenting
process, or to focus on research with a social impact rather than
on technical processes that can be patented (Rosser, 2009).
A persistent bias that women cannot do as well as men
The number of women who have been recognized as leaders
by high-prestige societies or through awards remains low,
despite some high-profile exceptions. Lack of recognition of
women’s achievements contributes to the misconception that
women cannot do science or, at least, not as well as men. This
gender bias can be conscious or unconscious. In one study,
all faculty, both male and female, rated a male applicant
for a laboratory position significantly higher than a female
applicant. The participants in the study also selected a higher
starting salary and offered more career mentoring to the male
(Moss-Racusina et al., 2012).
Science remains one of the few sectors where gender bias is
common and considered acceptable by some. In June 2015,
72 year-old Nobel laureate Sir Tim Hunt criticized the presence
of women in his laboratories, explaining that he considered
them a distraction and overly emotional. Weeks later, Matt
Taylor from the European Space Agency wore a shirt with a
garish pin-up girl pattern when making a major announcement
about the Rosetta Project space probe. After people expressed
indignation via social media, both men made public apologies.
Pragmatic reasons to hire a woman
Companies and institutions are increasingly aware that a diverse
labour force will improve their performance and enable them
to reach more segments of their target customer or client base
or relevant stakeholders. Diversity in research also expands the
pool of talented researchers, bringing in fresh perspectives,
talent and creativity. Google recently recognized its own need
for a more diverse labour force for the very reasons cited above.
‘[Google] is not where we want to be when it comes to diversity’,
according to Laszlo Bock, Google’s senior vice president for
people operations (Miller, 2014). Women make up just 17% of
Google’s technicians and one in four of its top executives. Ethnic
diversity is also low, with 1% Afro-American, 2% Hispanic and
34% Asian employees in the USA.
Conversely, the attrition of talented women from the
science system represents a serious loss in investment. Many
governments are setting targets for raising the share of GDP
spent on research and development (R&D), 60% of which
goes on human resources. If governments are serious about
reaching their targets, many more researchers will need to be
hired. Widening the pool of talented researchers will increase
the rate of progress towards reaching government targets
and ensure that the money spent on educating half of these
potential researchers does not go down the drain (Sheehan
and Wyckoff, 2003). Many countries recognize that a greater
gender balance and diversity in science and research would
increase their competitiveness in a globalized economy.
Malaysia and the United Arab Emirates have both instituted
policies fostering greater diversity in the labour force,
including women, and are seeing positive results. Science in
both the public and private sectors in the Republic of Korea,
on the other hand, is characterized by a strong, persistent
gender imbalance in scientific research and industry.
The scientific endeavour itself suffers when women do not
participate equally in research and industry (Figure 3.4).
Feminist critiques of science have shown that the way in
which experiments are set up, the way research questions
UNESCO SCIENCE REPORT
100
are defined and the type of conclusions drawn from research
findings are all influenced by gender (Rosser, 2009). How
many inventions have never seen the light of day as a
result of women’s absence from research? What important
considerations from a gender perspective are being
overlooked? It was not until 1993 that aspirin was found to
have a totally different effect on heart disease in men and
women, reducing the chances of a heart attack in men but
not of a stroke, while reducing the risk of a stroke in women
but not of a heart attack (Kaiser, 2005).
Simply and perhaps most importantly, women should have
the same opportunities as men to understand and benefit
from the fruits of research, contribute to society, earn a living
and choose a fulfilling profession. The United Nations has
made a strong commitment to gender mainstreaming – be it
in research, legislation, policy development or in activities on
the ground – as part of its mandate to ensure that both women
and men are in a position to influence, participate in and
benefit from development efforts.17 UNESCO has embraced
this commitment by establishing gender equality as one of
its two global priorities, along with Africa. UNESCO considers
gender equality not only to be a fundamental human right
but also a building block of sustainable, peaceful societies.
This commitment includes promoting a greater participation
by women in science, technology, innovation and research.
This is why the UNESCO Institute of Statistics systematically
collects gender-disaggregated data, which it then makes freely
available to the public through interactive websites (Box 3.1).
Moving forward: policies for gender equality
Among industrialized countries, the EU and the USA have
both adopted strong policies and funding incentives to foster
the participation of women in science. Horizon 2020, the EU
programme funding research and innovation from 2014 to
2020, treats gender as a cross-cutting issue; it implements a
strategy to promote gender equality in research and innovation,
including gender balance in research teams, gender balance
17. See: ww.un.org/womenwatch/osagi/gendermainstreaming.htm
on expert panels and advisory groups and the integration
of gender aspects in the content of research and innovation
projects to improve scientific quality and societal relevance.
