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La coercition sexuelle et les violences sexuelles dans la population générale : définition, données disponibles et implications
Abstract
Les violences sexuelles constituent un problème social majeur pour lequel il est acquis que l’incidence et la prévalence sont largement sous-estimées. Par ailleurs, les études disponibles suggèrent que la grande majorité des violences sexuelles serait commise par des individus issus de la population générale, qui ne sont pas (et ne seront probablement jamais) identifiés par les autorités. En proposant d’étudier un spectre plus large de comportements que les seules infractions sexuelles, la notion de coercition sexuelle permet alors d’apprécier plus justement des violences sexuelles dans leur ensemble. Après avoir proposé une définition de la coercition sexuelle, certaines des principales données disponibles sont présentées et permettent d’illustrer l’ampleur du phénomène. Les implications, conceptuelle et pratique, de préférer la notion de coercition sexuelle aux infractions sexuelles sont discutées. Cet article se termine avec une présentation des articles qui composent le numéro thématique « La coercition sexuelle : Penser et comprendre les violences sexuelles au-delà des seules populations judiciarisées ».
... First, although men and women can both be victims and perpetrators of sexual coercion, more women report sexual victimization, while more men report perpetration of sexual coercion, both through sexting and in-person (Benbouriche and Parent, 2018, Salter, 2016, Walker et al., 2015. In addition, women are more likely to experience sexual coercion during their adolescence and early adulthood (Department of Justice, 2014). ...
... In addition, women are more likely to experience sexual coercion during their adolescence and early adulthood (Department of Justice, 2014). While these are consistent findings through time in the in-person sexual coercion literature (Benbouriche and Parent, 2018, Krug et al., 2002, Trottier et al., 2021, most research on sexting coercion also suggests that men are more likely to coerce women into sending self-made sexual content (Burkett, 2015, Choi et al., 2016, Cooper et al., 2016, Englander, 2012, Hayes and Dragiewicz, 2018, Mandau, 2019, Ringrose et al., 2013, Salter, 2016, Walker et al., 2015. ...
... Conversely, being a woman predicted sexting victimization in the sexting coercion victimization model, in addition to being younger. Our findings on sexting coercion reflect existing research on in-person sexual coercion, that is, women report higher rates of sexual victimization whereas men report higher rates of sexual perpetration (Benbouriche and Parent, 2018, Salter, 2016. Furthermore, women report experiencing sexual coercion at younger ages (Department of Justice, 2014). ...
Objectives
This study investigates the relationship between sexting, sexting coercion, and in-person sexual coercion victimization and perpetration. It aims to determine (1) if sexters are more likely to experience in-person sexual coercion perpetration or victimization than non-sexters and (2) if sexting coercion perpetration or victimization can be predicted by prior experiences of in-person or technology-based sexual coercion perpetration and victimization.
Methods
Participants (N = 1076; ages 16 to 83) completed an online questionnaire about sexual experiences including modified French-translated versions of the Sexual Experiences Survey – Perpetration & Victimization – Tactics First.
Results
Findings reveal that (1) sexters experience more in-person sexual coercion perpetration and victimization than non-sexters, (2) within a sexting coercion perpetration regression model, being a man and past experiences of in-person perpetration predicted sexting coercion perpetration, and (3) within a sexting coercion victimization regression model, being young, being a woman, and past experiences of in-person victimization predicted sexting coercion victimization.
Conclusions
These findings suggest that coercive tactics extend from in-person to technology-based sexual interactions and emphasize the need to investigate similarities and distinctions between in-person and technology-based sexual coercion as well as factors that make sexters more likely to be involved in sexual coercion.
... Wisniewski, 1987;Krebs, Lindquist, Warner, Fisher & Martin, 2007;Mellins et al., 2017;Wiscombe, 2012). Bien que les taux de victimisation des étudiants 1 , et plus largement des hommes, soient inférieurs, ces derniers devraient également être reconnus comme des victimes de violences sexuelles (Benbouriche & Parent, 2018;Lowe & Rogers, 2017). L'adhésion aux mythes du viol (AMV) est reconnue comme un facteur de risque de la perpétration de coercition sexuelle (Trottier, Benbouriche & Bonneville, 2019) et constitue une cible d'intervention privilégiée dans le cadre de plusieurs programmes de prévention mis en place dans les universités. ...
... La coercition sexuelle 2 fait généralement référence à l'usage de la contrainte pour engager une personne dans un comportement sexuel malgré l'absence de consentement libre et éclairé, ou l'expression claire d'un refus (Benbouriche & Parent, 2018). Cette contrainte peut s'exprimer de façon explicite, par exemple, par la force physique, des menaces verbales et l'intoxication du partenaire, ou de façon implicite, par exemple, par de l'intimidation psychologique, le mensonge et le chantage émotif (Krug, Dahlberg, Mercy, Zwi & Lozano, 2002;Trottier, Bonneville & LeBlanc, 2018). ...
La coercition sexuelle chez les étudiants et étudiantes universitaires constitue une problématique préoccupante. L’adhésion aux mythes du viol (AMV) est reconnue comme un facteur de risque de la perpétration de coercition sexuelle. L’objectif de cette revue
systématique était d’examiner la relation entre l’AMV et la perpétration de coercition sexuelle chez les étudiants et étudiantes universitaires. Une revue systématique de la littérature a été effectuée a` partir de 3 plateformes électroniques, de Google Scholar et d’un processus de type « boule de neige ». Des 2755 références examinées, 35 études ont
satisfait les critères d’inclusion. Les résultats soutiennent l’existence d’une relation entre l’AMV et la perpétration de coercition sexuelle et indiquent que : 1) l’AMV est positivement et significativement
corrélée a` la perpétration de coercition sexuelle chez les étudiants et les étudiantes; 2) l’AMV est significativement plus forte chez les étudiants auteurs de coercition sexuelle que les non auteurs, et 3)
l’AMV contribue significativement à la prédiction de coercition sexuelle chez les étudiants et les étudiantes, dans des modèles univariés. Toutefois, les résultats d’analyses multivariées ne témoignent pas
nécessairement d’une relation directe entre les deux concepts, que ce soit chez les étudiants ou les étudiantes. Dans l’ensemble, les résultats recensés soutiennent l’importance de considérer l’AMV comme facteur de risque de la coercition sexuelle chez les populations étudiantes et de cibler ces attitudes lors de programmes de prévention. De plus amples études apparaissent cependant nécessaires afin de mieux cerner la nature exacte de la relation entre les deux concepts.
... Des travaux suggèrent que des femmes peuvent aussi être impliquées dans une autre forme de comportements violents envers un partenaire, soit les comportements de coercition sexuelle (ex., Benbouriche et Parent, 2018 ;Kjellgren et al., 2011 ;Parent et al., 2018 ;Schatzel-Murphy, 2011 ;Schatzel-Murphy et al., 2009). Ces comportements de coercition sexuelle, parfois subtils, consistent en l'ensemble des stratégies utilisées afin d'avoir un rapport sexuel lors d'une absence de consentement de la part d'un partenaire (séduction, manipulation, intoxication et force physique). ...