In the USA, the Science and Engineering Equal Opportunity Act
of 1980 mandates equal opportunities for men and women in
education, training and employment in scientific and technical
fields. As a result, the National Science Foundation supports
and undertakes research, data collection and other activities
to assess, measure and increase the participation of women
in science, technology, engineering and mathematics. One
of its programmes, ADVANCE, offers fellowships and awards
for institutional transformation and leadership to increase the
participation of women in research and reward excellence.18
A number of low- and middle-income countries have also
developed policies in one or more areas to integrate women
and gender issues more effectively into science. In 2003, the
Department of Science and Technology of South Africa convened
an advisory body to advise it on priorities, key directions and
successful strategies for increasing the participation of women in
science. This agenda is set in a national context of gender equality
and driven by a national ‘gender machinery’ consisting of a group
of co-ordinated structures within and beyond government:
SET4W is part of the National Advisory Council on Innovation,
a national body appointed by the Minister of Science and
Technology to advise him or her, as well as the Department of
Science and Technology and the National Research Foundation.
Set4W provides advice on policy issues at the nexus of science,
technology, innovation and gender (ASSAf, 2011).
The Brazilian approach combines policy with robust
mechanisms for implementation. The high level of female
representation in various sectors is a result of strong support
for gender equality. Women’s rights both inside and outside
the home have been strengthened and the participation of
women and girls in education and employment has been
encouraged. This strategy has proven highly successful,
18. www.nsf.gov/crssprgm/advance/
Women in Science is an interactive data
tool developed by the UNESCO Institute
for Statistics. It lets you explore and
visualize gender gaps in the pipeline
leading to a research career: from the
decision to enrol in a doctorate degree
course to the scientific fields that
women pursue and the sectors in which
they work. By presenting both regional
and country-level data, this product
provides a global perspective on the
gender gap in research, with an emphasis
on science, technology, engineering
and mathematics. Available in English,
French and Spanish, it may be accessed at
http://on.unesco.org/1n3pTcO.
In addition, the eAtlas of Research and
Experimental Development lets you
explore and export interactive maps,
charts and ranking tables for more
than 75 indicators on the human and
financial resources devoted to R&D. Go
to: http://on.unesco.org/RD-map.
Both products are automatically
updated with the latest data. They can
be easily embedded on websites, blogs
and social media sites.
Source: UNESCO Institute for Statistics
Box 3.1: Explore the data
Is the gender gap narrowing in science and engineering?
101
Chapter 3
gender parity having been attained in the national labour
force. The government has also increased investment in R&D
and programmes fostering science and engineering education
for all (see Chapter 7). The availability of scholarships, coupled
with transparency in competitions at graduate levels, has
encouraged many women to enter science (Abreu, 2011).
Systematic collection of gender-disaggregated data
To support policy implementation and research, both the EU
and USA systematically collect gender-disaggregated data. In
the USA, the National Science Foundation is also required to
prepare and submit reports to the US Congress (parliament)
on policy and programming to promote minority participation
in these fields and to eliminate discrimination in science and
engineering by sex, race, ethnic group or discipline. Since
2005, Eurostat has been given a mandate to collect gender-
disaggregated data by qualification, sector, field of science,
age, citizenship, economic activity and employment in the
business enterprise sector. South Africa and Brazil also collect
comprehensive gender-disaggregated data.
Creating a level playing field in the workplace
Extensive research has been undertaken in Europe and the
USA to identify models which ensure that countries can
benefit from the talent, creativity and accomplishments of
both sexes when it comes to science and engineering. A
number of approaches can be taken to promote an equitable
and diverse workplace (CMPWASE, 2007; EU, 2013):
n Address unconscious bias in hiring and performance
assessment;
n Implement sexual harassment training and policies and
ensure redress for victims of harassment;
n Address the institutional culture and processes that
penalize a woman’s family life: performance evaluation in
relation to hiring, tenure and promotion needs to accept
flexible publication and research schedules to ensure that
women (and men) who interrupt their career during their
child-bearing years will not jeopardize their future career;
n Institutional gender policies need to be supported at the
highest levels of governance;
n Decision-making and selection processes should be open,
transparent and accountable. All professional, grant,
selection and hiring committees should reflect a balance
between male and female members;
n Modernize human resources management and the work
environment;
n Eliminate the gender pay gap, including the gender
research funding gap;
n Make resources available to parents for retraining or
re-entering the labour force; and
n Ensure that women and men can take advantage of travel,
conference and funding opportunities equally.
UN Women and the UN Global Compact have joined forces
to produce the Women’s Empowerment Principles, a set of
guidelines for business on how to empower women in the
workplace, marketplace and community. These guidelines
are intended to promote best practice by outlining the
gender dimensions of corporate responsibility and the role
of business in sustainable development; the guidelines
thus apply both to businesses and to governments in their
interactions with the business world. Companies are asked to
use a set of seven principles to assess company policies and
programmes; develop an action plan for integrating gender
considerations; communicate progress to stakeholders;
use the Women’s Empowerment Principles for guidance in
reporting; raise awareness about the Women’s Empowerment
Principles and promote their implementation; and share good
practices and lessons learned with others.
The Consultative Group on
International Agricultural Research
(CGIAR) established its Gender and
Diversity programme in 1999 with a
mandate to promote the recruitment,
advancement and retention of women
scientists and other professionals. A
Gender Monitoring Framework was
designed for the CGIAR in 2013 to
monitor progress in addressing:
n what CGIAR has done in its own
work place(s) to raise the share
of women in senior positions
and those seeking out CGIAR as an
employer of choice; and
n progress in gender mainstreaming
achieved throughout the CGIAR
system, using such indicators as
the number of male and female
staff in key leadership positions, the
integration of gender considerations
into research priority-setting,
implementation and evaluation and,
lastly, the extent to which research
budgets and expenditure are
allocated with respect to gender.
In 2014, women made up 31% of
the CGIAR leadership. The CGIAR
Consortium has since hired a Senior
Advisor on Gender and Research to
advise centres on related issues in the
workplace. Reports are also submitted
to the CGIAR Fund Council every six
months to monitor the performance of
the Gender and Diversity programme.
Source: CGIAR (2015)
Box 3.2: The CGIAR: advancing the careers of women in global research
UNESCO SCIENCE REPORT
102
CONCLUSION
A need to ‘fix the system’
Although more women are studying for degrees related to
health, science and agriculture than before and there is even a
gender imbalance in favour of women at the tertiary level overall,
the sheer drop in female researchers to less than 30% globally
indicates that serious barriers remain to the full participation
of women in science and engineering. At the transition from
master’s to PhD level then, as they climb the rungs of the career
ladder, a number of women are ‘lost’ to science.
Even women who embark on a career in science or
engineering often leave their jobs for family reasons or
change career paths more often than men. Recent research
indicates that approaches to this problem need to change, an
affirmation supported by the data. The approach of getting
more women to study science and choose a scientific career
needs replacing with an approach oriented towards ‘fixing
the system,’ that is, addressing the points of attrition, barriers
and culture that are causing women to abandon science.
The following steps, among others, can foster greater
diversity in the scientific labour force:
Governments are encouraged to:
n collect data disaggregated by gender consistently in key
sectors;
n implement policies that promote the participation of
women in society and the labour force, as well as in science
and innovation; and
n take steps to ensure that science and education systems
are accessible, of a high quality and affordable.
Research, science and government institutions are
encouraged to:
n commit to the equal representation of women in science,
research and innovation management and decision-making;
n support a commitment to gender equality and diversity
through funding, programming and the monitoring of
progress; and
n introduce fellowships and grants to increase the
representation of underrepresented groups.
Employers and governments are encouraged to:
n adopt open, transparent and competitive recruitment and
advancement policies;
n adopt strategies to promote diversity in education and
the workplace, including targets for the participation
of different groups, financial support and access to
employment opportunities; and
n ensure supplementary support for women in the
form of training, access to finance and backing for
entrepreneurship.
Gender equality is more than a question of justice or equity.
Countries, businesses and institutions which create an enabling
environment for women increase their innovative capacity
and competitiveness. The scientific endeavour benefits from
the creativity and vibrancy of the interaction of different
perspectives and expertise. Gender equality will encourage
new solutions and expand the scope of research. This should
be considered a priority by all if the global community is serious
about reaching the next set of development goals.
REFERENCES
Abreu, A. (2011) National Assessments of Gender, Science,
Technology and Innovation: Brazil. Prepared for Women
in Global Science and Technology and the Organization
for Women in Science for the Developing World: Brighton
(Canada).
ASSAf (2011) Participation of Girls and Women in the National STI
System in South Africa. Academy of Sciences of South Africa.
Bonder, G. (2015) National Assessments of Gender, Science,
Technology and Innovation: Argentina. Women in Global
Science and Technology and the Organization for Women
in Science for the Developing World: Brighton (Canada).
Campion, P. and W. Shrum (2004) Gender and science in
development: women scientists in Ghana, Kenya, India.
Science, Technology and Human Values, 28(4), 459–485.
Ceci, S. J. and W. M. Williams (2011) Understanding current
causes of women’s underrepresentation in science.
Proceedings of the National Academy of Science, 108(8):
3 157–3 162.
Cho, A. H.; Johnson, S. A.; Schuman, C. E.; Adler, J. M.;
Gonzalez, O.; Graves, S. J.; Huebner, J. R.; Marchant,
D. B. Rifai, S. W.; Skinner, I. and E. M. Bruna (2014)
Women are underrepresented on the editorial boards of
journals in environmental biology and natural resource
management. PeerJ, 2:e542.