... Au total dans notre échantillon, 113 femmes (41,2 %) ont rapporté avoir déjà eu recours, au moins une fois dans leur vie, à la coercition sexuelle pour obtenir un contact sexuel auprès d'un partenaire non consentant. Il importe de noter que la prévalence des comportements de coercition sexuelle varie selon les études (Benbouriche et Parent, 2018). Par exemple, la prévalence trouvée dans la présente étude est inférieure à celle de 49,5 % rapportée par Schatzel-Murphy et ses collègues (Schatzel-Murphy et al., 2009), mais est supérieure à celle d'autres études (ex., 14,7 % pour l'étude de Krahé et al., 2003, 26,0 % pour celle de Schatzel-Murphy, 2011 et 30,0 % pour celle de Bouffard et al., 2016). ...
Objectives: Based on the developmental criminology perspective, this study examines the association between the history of behavior problems in childhood and adolescence and the use of sexually coercive behaviors by women (seduction, manipulation, intoxication and physical force). In addition, this study examines the association between the use of sexual coercion and physical aggression (e.g., hitting a partner with an object, pushing or shoving) and psychological aggression (e.g., yelling at a partner, keeping him from seeing friends) toward their actual partner (or their last partner) during a disagreement to document different coercive behaviors used by women. Method: The data were collected from a sample of female heterosexual university students (n = 274; mean age, 22.9 years). The participants completed the Multidimensional Inventory of Development, Sex and Aggression (MIDSA; Knight, 2007). Results: The findings suggest that women who had behavior problems in childhood and adolescence tend to use sexual coercion to a greater extent than women without a history of behavior problems. Moreover, the findings suggest that women who use sexual coercion are also prone to resort to psychological aggression toward a partner during a disagreement. Conclusion: These findings highlight the importance of taking into account the history of behavior problems across the life-course in the development of theoretical models of female sexual coercion.
... Mots-clés : violences sexuelles, perception des intentions sexuelles, validité écologique, consentement sexuel Pouvant être définies comme l'utilisation de toute tactique ou stratégie dans le but d'engager une autre personne dans un comportement sexuel malgré l'absence de consentement libre et éclairé ou l'expression manifeste d'un refus (Benbouriche & Parent, 2018), les violences sexuelles constituent un problème social majeur. À cet égard, les données internationales issues des enquêtes de victimation convergent et suggèrent qu'au moins une femme sur cinq à une femme sur trois serait victime de violences sexuelles au cours de sa vie (Basile & Smith, 2011). ...
... The World Health Organization (WHO) defines sexual violence as "any sexual act, attempt to obtain a sexual act, unwanted sexual comments or advances, or acts to traffic, or otherwise directed against a person's sexuality using coercion, by any person regardless of their relationship to the victim, in any setting including but not limited to home and work" (Krug, 2002, p 149). Such violence can be committed through different coercive strategies such as manipulation, persistent touching, intoxication, verbal pressure or physical force (Benbouriche & Parent, 2018). ...
Sexual violence is a major social phenomenon that has serious deleterious consequences on victims, regardless of their gender. However, the disclosure of sexual violence, met with empathy, could help to alleviate the victim's pain by having a positive impact on their psychological wellbeing. Empathy could also reduce harmful attitudes and promote more favorable attitudes towards the victim. Thus, since empathy appears to be essential when listening to the disclosure of sexual violence, it is necessary to study the determinants of these empathetic responses. The current research contributes to the literature by studying empathy towards male victims of sexual violence depending on factors relating to gender and sexism. Both the perpetrator’s and participant’s gender are taken into account as well as participants’ levels of hostile and benevolent sexism towards men. Hostile sexism towards men refers to the antipathy towards men and their domination whereas benevolent sexism can be characterized by a traditional admiration for men’s role as protectors. With this objective in mind, 174 participants from the general population were recruited on social networking sites and completed a questionnaire on the LimeSurvey platform. Statistical analyses showed relatively high levels of empathy overall towards male victims of sexual violence. The gender of the perpetrator as well as the gender of the participant do not appear to have a predictive effect on empathy. However, the results do show an impact of hostile and benevolent sexism on empathy; benevolent sexism predicted less empathy whereas hostile sexism predicted more empathy towards male victims of sexual violence in female participants. These findings provide avenues for future research as well as new perspectives for the development of programmes aiming to promote empathy in order to increase positive responses to victims of sexual violence.
... Sexual coercion is one of the numerous tactics perpetrators of sexual violence often employ to manipulate, intimidate, or take advantage of another party. Sexual coercion is defined as the act of pressuring one's sexual partner to engage in unwanted sexual activities despite their refusal and/or lack of consent (Benbouriche & Parent, 2018). Perpetrators of sexual coercion use a range of tactics including verbal pressure, physical force, psychological intimidation, manipulation, or taking advantage of an individual due to voluntary or administered alcohol and/or drug intoxication (Pugh & Becker, 2018). ...
Sexual violence remains a prevalent issue on college campuses. Sexual coercion, a form of sexual violence, is frequently employed within casual sexual encounters (i.e., hookups). The present study investigated hypersexuality and sexual narcissism as unique predictors of sexual coercion and examined whether there were gender differences in these associations. Participants (N = 793, ages 18–25) were undergraduate students at a large southeastern university who have: (1) engaged in sexual activity within the past six months and (2) had at least one prior hookup experience. Respondents completed surveys online assessing levels of sexual narcissism, hypersexuality, and sexual coercion perpetration in hookups. Participants primarily identified as female (71.7%), White (84.2%), and heterosexual (86.6%), with an average of 9.77 sexual engagements per month. Bivariate correlations and independent samples t-tests were conducted to examine associations between and gender differences across study variables, respectively. We assessed the factor structure of study variables using confirmatory factor analysis and tested hypotheses using structural equation modeling. Compared to women, men scored higher on sexual exploitation and all hypersexuality subscales. After establishing good-fitting measurement models, we found that both sexual narcissism and hypersexuality predicted increased sexual coercion perpetration and that gender did not moderate these associations. Study findings demonstrated that sexual narcissism and hypersexuality are risk factors for sexual coercion perpetration in hookups across gender. Although associations were consistent across gender, men may report higher levels of sexual coercion perpetration risk factors. Future researchers could focus on gender differences in the etiology of sexual coercion risk factors.
... VSPI et coercition sexuelleLa coercition sexuelle fait l'objet d'un inté rêt croissant dans la litté rature. Cette notion constitue une approche plus large des violences sexuelles, au-delà des infractions sexuelles, offrant une compré hension du problè me dans son ensemble[16]. La coercition sexuelle est ici particuliè rement inté ressante à prendre en compte, puisqu'elle englobe possiblement les formes les plus subtiles de la violence sexuelle en gé né ral, et des VSPI en particulier. Elle correspond à l'utilisation de moyens psychologiques, verbaux ou non verbaux, pour obtenir un acte sexuel : les mensonges, promesses, menaces de mettre fin à la relation ou de ré pandre des rumeurs, l'usure de la ré sistance de l'autre par des demandes sexuelles ré pé té es et intempestives, ou encore l'utilisation d'un statut d'autorité peuvent être considé ré s comme relevant de la coercition sexuelle[2].L'exploration des VSPI implique né cessairement la compréhension de la coercition sexuelle, du fait de son incidence, mais ...