CGIAR (2015) Third CGIAR Consortium Gender and Diversity
Performance Report. Consortium of Consultative Group on
International Agricultural Research: Montpellier (France).
CMPWASE (2007) Beyond Bias and Barriers: Fulfilling the
Potential of Women in Academic Science and Engineering.
Committee on Maximizing the Potential of Women in
Is the gender gap narrowing in science and engineering?
103
Chapter 3
Academic Science and Engineering. National Academy of
Sciences, National Academy of Engineering and Institute of
Medicine. The National Academies Press: Washington, DC.
ECLAC (2014) The Software and Information Technology
Services Industry: an Opportunity for the Economic
Autonomy of Women in Latin America. United Nations
Economic Commission for Latin America and the
Caribbean: Santiago.
EIGE (2012) Women and the Environment: Gender Equality and
Climate Change. European Institute for Gender Equality.
European Union: Luxembourg.
EU (2013) She Figures 2012: Gender in Research and Innovation.
Directorate-General for Research and Innovation.
European Union: Brussels.
Expert Group on Structural Change (2012) Research and
Innovation Structural Change in Research Institutions:
Enhancing Excellence, Gender Equality and Efficiency in
Research and Innovation. Directorate-General for Research
and Innovation. European Commission: Brussels.
Frietsch, R.; I. Haller and M. Vrohlings (2008) Gender-specific
Patterns in Patenting and Publishing. Discussion Paper.
Innovation Systems and Policy Analysis no. 16. Fraunhofer
Institute (Germany).
Gupta, N. (2012) Women undergraduates in engineering
education in India: a study of growing participation.
Gender, Technology and Development, 16(2).
Henry, F. (2015) Survey of Women in the Academies of the
Americas. International Network of Academies of Sciences’
Women for Science Programme: Mexico City.
Hosaka, M. (2013) I wouldn’t ask professors questions! Women
engineering students’ learning experiences in Japan.
International Journal of Gender, Science and Technology, 5(2).
Huyer, S. (2014) Gender and Climate Change in Macedonia:
Applying a Gender Lens to the Third National
Communication on Climate Change. Government of FYR
Macedonia Publications: Skopje.
Huyer, S. and N. Hafkin (2012) National Assessments of Gender
Equality in the Knowledge Society. Global Synthesis Report.
Women in Global Science and Technology and the
Organization for Women in Science for the Developing
World: Brighton (Canada).
Kaiser, J. (2005) Gender in the pharmacy: does It matter?
Science, 308.
Kim, Y. and Y. Moon (2011) National Assessment on Gender and
Science, Technology and Innovation: Republic of Korea. Women
in Global Science and Technology: Brighton (Canada).
Mellström, U. (2009) The intersection of gender, race and
cultural boundaries, or why is computer science in Malaysia
dominated by women? Social Studies of Science, 39(6).
Miller, C. C. (2014) Google releases employee data, illustrating
tech’s diversity challenge. The New York Times , 28 May.
Moss–Racusina, C. A.; Dovidio, J. F.; Brescoll, V. L.; Graham,
M. J. and J. Handelsman (2012) Science faculty’s subtle
gender biases favor male students. PNAS Early Edition.
Rosser, S. (2009) The gender gap in patenting: is technology
transfer a feminist issue? NWSA Journal, 21(2): 65–84.
Royal Society of Chemistry (2008) The Chemistry PhD: the Impact
on Women’s Retention. Royal Society of Chemistry: London.
Samulewicz, D., Vidican, G. and N. G. Aswad (2012) Barriers to
pursuing careers in science, technology and engineering
for women in the United Arab Emirates . Gender,
Technology and Development, 16(2): 125–52.
Sheehan, J. and J. Wyckoff (2003) Targeting R&D: Economic and
Policy Implications of Increasing R&D Spending. STI Working
Paper 2003/8. Organisation for Economic Co-operation
and Development’s Directorate for Science, Technology
and Industry: Paris.
Williams, J. (2004) Hitting the Maternal Wall. Academe, 90(6):
16–20.
WTO and UN Women (2011) Global Report on Women in Tourism
2010. World Tourism Organization and United Nations Entity
for Gender Equality and the Empowerment of Women.
Zubieta, J. and M. Herzig (2015) Participation of Women and
Girls in National Education and the STI System in Mexico.
Women in Global Science and Technology and the
Organization for Women in Science for the Developing
World: Brighton (Canada).
Sophia Huyer (b. 1962: Canada) is Executive Director at
Women in Global Science and Technology. She is also
Gender and Social Inclusion Research Leader of the Climate
Change, Agriculture and Food Security Programme of the
Consultative Group on International Agricultural Research.
She holds a PhD in Environmental Studies from York
University in Toronto (Canada).
... Furthermore, women are perceived as worse scientific leaders (Carli et al., 2016;Smyth and Nosek, 2015) and are often stereotyped as not having innate talent for specific areas (Leslie et al., 2015). Some regions where female representation is advancing include Southeast Europe (49%), the Caribbean, Central Asia, and Latin America (44%) (Huyer, 2015). However, in the Arab States (37%), the European Union (33%), the European Free Trade Association (34%), and sub-Saharan Africa (30%), female representation lags further from equity (Huyer, 2015). ...
... Some regions where female representation is advancing include Southeast Europe (49%), the Caribbean, Central Asia, and Latin America (44%) (Huyer, 2015). However, in the Arab States (37%), the European Union (33%), the European Free Trade Association (34%), and sub-Saharan Africa (30%), female representation lags further from equity (Huyer, 2015). Associations between variable pairs focused on the research output of supervisors. ...
Article
Full-text available
Introduction This research explores how various characteristics influence supervisors’ research output and engagement. It focuses on undergraduate research (UR) programs at a Brazilian federal educational institution. The study examines academic curricula, including the number of publications and the impact of their productions, and looks for possible academic inequalities. Accordingly, it analyzes the influence of sex-related, academic path, and subject areas on the productivity of UR supervisors in this institution. Methods A case study approach was employed, utilizing quantitative methods for data collection. Data was collected on diverse variables, such as education, academic trajectory, publications, patents, and supervisory roles, by examining the administrative records and the data registered in the Lattes Curriculum platform. Descriptive and inferential statistics, including non-parametric tests and correlation analyses, were employed for data analysis, offering insights into the characteristics and contributions of UR supervisors at the undergraduate level. Results The study included 307 supervisors (59.0% of men), primarily in the Agrarian Sciences (51.5%), aged 37–46 years, and holding doctorate degrees (78.8%). Notably, supervisors in the Agrarian Sciences area had the highest mean experience in UR supervision (51.5%). Statistical analyses revealed significant differences among supervisors based on their research area and between supervisory activities, more prominently in research outputs and impact measures (p < 0.001) for master’s studies supervisions. On average, supervisors had 2.19 articles per year, with higher productivity in the Health Sciences followed by the Biological Sciences field. A positive difference (18.0%) in supervisor participation was found between males and females, with men having a higher rate (14.7%), consistent with previous studies. Conclusion The investigation emphasizes addressing sex disparities and promoting scientific research to enhance academic output indicators through public policies. This analysis provides valuable insights for fostering public policies directed toward educational institutions. Ethics and disclosure The Research Ethics Committee approved the study, ensuring the confidentiality of participant data and compliance with ethical standards.
... Cultural attitudes and values also influence career decisions. In countries like Tunisia and Iran, university admissions are based on examination grades, promoting diversity by policy but limiting personal liberty (Huyer, 2018;Saucerman & Vasquez, 2014). In many Muslim countries, engineering is culturally normalized for women, supported by societal and parental expectations (Atiq, 2018). ...
... There is a lack of understanding of engineering profession, and engineering is viewed as a male-dominated career and thus leading to a lack of female role models (Fox-Turnbull et al., 2023;Lamb et al., 2018;Levine et al., 2010). These authors agree with Huyer (2018) and Saucerman and Vasquez (2014) that cultural values and attitudes strongly influence career decisions as illustrated by equal number of male and female engineering students in many Muslim countries, because of the cultural normalisation and support by society and parents for women to enter the profession (Atiq, 2018). This study provides further evidence of this. ...
Conference Paper
Full-text available
CONTEXT There is a significant underrepresentation of women in engineering disciplines at the tertiary level in New Zealand, posing both economic and equity challenges. Innovation and creativity, which are crucial to engineering and the New Zealand economy, benefit from diverse perspectives. PURPOSE OR GOAL This study investigates the factors influencing women’s interest in engineering in New Zealand, drawing insights from current engineering students and high school students. Each study had a slightly different aim; Study 1 aimed to gain insight into domestic and international female engineering students' perspectives on the factors that influenced their study decisions. Study 2 aimed to determine the factors influencing the future career decisions of teenage girls. Both studies are included in this paper to illustrate scope of the issue and related to the same topic: lack if female participation in engineering APPROACH OR METHODOLOGY/METHODS A qualitative methodology was deployed in both studies, as it enabled a detailed narrative of individual experiences, providing deep insight into participants' experiences, to answer the research question: What Factors Influence Women’s Choices in Relation to Engineering in New Zealand? The main methods used were individual semi-structured interviews and semi-structured focus groups. These methods facilitated the exploration of the participants' understandings of engineering and the factors influencing their career decisions related to engineers and engineering. ACTUAL OR ANTICIPATED OUTCOMES Key barriers identified include insufficient career guidance, lack of promotion of the engineering profession, and the perception of engineering as a masculine field. Additionally, cultural upbringing, cultural expectations and life experiences play a crucial role in deterring girls from pursuing engineering careers. CONCLUSIONS/RECOMMENDATIONS/SUMMARY To make a real difference, cultural shifts are needed, career advice must be timely and consistent. Specific career advice must be given before critical subject choices are made, and messages from the early stages must be continually reinforced as children grow and develop their sense of identity. Students should not be disadvantaged by their school's resources or the quality of career advice they receive. KEYWORDS Women in engineering, career influences, attitudes, stereotypical thinking, New Zealand
... Todo esse contexto contribuiu para criação do estereótipo de que a ciência é uma atividade para homens. De fato, apenas 30% das mulheres fazem ciência no mundo (Huyer et al., 2015). ...