Résumé
Introduction
Les violences sexuelles entre partenaires intimes sont identifiées comme l’une des formes courantes de la violence conjugale. Elles constituent la forme de violence sexuelle la plus répandue dans le monde. La compréhension de ce phénomène d’ampleur est pourtant limitée, peu d’études spécifiques dans la littérature internationale et de très rares données en France sont disponibles.
Objectifs
L’objectif de cet article est de résumer l’état actuel des connaissances sur les violences sexuelles entre partenaires intimes, selon deux axes principaux : un axe descriptif, centré sur la nature, l’étendue et les expressions de la violence sexuelle dans le couple, ainsi que sur ses effets cliniques ; et un axe de réflexion, centré sur les problématiques susceptibles de contribuer aux conséquences psychologiques de la violence sexuelle entre partenaires intimes.
Méthode
Les articles ont été sélectionnés dans les bases de données PubMed, PsycInfo et Web of Science, à partir d’une recherche par mots-clés en anglais. Les termes "violence sexuelle entre partenaires intimes" et "viol entre partenaires intimes" ont été utilisés en première intention, puis les mots-clés "violence entre partenaires intimes ; violence conjugale; partenaire intime ; relation ; femmes battues ; conjoint(e) ; époux(se) ; marital" ont été croisés avec les termes "viol ; violence sexuelle ; abus sexuel ; coercition sexuelle ; rapport sexuel non consenti ; rapport sexuel forcé". La recherche d'articles a été effectuée entre février 2021 et mai 2021.
Résultats
Ces violences sont co-occurrentes des violences physiques et psychologiques du partenaire, répétitives dans la relation et aux expressions multiples : leur réalité dépasse largement les contours du viol conjugal. Elles semblent associées à des effets spécifiques pour les victimes et pourraient être un indicateur de gravité de la situation globale de violences conjugales, associées à une symptomatologie psycho traumatique et dépressive augmentée, et à un plus grand nombre de décès par suicide et par homicide. Elles restent, cependant, perçues comme moins graves que les violences sexuelles d’un non-partenaire ou d’un inconnu, du fait d’un manque de compréhension des dynamiques dysfonctionnelles liées au consentement sexuel dans les relations violentes. Les implications pratiques pour les professionnels sont discutées, de même que les futurs axes de recherche à considérer.
Conclusion
La réalité clinique des violences sexuelles entre partenaires intimes est à la fois inquiétante et mal comprise. Elle doit être reconnue et abordée dans la prise en charge, en raison de son potentiel traumatique et de son pouvoir en termes de confusion psychologique pour les victimes. L’état actuel des connaissances indique que le fait de poser la question des violences sexuelles aux femmes ayant subi des violences conjugales est un élément essentiel de la pratique. Les professionnels en contact avec ce public doivent être formés en ce sens afin d’être en mesure d’apporter des réponses adéquates.
... En effet, force est de constater que les données statistiques officielles ne permettent pas de se faire une idée juste de l'ampleur du phénomène. Parler de coercition sexuelle, plutôt que d'agression sexuelle ou d'infraction sexuelle, serait alors plus indiqué et permettrait de préciser que les violences sexuelles ne sont pas seulement le fait d'individus identifiés par les autorités ou judiciarisés, mais également que les violences sexuelles peuvent ne pas toujours impliquer une infraction (Benbouriche et Parent, 2018). La coercition sexuelle permet de décrire l'utilisation de toute tactique ou stratégie dans le but d'engager une autre personne dans un comportement sexuel malgré l'absence de consentement libre et éclairé, ou l'expression manifeste d'un refus (Abbey et al., 2014). ...
Résumé
Objectif
Cette revue systématique de la littérature a pour objectif de synthétiser les différentes études mettant en lien les traumatismes sexuels et leurs conséquences sur la sexualité des victimes. L’objectif principal étant de dégager les spécificités des traumatismes sexuels au regard de leurs répercussions sur la santé sexuelle.
Méthode
Une revue systématique de la littérature a été réalisée à partir des recommandations PRISMA grâce aux mots-clés suivants : Sexual Abuse, Sexual Trauma, Sexual Violence, Sexual Assault, Rape and PTSD, Post Traumatic Stress Disorder, Trauma dans les bases de données PubMed, TaylorAndFrancis ainsi que ScienceDirect.
Résultat
Au total, 19 articles ont été retenus. Bien que les études varient fortement au niveau méthodologique, elles mettent en évidence un fonctionnement sexuel altéré ainsi qu’une faible satisfaction dans les rapports intimes après un traumatisme de nature sexuel. Des répercussions psychologiques, somatiques et comportementales sont à signaler car elles viennent directement impacter les processus psychobiologiques à l’origine d’une santé sexuelle satisfaisante. Enfin, plusieurs facteurs sont identifiés comme semblant intervenir et moduler les conséquences de ce type d’événement sur la sexualité.
Conclusion
La victimisation sexuelle relève de spécificités incomparables par nature avec d’autres types d’événements traumatiques au regard de la gravité de ses conséquences délétères sur la vie quotidienne des patients. Ainsi, il convient d’élargir la question du psychotraumatisme à d’autres considérations que la seule symptomatologie du trouble de stress post traumatique (TSPT). En effet, les résultats obtenus semblent indiquer que certains troubles sexuels peuvent être appréhendés comme des conséquences somatoformes d’une réponse psychotraumatique consécutive aux traumatismes sexuels vécus dans le passé. Si les troubles sexuels n’ont bien entendu pas tous une origine psychotraumatique, cette derrière piste mérite néanmoins d’être considérée par les sexologues comme une facteur étiologique à envisager.
... Un tel outil s'avère particulièrement pertinent pour les chercheurs souhaitant étudier, chez une population francophone, les attitudes liées aux violences sexuelles ainsi que pour les intervenants oeuvrant sur l'élaboration et l'évaluation de l'efficacité de programmes de prévention des violences sexuelles. (Benbouriche & Parent, 2018). Les modèles socioculturels visant à expliquer les violences sexuelles soulignent l'existence d'un contexte social relativement permissif quant aux comportements sexuels violents (Burt, 1980;Murnen, Wright & Kaluzny, 2002). ...
Les violences sexuelles représentent un enjeu de société important alors qu’environ 1 femme sur 3 déclare en avoir été victime. Il est primordial de s’intéresser aux facteurs qui contribuent à la prévalence des violences sexuelles, incluant l’adhésion aux mythes du viol. Les « mythes du viol » réfèrent à un ensemble de croyances erronées concernant les violences sexuelles. L’Illinois Rape Myth Acceptance Scale (IRMA) et ses variantes constituent les mesures les plus couramment utilisées pour l’évaluation de l’adhésion aux mythes du viol, mais aucune version française de l’IRMA n’est actuellement disponible. La présente étude a pour objectif de procéder à la traduction systématique et à la validation française de l’IRMA (McMahon & Farmer, 2011). Pour ce faire, une traduction de l’outil a d’abord été effectuée selon la procédure de rétrotraduction utilisée en recherche interculturelle (Brislin, 1970). Ensuite, 740 individus francophones âgés de 16 à 83 ans (M = 23,54; É.-T. = 8,02) ont rempli un questionnaire en ligne portant sur les comportements et les attitudes sexuels, incluant la version traduite de l’IRMA. Les résultats indiquent que la version française de l’Échelle révisée d’adhésion aux mythes du viol (FR-IRMA) présente de très bonnes qualités psychométriques et peut être utilisée aussi bien en recherche qu’en intervention auprès de populations francophones.//
Sexual violence represents a significant social issue, with one in three women reporting sexual victimization. It is essential to acquire a greater understanding of the factors contributing to sexual violence, including rape myth acceptance. Rape myth acceptance refers to a set of erroneous beliefs relating to sexual violence. The Illinois Rape Myth Acceptance Scale (IRMA) and its variations are some of the most widely used measures of rape myth acceptance. However, no French version of the IRMA is currently available. The objective of this study was to carry out a systematic translation and validation of a French version of the IRMA (McMahon & Farmer, 2011). To do so, the IRMA was translated according to the back-translation procedures for cross-cultural research (Brislin, 1970). Francophone individuals (N = 740) between the ages of 16 to 83 (M = 23.54; SD = 8.02) completed an online questionnaire on sexual behaviour and attitudes, which included the translated French version of the IRMA. Results show that the French version of the revised Illinois Rape Myth Acceptance Scale (FR-IRMA) has very good psychometric qualities and could be used for both research and interventions with Francophone populations.