Article
Full-text available
A Neurociência é uma área que envolve múltiplas especialidades, com um grande potencial para desenvolvimento científico, tecnológico, de saúde e social. Essa interdisciplinaridade, apesar de extremamente importante para o avanço das pesquisas, torna difícil um mapeamento realista de como questões sociais como diversidade e inclusão se refletem entre pesquisadores da área. Um levantamento feito com dados da Sociedade Brasileira de Neurociências e Comportamento, principal sociedade de Neurociências brasileira, revelou uma disparidade de gênero alarmante entre os membros da diretoria e participantes dos eventos promovidos por ela. Nesse trabalho, estendemos esse mapeamento para outros contextos da Neurociência no Brasil. Levantamos dados sobre os programas de pós-graduação em Neurociência, analisando as disparidades de gênero na universidade. Também analisamos dados da escola latino-americana de Neurociência Computacional Escola Latino-Americana de Neurociência Computacional e de pesquisadores em Neurociência Computacional Neuro-comp-br, fazendo um recorte da Neurociência nas Ciências Exatas. Em geral, verificamos uma baixa representatividade feminina em posições de liderança, mesmo quando o número de estudantes mulheres é maior que o de homens. Destacamos a importância de uma maior transparência nas características do corpo docente e discente dos programas de pós-graduação, incluindo questões como gênero e raça. Finalmente, discutimos uma série de ações e políticas públicas que poderiam ser aplicadas para criar uma ciência mais inclusiva, diversa e justa.
... This is 13.47% of the total figure, a very low percentage which has improved over time, although only slightly, as shown by the most recent data which set the percentage of books first authored by women around 18% (Gómez-Escalonilla et al. 2023;De Andrés y Picazo, 2023). It is also possible that in the Spanish case we are witnessing what has been termed as the 'leaky pipeline' effect (Huyer, 2020), namely an increasing decline of female researcher talent from the time female students joined as undergraduates (in higher numbers than men in social sciences), until they reach professorship, which is around 20% of communication posts in Spain (Repiso et al., 2020). In this case, what might have also happened in the 1980s was an increasing loss of scientific output, so from 30% of women submitting their PhDs (Martínez Nicolás, 2020), down to 22.89% of women researchers were recognised in academia and, as per our data, 13.4% published as first authors in the areas of theory, journalism, structure and politics, and persuasion. ...
Article
Full-text available
La investigación de la comunicación en España desde el punto de vista de sus obras seminales es una cuestión que ha recibido poca atención. Para responder a esta carencia, el presente artículo investiga algunas de las obras publicadas en los años 80 desde una perspectiva de género, dado que las mujeres han tendido a ser excluidas del relato epistémico y la historia intelectual de los campos científicos, también en el caso de la comunicación. Para ello, se ha llevado a cabo un análisis de carácter cualitativo, hermenéutico y documental. Se identifican 141 libros de los que solamente 19 (13,4%) están firmados en primer lugar por una mujer. Los libros más citados y que conforman el canon son: La construcción de la noticia, El periódico: actor político y Pensar la imagen. De manera complementaria, las obras firmadas en primer lugar por mujeres más referenciadas y que constituyen el “anticanon” son: El arquetipo viril protagonista de la historia, Cultura y comunicación y La otra política de Aristóteles. Las obras que conforman el canon analizaron la comunicación de masas desde enfoques culturales y teóricos ambiciosos, donde tuvo una especial preponderancia la semiótica. El “anticanon” tuvo igualmente un marcado carácter crítico e impulsó los estudios de comunicación y género en España. Mirar a la producción bibliográfica de los 80 realizada por hombres y mujeres supone recuperar un valioso acervo teórico y crítico y una perspectiva, la semiótica, que tiene hoy poco espacio en una disciplina abocada al empirismo y el artículo científico.
Chapter
While growing disparities in wealth and income are well-documented across the globe, the role of intellectual property rights is often overlooked. This volume brings together leading commentators from around the world to interrogate the interrelationship between intellectual property and economic inequality. Interdisciplinary and globally oriented by design, the book features economists, legal scholars, policy analysts, and other experts. Chapters address the impact of intellectual property rights on economic inequality, the effect of economic inequality on the protection and enforcement of these rights, and the potential use of innovation law and policy to help reduce economic inequality. The volume also tackles timely issues like race and gender disparities and the North-South divide in innovation. This book is available as Open Access on Cambridge Core.
Article
Full-text available
This paper aims to assess the effects of women inventors on patent quality through gender consideration in patenting system. Thus, while the educational level has risen among women in STEM and they fill more positions in these occupations now than before, they are still not active patent holders. This work builds upon gender identification using original written characters collected from descriptions of inventions by Chinese and Korean inventors. Even though our data cover patents from 20 countries over a decade, the simple statistics and measures that can be derived include the percentage of patents with a female inventor and women inventor rate. These outcomes demonstrate stark sex differences in patenting with women filing fewer patents or being cited in other patents than their male counterparts. Nevertheless, results with a control for patents having at least one female inventor suggest that such inventions are positively related to enhancements in patent quality proxied for by forward citation rates. This paper highlights the value of gender diversity and future research into female involvement in patenting for improving quality of innovation and the resulting technology and economic growth.
Chapter
In the post-colonial era, the presence of women in the scientific world has been felt. Women made strides to enter the field that was dominated by men; namely the world of science. Despite numerous challenges faced by women scientists, they are persisting in shaping the world of science while also continuing to attribute the new image that was never anticipated in this field. They grafted a new image for themselves in science-related fields in post-colonial Southern Africa as more women practitioners emerged in various science domains. Their presence created an impetus that was never felt before as some began to practise as science teachers, medical practitioners, engineers and across other scientific fields. The brave move did not only change the narrative of women in this domain, but it also highlighted challenges and prospects of women scientists. This chapter focuses on women and the world of science in Southern Africa, with specific reference to Lesotho as the country presents a case of interest for investigating how women scientists created a new story that has been shaped by them. Some women challenged the status quo by recreating their space through breaking the barriers imposed by pre-colonial and colonial societies; they called for the reimagining of their place because they broke the barriers by entering those fields which were exclusively regarded as the male domain. The objective of this chapter is to explore how women claimed their space in the scientific world in Lesotho. Challenges and prospects of women in science in the post-colonial era are scrutinised. Historical analyses of strides of women scientists in Lesotho and their stories are examined through the narrative inquiry in order to inform their role and contribution in reimaging and reimagining their place in the world of science. Results reveal challenges in the academic enrolment in science at the institution of higher learning and lack of mentorship. Women introduced major shifts of exploring science innovatively through entrepreneurship.
Technical Report
Full-text available
This report is written for government agencies and departments in Macedonia as they develop their climate change strategies, as well as for stakeholders in other sectors of society: researchers, civil society, the international system as well as Macedonian citizens. Understanding how women and men are affected differently by climate change, how they respond, what they can contribute to adaptation and mitigation, as well as ensuring their active participation in discussions and decision making will greatly increase the success and sustainability of climate change responses in Macedonia.
Article
Full-text available
This paper reports an investigation on how and why computer science in Malaysia is dominated by women. Inspired by recent critical interventions in gender and technology studies, the paper aims to open up more culturally situated analyses of the gendering of technology or the technology of gendering, with the Malaysian case exemplifying the core of the argument. The paper argues along four different strands of critical thought: (1) a critique of the analytical asymmetry in the process of col production in gender and technology studies; (2) a critique of a western bias in gender and technology studies, advocating more context sensitivity and focus on the cultural embeddedness of gender and technology relations; (3) a critique that pays more attention to spatial practices and body politics in regard to race, class and gender in relation to technology; and (4) a critique of 'western' positional notions of gender configurations that opens up for more fluid constructions of gender identity, including the many crossovers between relational and positional definitions of femininity and masculinity.
Article
Full-text available
Article
Full-text available
Despite efforts to recruit and retain more women, a stark gender disparity persists within academic science. Abundant research has demonstrated gender bias in many demographic groups, but has yet to experimentally investigate whether science faculty exhibit a bias against female students that could contribute to the gender disparity in academic science. In a randomized double-blind study (n = 127), science faculty from research-intensive universities rated the application materials of a student—who was randomly assigned either a male or female name—for a laboratory manager position. Faculty participants rated the male applicant as significantly more competent and hireable than the (identical) female applicant. These participants also selected a higher starting salary and offered more career mentoring to the male applicant. The gender of the faculty participants did not affect responses, such that female and male faculty were equally likely to exhibit bias against the female student. Mediation analyses indicated that the female student was less likely to be hired because she was viewed as less competent. We also assessed faculty participants’ preexisting subtle bias against women using a standard instrument and found that preexisting subtle bias against women played a moderating role, such that subtle bias against women was associated with less support for the female student, but was unrelated to reactions to the male student. These results suggest that interventions addressing faculty gender bias might advance the goal of increasing the participation of women in science.