... Sexual coercion refers to all types of sexual contact, with or without penetration, that are imposed on a non-consenting partner through the use of physical force, victim intoxication, position of authority, or verbal pressure (DeGue & DiLillo, 2005). Thus, it refers to a wider array of behaviors than sexual offenses alone, including behaviors that would not meet the legal definition of sexual aggression, such as overwhelming a non-consenting partner with arguments until he or she complies (Benbouriche & Parent, 2018). When all types of coercion, including verbal pressure, are considered, rates of sexual coercion perpetration in student samples range from 10% (Kennair & Bendixen, 2012) to 58% (Zawacki, Abbey, Buck, McAuslan, & Clinton-Sherrod, 2003), with higher perpetration rates among men, and higher victimization rates among women (Bergeron et al., 2016). ...
Response inhibition is defined as one’s ability to voluntarily override an automatic or already initiated action when that action is inappropriate. Although a core mechanism of self-control, its association with sexual coercion perpetration and the impact of erotic cues on its exertion remain unknown. According to a domain-specific perspective on impulsivity, response inhibition performances should be disproportionately hindered by sexual cues in sexual coercion perpetrators. In total, 94 male college students completed a stop-signal task that included neutral, emotional, and erotic distracters. Results showed that men who reported past use of sexual coercion obtained overall poorer stop-signal task (SST) performances. Highly arousing sexual stimuli equally hindered the performances of perpetrators and non-perpetrators, whereas moderately arousing sexual and nonsexual positive stimuli did not significantly affect performances. Results do not support a domain-specific perspective on the link between response inhibition and sexual coercion, but rather suggest generally poorer inhibitory control among sexual coercion perpetrators.
... Lorsque nous parlons de violences sexuelles, nous parlons de coercition sexuelle. La coercition « sexuelle permet de décrire l'utilisation de toute tactique ou stratégie dans le but d'engager une autre personne dans un comportement sexuel malgré l'absence de consentement libre et éclairé, ou l'expression manifeste d'un refus » (Benbouriche et Parent, 2018 Experiences in Close Relationships Inventory (ECR) (Brennan et al., 1998) L'ECR est un autoquestionnaire en 36 items mesurant deux dimensions sous-jacentes de l'attachement adulte : l'évitement de l'intimité et l'anxiété d'abandon. Les participants répondent sur une échelle en 7 points allant de 1 (fortement en désaccord) à 7 (fortement en accord) dans quelle mesure chaque item décrit généralement leurs sentiments dans des relations intimes. ...
The insecure attachment style is characterized by either anxiety or avoiding behaviors. Literature showed that these two variables play a significant role on the development of post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD). The aim of the present study was to examine the association between the presence of traumatic symptoms after a sexual violence and attachment style. The study sample consisted of 189 women who encountered at least one sexual coercion. An Internet-based data collection procedure on Survey-Monkey was used to measure the considered variables. Adult attachment styles and PTSD symptoms were measured by the Experiences in Close relationships (ECR) and the Post-Traumatic Checklist Scale (PCLS) questionnaire respectively. Multivariate linear regression was carried out to analyze the association between attachment quality and PCLS total score. Results confirmed the aggravating factor that attachment can become in the development of traumatic symptoms when women lived one or more sexual coercions. For such reasons, it is important to bring these women to develop a secure attachment by providing a secure basis in case of assessed insecurity.
... Lorsque nous parlons de violences sexuelles, nous parlons de coercition sexuelle. La coercition « sexuelle permet de décrire l'utilisation de toute tactique ou stratégie dans le but d'engager une autre personne dans un comportement sexuel malgré l'absence de consentement libre et éclairé, ou l'expression manifeste d'un refus » (Benbouriche et Parent, 2018 femmes sur le plan psychotraumatologique. Plus précisément, le but de la présente étude est de montrer comment l'attachement des femmes adultes peut jouer un rôle dans le développement des symptômes traumatiques après avoir été victimes de violence(s) sexuelle(s). ...
The insecure attachment style is characterized by either anxiety or avoiding behaviors. Literature showed that these two variables play a significant role on the development of post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD). The aim of the present study was to examine the association between the presence of traumatic symptoms after a sexual violence and attachment style. The study sample consisted of 189 women who encountered at least one sexual coercion. An Internet-based data collection procedure on Survey-Monkey was used to measure the considered variables. Adult attachment styles and PTSD symptoms were measured by the Experiences in Close relationships (ECR) and the Post-Traumatic Checklist Scale (PCLS) questionnaire respectively. Multivariate linear regression was carried out to analyze the association between attachment quality and PCLS total score. Results confirmed the aggravating factor that attachment can become in the development of traumatic symptoms when women lived one or more sexual coercions. For such reasons, it is important to bring these women to develop a secure attachment by providing a secure basis in case of assessed insecurity.
... Si peu d'hommes identifient ou reconnaissent avoir été victimes de violence sexuelle (voir p. ex. Harris, 2010), davantage rapportent avoir vécu de la coercition sexuelle de la part d'une femme (voir Benbouriche et Parent, 2018, dans ce numéro). Par ailleurs, les études portant sur les femmes hétérosexuelles auteures de coercition sexuelle, réalisées principalement à partir d'échantillons d'étudiantes universitaires, montrent qu'entre 15 % et 49 % des femmes rapportent avoir utilisé au moins une fois dans leur vie des stratégies coercitives pour obtenir une relation sexuelle ou des contacts sexuels, malgré une absence de consentement (Anderson et al., 2005 ;Krahé et al., 2003 ;Russell et Oswald, 2001 ;Schatzel-Murphy, 2011 ;Schatzel-Murphy et al., 2009). ...