Article
Engineering is generally regarded as a “men’s sphere,” and women in engineering are underrepresented everywhere, including India. However, recent years have witnessed a tremendous increase in the enrollment of women in undergraduate engineering education in India. This brings into question the male image of engineering and the operation of patriarchy in society. This article argues that the notion of the masculine image of science and engineering is simplistic, and that the culture-specific picture is a variegated one wherein market forces, dynamically developing social changes, gender, and technology intersect. Through an empirical survey of women in an engineering college, this article demonstrates that the increase in their participation is specific to computer-related fields in engineering, and directly related to a vibrant market. Although there is no radical shift in the traditional “patrifocal” ideology, the trend of growing number of women engineers reflects the forces of change demonstrating that the masculine “image” is not static either in time or space.
Article
The United Arab Emirates (UAE) is keen to make a transition to a knowledge-based economy driven by innovative industries and entrepreneurship. But it can achieve this goal only if it builds a strong knowledge base in the fields of science, technology, and engineering (STE). Women can play an important role in this transformation if they contribute their intellectual might to this field. Using the survey and qualitative research methods, this article identifies the social, cultural, and economic factors that draw UAE women students to STE, and those that keep them away from pursuing careers in this field. The key factors that attract women students to a career in STE include financial independence, the exalted social status associated with this field, the opportunity to engage in creative and challenging projects, and plentiful work opportunities perceived in this arena in the region. The barriers that prevent UAE women from finding or even seeking employment in this field include misalignment between university programs and labor market demand, lack of awareness of what a job in STE entails, familial bias against working in mixed-gender environments, and lack of women role models who could inform women students about opportunities in these fields. The analysis also underlines the general unwillingness of the majority of Emirati graduates to consider careers outside the public sector. Findings from this study can contribute to developing policy recommendations to effectively support the development of local human capital in STE fields, which is critical for sustaining the economic transformation of the UAE.
Article
Why do women have more difficulty pursuing research careers than men? Although this topic has been extensively investigated in industrialized countries, prior studies provide little comparative evidence from less-developed areas. Based on a survey of 293 scientists in Ghana, Kenya, and the Indian state of Kerala, this article examines gender differences on a variety of individual, social, and organizational dimensions. The results show small or nonexistent differences between women and men in individual characteristics, professional resources, and the organizational conditions under which research is conducted. The article argues that a combination of educational and research localism increases the likelihood of restricted professional networks for women. Gender inequality in the research systems of the developing world may be based on systemic deficits in the acquisition of social rather than material resources. The most important implication is that educational policy for development should focus on international opportunities for women in the near future.
Article
In all countries, across all sectors and in all fields, the percentage of women obtaining patents is not only less than their male counterparts but it is less than the percentage of women in science, technology, engineering, and mathematics (STEM) in the field in the country. This raises several questions: First, why aren't women obtaining patents at the same rate as their male counterparts? Second, is this a feminist issue? Finally, what can we apply from Women's Studies to close this gender gap in patenting? Articulating the goals for commercialization of science to link them directly with making society better and helping people should provide powerful incentives for women to patent and participate in technology transfer.
Article
Explanations for women's underrepresentation in math-intensive fields of science often focus on sex discrimination in grant and manuscript reviewing, interviewing, and hiring. Claims that women scientists suffer discrimination in these arenas rest on a set of studies undergirding policies and programs aimed at remediation. More recent and robust empiricism, however, fails to support assertions of discrimination in these domains. To better understand women's underrepresentation in math-intensive fields and its causes, we reprise claims of discrimination and their evidentiary bases. Based on a review of the past 20 y of data, we suggest that some of these claims are no longer valid and, if uncritically accepted as current causes of women's lack of progress, can delay or prevent understanding of contemporary determinants of women's underrepresentation. We conclude that differential gendered outcomes in the real world result from differences in resources attributable to choices, whether free or constrained, and that such choices could be influenced and better informed through education if resources were so directed. Thus, the ongoing focus on sex discrimination in reviewing, interviewing, and hiring represents costly, misplaced effort: Society is engaged in the present in solving problems of the past, rather than in addressing meaningful limitations deterring women's participation in science, technology, engineering, and mathematics careers today. Addressing today's causes of underrepresentation requires focusing on education and policy changes that will make institutions responsive to differing biological realities of the sexes. Finally, we suggest potential avenues of intervention to increase gender fairness that accord with current, as opposed to historical, findings.