Introduction: Although an increasing body of literature focuses on sexual coercion committed by women in the general population, very few explanatory models have been put forward to explain the use of coercive strategies by women. Objective: The main objective of this study is to test, using a wider and more culturally diverse sample, the first explanatory model suggested by Schatzel-Murphy (2011) and tested on American women. Method: To this end, 274 Canadian, heterosexual and French-speaking university students completed the French version of the Multidimensional Inventory of Development, Sex and Aggression (MIDSA). Results: The results show that a greater proportion of Quebeckers (41%) than Americans (26%) use sexual coercion to force their partner to have sexual relations. In general, the Schatzel-Murphy etiological model successfully explains Quebeckers' use of sexual coercion, albeit not quite as well as for Americans, as can be seen by an explained variance which is three times smaller (12% as opposed to 34%). The lack of link between sexual abuse and sexual coercion, together with the different roles played by sociosexuality and hyperfemininity in the use of sexual coercion by Quebeckers, is discussed in light of the cultural differences between women from the two countries. Discussion: Some thought is also given to the two major paths leading to sexual coercion and suggestions are made for related clinical implications.
... Most studies documenting the circumstances and paths leading women to commit sexual assault used adjudicated populations, implying that scant attention was paid to events not reported or dealt with by the courts (e.g., Gannon et al., 2010). In seeking to obtain a better understanding of the phenomenon, an examination of the concept of sexual coercion as a means of studying sexual violence in nonadjudicated populations proves to be particularly relevant (see the Benbouriche and Parent, 2018 article, in this issue, for some thoughts on the notion of sexual coercion). ...
Introduction: Although an increasing body of literature focuses on sexual coercion committed by women in the general population, very few explanatory models have been put forward to explain the use of coercive strategies by women. Objective: The main objective of this study is to test, using a wider and more culturally diverse sample, the first explanatory model suggested by and tested on American women. Method: To this end, 274 Canadian, heterosexual and French-speaking university students completed the French version of the Multidimensional Inventory of Development, Sex and Aggression (MIDSA). Results: The results show that a greater proportion of Quebeckers (41%) than Americans (26%) use sexual coercion to force their partner to have sexual contacts. In general, the Schatzel-Murphy etiological model successfully explains Quebeckers' use of sexual coercion, albeit not quite as well as for Americans, as can be seen by an explained variance which is three times smaller (12% as opposed to 34%). The lack of link between sexual abuse and sexual coercion, together with the different roles played by sociosexuality and hyperfemininity in the use of sexual coercion by Quebeckers, is discussed in light of the cultural differences between women from the two countries. Discussion: Some thought is also given to the two major paths leading to sexual coercion and suggestions are made for related clinical implications.
This article aims to explore situations of consent and non-consent in university students to understand regulatory mechanisms that contribute to the perceived ambiguity of students’ experiences of sexual consent. To apprehend these experiences, 37 semi-directed interviews were conducted and analyzed using thematic analysis, systemic analysis, and contextualizing analysis. The results illustrate the existence of a dichotomy between students’ knowledge of consent and the practice of consent. This ambiguity appears as an integral part of the act of consent. It was apparent in the students’ understanding, affirming, retracting, and decoding of consent. The authors’ analysis highlights the regulating mechanisms, that is, internal and external injunctions at play in the act of consent. Three injunctive mechanisms were identified: relational injunctions to consent, social injunctions to consent, and men’s unrestricted access to women’s bodies. These injunctive mechanisms act in different manners according to one’s social position, individual characteristics, the type of relationship and the social spaces. By facilitating or hindering consent, they make it a profoundly ambiguous act.
Purpose-The perpetration of sexual coercion is a complex public health problem associated with many kinds of deficits. The literature has shown that women also perpetrate sexually coercive behaviours. Recent work has suggested that this kind of behaviour could be explained by two distinct developmental pathways. However, this model does not allow the authors to identify how the individual processes social information in situ and may decide to resort to coercive behaviours. This study aimed to investigate the role of social information processing in women's sexual coercion.
Design/methodology/approach-A sample of 125 French-speaking women from the general population were recruited to complete online questionnaires pertaining to dark triad personality traits, emotion abilities, alexithymia and antecedents of sexual coercion.
Findings-Results revealed that women with a history of sexual coercion had a significantly higher narcissistic traits score and more emotion regulation (ER) deficits than those without a history. For women with a history of sexual coercion perpetration, correlational analyses showed positive correlations, respectively, between psychopathic traits and alexithymia and between Machiavellianism and deficits in ER.
Originality/value-These results contribute to identifying the deficits relating to SIP in terms of sexual coercion perpetrated by women. Women with a history of sexual coercion perpetration appear to endorse more dark triad traits and to have ER issues. Certain level of these deficits could be a trigger and affect the SIP of women and increase the likelihood behaving in a sexually coercive manner.
Introduction: Sexual risk behaviour among adolescents is a public health problem worldwide. Widely studied in the Western countries, this problem has only been addressed partially in Brazzaville. Thus, 12 years later, we conducted this study with the aim of analysing the sexual behaviour of adolescents in Congo.
Patients and Methods: This was a cross-sectional and analytical study from January to August 2019 (8 months). It involved 2000 adolescents residing in the departments of Brazzaville and Pointe-Noire constituting the urban population, and those of Cuvette and Bouenza, the rural population.
Results: A total of 1167 adolescents reported being sexually active. The mean age at first sexual intercourse differed between the two sexes (p < 0.0005). Of the adolescents surveyed 96.1% (n = 1122) claimed to have ever heard of HIV/AIDS infection and 8.7% (n = 101) to have ever contracted sexually transmitted infections. The main channel of information was school in 57.7%. Condoms were the only means of protection (85.5%). The factors associated with risky sexual behaviour were, on the one hand, those related to the adolescent (lack of schooling, orphan status, alcohol and tobacco consumption, paid employment and possession of a mobile phone). On the other hand, those related to parents (low level of education, mother’s employment status and single-parent household structure). The frequency of sexually active adolescents was similar in both settings (p < 0.05). The rates of adolescents having ever heard of HIV/AIDS were almost similar with a slight predominance in urban areas (p < 0.09). Early sexual intercourse (72.6%) and/or multiple partners (24.9%) were more frequent in rural areas (p > 0.05). Homosexuality was found in 4.6% in urban areas and 3.8% in rural areas (p >0.05). Extra-vaginal sex accounted for 16.4% in urban areas and 7.9% in rural areas (p = 0.001). Non-consensual sex was more common in urban areas (17.4%) than in rural areas (5.8%) (p = 0.001). Incestuous sex was reported in 6.2% of cases (urban) and 4.2% (rural) (p > 0.05).
Conclusion: Sexual risk behaviour is real among adolescents in the Congo. The advanced modernization marked by the abundance of mass media in urban areas favours the predominance of these behaviours in the city. The consequences are serious and can compromise the future of adolescents; hence the importance of prevention.
Keywords: Adolescent, Risky Sexual Behaviour, Congo
Introduction: Alors que pour des raisons éthiques évidentes, une situation de coercition sexuelle réelle ne peut pas être directement étudiée, différentes opérationnalisations ont été développées afin d’approcher au plus près une situation de coercition sexuelle (vignette, bande audio, vidéo ou recours à des compères). Toutefois, seules des vignettes sont aujourd’hui disponibles pour les chercheurs francophones souhaitant étudier une situation de coercition sexuelle.
Objectif: L’objectif de cet article est de présenter l’adaptation et la validation de la version française d’un stimulus audio, la « date rape analogue task ».
Méthode: Au total, 153 participants, issus de la population générale, ont été recrutés dans le cadre d’une recherche portant sur les effets de l’alcool et de l’excitation sexuelle en matière de coercition sexuelle.
Résultats: Les résultats permettent de soutenir la validité de construit de la version française. Alors que l’opérationnalisation d’une situation de coercition sexuelle constitue un enjeu majeur, il s’agit du premier stimulus expérimental audio disponible et validé en français. Ce stimulus s’avère particulièrement pertinent pour l’étude des déterminants perceptuels, émotionnels, cognitifs et contextuels sous-tendant la prise de décision d’utiliser des stratégies coercitives, tels qu’ils peuvent être vécus du point de vue des individus.
Conclusion: De nouvelles recherches apparaissent alors d’autant plus importantes qu’un programme de prévention, pour être efficace, doit également pouvoir prendre en compte les processus et mécanismes susceptibles d’expliquer la coercition sexuelle in situ.
Introduction: Adolescence is a crucial period of psychosexual development during which sexuality may express in a violent way. Objectives: Our study analyzes the conducts of sexual coercion acted and experienced by adolescents, implying two distinct samples of teenagers (n1 = 301/40 % girls; n2 = 355/65 % girls). The first study focuses on evaluation by means of self-reported measures of conducts of sexual coercion, delinquency and experiences of sexual victimization. The second study evaluates conducts of sexual coercion acted and experienced in romantic relationship and attitudes relating to these conducts. Results: For both studies, it emerges that adolescents perpetrating severe sexual coercion (using threat and/or physical force) are mostly male and display violent conducts in other areas than sexuality. They report more experiences of sexual victimization than non-coercive adolescents. Although prevalence rates of sexual coercion in romantic relationships are low, phenomena of polyperpetration and polyvictimization have been pointed out. Boys are more often perpetrators of sexual fondling without consent, and girls are more often victims. The potential of escalation from minor sexually coercive conducts (non-consensual kissing) to severe sexually coercive conducts is noted for boys and not for girls. Finally, boys exhibit more tolerant attitudes towards sexual coercion than girls, and both are more tolerant towards sexual coercion perpetrated by girls than by boys.
BERGERON, M., HÉBERT, M., RICCI, S., GOYER, M.-F., DUHAMEL, N., KURTZMAN, L., AUCLAIR, I.,
CLENNETT-SIROIS, L., DAIGNEAULT, I., DAMANT, D., DEMERS, S., DION, J., LAVOIE, F., PAQUETTE, G.
et S. PARENT (2016). Violences sexuelles en milieu universitaire au Québec : Rapport de recherche de
l’enquête ESSIMU. Montréal : Université du Québec à Montréal.
Evidence on the prevalence of sexual aggression among college students is primarily based on studies from Western countries. In Chile, a South American country strongly influenced by the Catholic Church, little research on sexual aggression among college students is available. Therefore, the purpose of the present study was to examine the prevalence of sexual aggression victimization and perpetration since the age of 14 (the legal age of consent) in a sample of male and female students aged between 18 and 29 years from five Chilean universities (N = 1135), to consider possible gender differences, and to study the extent to which alcohol was involved in the reported incidents of perpetration and victimization. Sexual aggression victimization and perpetration was measured with a Chilean Spanish version of the Sexual Aggression and Victimization Scale (SAV-S), which includes three coercive strategies (use or threat of physical force, exploitation of an incapacitated state, and verbal pressure), three victim-perpetrator constellations (current or former partners, friends/acquaintances, and strangers), and four sexual acts (sexual touch, attempted sexual intercourse, completed sexual intercourse, and other sexual acts, such as oral sex). Overall, 51.9% of women and 48.0% of men reported at least one incident of sexual victimization, and 26.8% of men and 16.5% of women reported at least one incident of sexual aggression perpetration since the age of 14. For victimization, only few gender differences were found, but significantly more men than women reported sexual aggression perpetration. A large proportion of perpetrators also reported victimization experiences. Regarding victim-perpetrator relationship, sexual aggression victimization and perpetration were more common between persons who knew each other than between strangers. Alcohol use by the perpetrator, victim, or both was involved in many incidents of sexual aggression victimization and perpetration, particularly among strangers. The present data are the first to provide a systematic and detailed picture of sexual aggression among college students in Chile, including victimization and perpetration reports by both men and women and confirming the critical role of alcohol established in past research from Western countries.
In Turkey, there is a shortage of studies on the prevalence of sexual aggression among young adults. The present study examined sexual aggression victimization and perpetration since the age of 15 in a convenience sample of N = 1,376 college students (886 women) from four public universities in Ankara, Turkey. Prevalence rates for different coercive strategies, victim-perpetrator constellations, and sexual acts were measured with a Turkish version of the Sexual Aggression and Victimization Scale (SAV-S). Overall, 77.6% of women and 65.5% of men reported at least one instance of sexual aggression victimization, and 28.9% of men and 14.2% of women reported at least one instance of sexual aggression perpetration. Prevalence rates of sexual aggression victimization and perpetration were highest for current or former partners, followed by acquaintances/friends and strangers. Alcohol was involved in a substantial proportion of the reported incidents. The findings are the first to provide systematic evidence on sexual aggression perpetration and victimization among college students in Turkey, including both women and men.
This article systematically reviews empirical studies that examine associations between alcohol consumption and men's sexual aggression with the goal of identifying major findings; gaps in current knowledge; and directions for future research, practice, and policy. We identified 25 cross-sectional surveys, 6 prospective studies, and 12 alcohol administration experiments published between 1993 and August 2013 with male college students and young adult (nonincarcerated) samples. Many cross-sectional surveys have demonstrated that distal and proximal measures of men's alcohol consumption are positively associated with sexual assault perpetration, although very few of these studies evaluated how alcohol interacts with other risk and protective factors to exacerbate or inhibit sexual aggression. There are surprisingly few surveys that examine alcohol's effects at the event level and over short-time intervals to identify how changes in alcohol consumption are associated with changes in perpetration status. Alcohol administration studies suggest some important mechanisms that warrant additional investigation.
This study investigated whether working memory capacity (WMC) moderated the relationship between physiological arousal and sexual decision making. A total of 59 men viewed 20 consensual and 20 non-consensual images of heterosexual interaction while their physiological arousal levels were recorded using skin conductance response. Participants also completed an assessment of WMC and a date-rape analogue task for which they had to identify the point at which an average Australian male would cease all sexual advances in response to verbal and/or physical resistance from a female partner. Participants who were more physiologically aroused by and spent more time viewing the non-consensual sexual imagery nominated significantly later stopping points on the date-rape analogue task. Consistent with our predictions, the relationship between physiological arousal and nominated stopping point was strongest for participants with lower levels of WMC. For participants with high WMC, physiological arousal was unrelated to nominated stopping point. Thus, executive functioning ability (and WMC in particular) appears to play an important role in moderating men's decision making with regard to sexually aggressive behavior.
Three incoming freshmen classes of men provided data in a 5-year longitudinal study of the relationship between childhood victimization experiences and sexually coercive behaviors during adolescence and 4 years of college. A key finding of this study was that men who were physically punished, sexually abused, or who witnessed domestic violence in childhood were at greater risk for sexual perpetration in high school. Furthermore, men who perpetrated in high school were at greater risk for sexual perpetration in college; and after controlling for perpetration in high school, those who were abused or witnessed violence in childhood were not at greater risk for college perpetration. The findings have a number of implications for research and practice: We need to identify high-risk populations and direct more targeted interventions toward them. These groups include those who witness or experience abuse as a child and young men who perpetrate violence in adolescence, regardless of childhood abuse experiences.
To assess longitudinal trajectories of college males' sexually aggressive behaviors and determine time-varying individual- and peer-level risk factors that differentiate men who follow these different paths.
Our analytic sample consisted of 795 men who participated in a longitudinal study on high-risk behaviors among college students. The sample was surveyed at the end of each of their four years at university on a variety of measures, including sexual aggression (SA) and its hypothesized risk factors (hostile masculinity, number of sexual partners, alcohol misuse, and peer norms).
Using latent growth mixture modeling, we found four distinct SA trajectories - (1) consistently high, (2) decreasing, (3) increasing, and (4) consistently low. Multinomial logistic regression revealed that hostile masculinity and peer norms positively predicted trajectory membership at times when each trajectory reflected a high level of SA.
Our study adds to the knowledge base by elucidating the different ways sexually aggressive behaviors change during emerging adulthood and how confluence model-derived factors predict the different trajectories. The finding that changes over time in these risk factors correspond with SA perpetration risk informs prevention programming by illuminating the importance of continual focus on these risk factors throughout the college years, perhaps through annual self-assessments.
Although self-reported sexual assault perpetrated by men against women has been well documented among college men, less is known about self-reported perpetration among convicted sex offenders and community men. This study provides unique descriptive and comparative information on sexual assaults in these understudied populations. Participants were 40 convicted sex offenders and 49 demographically comparable community men who completed the Sexual Experiences Survey (SES; Abbey, Parkhill, & Koss, 2005; Koss, Gidycz, & Wisniewski, 1987) and other surveys to capture the promiscuous sex and hostile masculinity pathways posited by the confluence model (Malamuth, 2003). We found notably few differences between sex offenders and community men in the rate and severity of sexual assault perpetration and the tactics used to obtain unwanted sexual contact. Specifically, 68% of sex offenders and 59% of community men acknowledged they had perpetrated sexual assault. Both groups used guilt and anger as the most frequent tactics to obtain unwanted sexual activity from their female victims. Consistent with the confluence model, an impersonal orientation toward sexual relationships was associated with sexual assault for both sex offenders and community men. Future directions for research on sexual assault perpetration and violence prevention efforts are discussed in light of these findings.
Examined the frequency with which sexual assault (SA) occurs on a college campus and determined its prevalence involving force, alcohol, and psychological pressure. Prevalence rates were compared between 99 female and 95 male 1st-yr students and 148 female and 183 male upper-level (UL) students. Focus was on SA that occurred only while Ss were enrolled in the university and on campus. Ss completed a sexual experience survey. The overall rate of SA in college was high, with 1 in 5 1st-yr Ss reporting SA compared with 1 in 3 UL Ss. The most common single reason for SA was psychological pressure. Rates of forceful SA reported by women were 3–5 times higher than those reported by men. Alcohol was more commonly involved than was force. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
This multisite study assessed the prevalence of exposure to traumatic events and associated symptoms among undergraduate students (N = 1,528) using online surveys. Most students (85%) reported having experienced a traumatic event in their lifetime (Time 1) and 21% reported experiencing an event over a 2-month period during college (Time 2). The most common event reported at both time points was the unexpected death of a loved one. Lifetime exposures to family violence, unwanted sexual attention, and sexual assault were associated with higher current distress levels. When nominated as a worst event, sexual assault was associated with the most posttraumatic stress disorder symptoms. Events that caused intense fear, helplessness, or horror and those that were intentionally caused were associated with higher distress levels. Total number of lifetime traumas consistently had the highest associations with distress levels. Implications for counseling psychology practice, training, and research are discussed. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
This research tests whether theoretical constructs typically associated with male perpetrators of sexual coercion are predictive of women who perpetrate sexual coercion. We administered a questionnaire that contained measures of sexual experience, social dominance, ambivalent sexism, sex roles, attitudes toward sexual harassment, and lovestyle approaches toward intimate relationships to a sample of women undergraduates. Results found 18% of women to report engaging in sexually coercive behaviors. Coercive women exhibited higher tolerance of sexual harassment, and were significantly higher in femininity than noncoercive women. Coercive women were also found to embrace a ludic (manipulative, game-playing approach toward love) lovestyle significantly more than noncoercive women, while pragma (a logical approach toward love) was negatively associated with coercion. Lastly, a significant difference was found between coercive and noncoercive women and self-reported victimization. Eighty-one percent of women who reported using coercive strategies in their relationships also reported having been sexually victimized.
A growing body of literature supports the contention that both women and men employ various seductive, manipulative, intoxication, and even forceful tactics of sexual coercion to obtain sexual contact from unwilling partners. Although the self-reported coercive behavior of men and women may appear similar in many respects, predictors of such behavior seem to vary in important ways across gender. In addition to examining the prevalence of coercive behaviors reported across gender, the present study examined the extent to which four variables found in models of male sexual coercion predicted self-reported use of sexual coercion in a sample (n = 186) of college men and women: prior sexual abuse, sexual dominance, sociosexuality, and sexual compulsivity. Although prior sexual abuse seemed to be part of a cycle of sexual coercion among both men and women, key predictors of sexual coercion among men were sexual dominance and sociosexuality, whereas the key predictor of sexual coercion among women was sexual compulsivity. These findings support the notion that whereas men may behave coercively to obtain or maintain an impersonal sense of power and control, women may behave coercively to achieve some level of interpersonal connection when feeling out of control.
Although considerable efforts have been made to develop and validate etiological models of male sexual offending, no theory is available to guide research or practice with female sexual offenders (FSOs). In this study, the authors developed a descriptive, offense process model of female sexual offending. Systematic qualitative analyses (i.e., grounded theory) of 22 FSOs' offense interviews were used to develop a temporal model documenting the contributory roles of cognitive, behavioral, affective, and contextual factors in female sexual abuse. The model highlights notable similarities and divergences between male and female sexual offenders' vulnerability factors and offense styles. In particular, the model incorporates male co-offender and group co-offender influences and describes how these interact with vulnerability factors to generate female sexual offending. The gender-specific research and clinical implications of the model are discussed.
Because of inadequacies in the methods used to measure sexual assault, national crime statistics, criminal victimization studies, convictions, or incarceration rates fail to reflect the true scope of rape. Studies that have avoided the limitations of these methods have revealed very high rates of overt rape and lesser degrees of sexual aggression. The goal of the present study was to extend previous work to a national basis. The Sexual Experiences Survey was administered to a national sample of 6,159 women and men enrolled in 32 institutions representative of the diversity of higher education settings across the United States. Women's reports of experiencing and men's reports of perpetrating rape, attempted rape, sexual coercion, and sexual contact were obtained, including both the rates of prevalence since age 14 and of incidence during the previous year. The findings support published assertions of high rates of rape and other forms of sexual aggression among large normal populations. Although the results are limited in generalizability to postsecondary students, this group represents 26% of all persons aged 18–24 in the United States.
Two studies examined the prevalence and emotional impact of men's nonconsensual sexual interactions with women. The first study included a sample of 247 heterosexual men with a mean age of 18.3 years. The second study was a replication with a sample of 153 heterosexual men with a mean age of 22.3 years. All respondents completed a measure of nonconsensual sexual interactions including the use of three aggressive strategies (physical force, exploitation of the man's incapacitated state, and verbal pressure) and three forms of unwanted sexual contact (kissing/petting, sexual intercourse, and oral sex). In addition, the relationship to the female initiator was explored. For each type of nonconsensual sexual interaction, respondents indicated the affective impact of the experience. In Study 1, 25.1% of respondents reported at least one incident of nonconsensual sex with a woman and 23.9% reported attempts by women to make them engage in nonconsensual sexual activity. In Study 2, the overall prevalence rate for completed nonconsensual sexual interactions was 30.1%, and 23.5% of the men reported attempts at making them engage in nonconsensual sex. In both samples, exploiting the man's inability to offer resistance was the most frequently reported aggressive strategy. Kissing/petting was the most frequently reported unwanted sexual activity, followed by sexual intercourse and oral sex. Prevalence rates were higher for nonconsensual sex with an (ex-)partner or friend than for nonconsensual sex with an unknown women. Ratings of affective impact revealed that men rated their nonconsensual experiences as moderately upsetting. The findings are discussed in the light of previous studies on men's unwanted sexual experiences and the extant literature on women's nonconsensual sexual interactions with men.
We investigated women's and men's reports of experiencing and using tactics of postrefusal sexual persistence, defined as persistent attempts to have sexual contact with someone who has already refused. Participants were 275 men and 381 women at Midwestern and Southern universities. More women (78%) than men (58%) reported having been subjected to such tactics since age 16; this difference was significant for the categories of sexual arousal, emotional manipulation and lies, and intoxication, and for two tactics within the physical force category (physical restraint and threats of harm). More men (40%) than women (26%) reported having used such tactics; this difference was significant for the sexual arousal, emotional manipulation and lies, and intoxication categories. We present participants' written descriptions of their experiences.
Self-administered surveys were completed by 197 men in college at 2 time points, 1 year apart. Men who committed sexual assault at multiple time points (repeat assaulters) had the most extreme scores on measures of hostility toward women, past sexual experiences, drinking in sexual situations, and adolescent delinquency. Nonassaulters had the least extreme scores and men who committed sexual assault at only 1 time point had scores that tended to fall in between. Repeat assaulters also expressed significantly less remorse when they described their sexual assault at Time 1 than did past assaulters who committed sexual assault only at the initial time point. These findings demonstrate the importance of initiating prevention and treatment programs in early adolescence, before longstanding attitudes and behaviors tolerant of sexual assault are established.
Prevalence of Female Sexual OffendingImpact on VictimsSummaryReferences
The abstract for this document is available on CSA Illumina.To view the Abstract, click the Abstract button above the document title.
Sexual coercion is a significant problem on college campuses despite numerous attempts to better understand and prevent it. Some criminological research has examined the role of sexual arousal in decisions to use coercion and force, while psychologists have studied how overperception of sexual interest relates to coercive behaviors. The current study combines these two lines of research to examine whether sexual arousal increases the perception of sexual interest in a hypothetical coercion scenario. A sample of 387 college males were randomly placed into arousal and control conditions and asked to watch either erotic material or a lecture and complete questions regarding a common social dating scenario. Bivariate and multivariate results indicated significant relationships between sexual arousal and overperception of sexual intent with the decision to engage in sexually coercive behaviors, as well as a mediation effect. The implications for theory and sexual assault prevention are discussed.
The present study aimed to replicate a preliminary model of female heterosexual coercion and subsequently expand the model with gender- and race-related variables. The preliminary model, which specified sexual compulsivity, sexual dominance, sociosexuality, and prior sexual abuse, as predictors of female heterosexual coercion, was sufficiently replicated with a racially diverse sample of college women. The model was then successfully expanded by adding rape myth acceptance and hyperfemininity to the model. Hyperfemininity was found to be a core predictor of female heterosexual coercion, challenging the notion that sexual coercion is an inherently "masculine" behavior. Actual minority status, perceived minority status, and ethnocentrism were found to moderate the fit of the model only slightly, suggesting that the model may be adequate, though perhaps not ideal, for predicting heterosexual coercion among women who identify as racial minorities and who are differentially impacted by oppression and privilege in U.S. society. Findings were discussed within a feminist framework and interpretations were informed by sexual script theory. Future directions for research into female heterosexual coercion were also proposed.
Surveyed 472 male and 323 female undergraduates and graduates at a liberal arts and a scientific/technical institution to study the extent of coercive sex (COS), the types of coercion used, and attitudes toward COS. 68% of the women and 67% of the men reported engaging in sexual intercourse, and 24% of the women and 20% of the men engaged in petting and kissing. 15% of the women had engaged in sexual intercourse they did not want because the male had become so aroused that it was useless to try to stop him; 6% of the males reported having become so aroused that it was impossible to stop. 14% of women and 2% of men indicated having been in situations in which some physical coercion was used to force sexual activity. 60% of women and 11% of men who had experienced COS reported that alcohol or drug use was involved. Most women reported the COS to someone, usually a friend, but very few had sought medical attention. Date rape was reported by 27% of women and 15% of men. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
In [this book, the authors] describe a provocative theory that focuses on social conflicts and the concepts of power, influence, social identity, and retributive justice. They begin with a thorough examination and critique of the traditional theories of aggression, including biological, physiological, and criminological perspectives. They go on to synthesize key findings of these and other theoretical perspectives to support and define their own social interactionist theory of aggression that explores face-to-face confrontations and the intent of the aggressor's particular actions.
"Violence, Aggression, and Coercive Actions" offers a new interdisciplinary approach to the study of aggression that is rooted in social and psychological perspectives. [The authors] present a strong theoretical foundation for practical analysis and intervention. Particularly thought provoking are discussions surrounding pornography, television, and other media violence; sexual coercion; and parenting styles (contrasting the use of abusive discipline with normal deterrents). (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
Computer-assisted self-interviews were completed with a random sample of 163 unmarried Caucasian and African American men in a large metropolitan area. Almost a quarter (24.5%) of these men acknowledged committing an act since the age of 14 that met standard legal definitions of attempted or completed rape; an additional 39% had committed another type of sexual assault involving forced sexual contact or verbal coercion. An expanded version of the Malamuth et al. [1991] confluence model was examined using path analysis. The number of sexual assaults perpetrated by participants was associated with the direct or indirect effects of childhood sexual abuse, adolescent delinquency, alcohol problems, sexual dominance, positive attitudes about casual sexual relationships, and pressure from peers to engage in sexual relationships. Additionally, empathy buffered the relationship between sexual dominance and perpetration. The pattern of results was highly similar for African American and Caucasian men. The implications of these findings for sexual assault measurement are discussed and suggestions are made for alternative treatment programs. Aggr. Behav. 00:1–14, 2005. © 2005 Wiley-Liss, Inc.
Seventy-two men and 86 women read vignettes describing five coercive strategies for obtaining sexual intercourse on a date. Subjects rated the acceptability of strategies used by male and female initiators for couples who were or were not sexually intimate. Subjects generally rejected all tactics. Results revealed a continuum of increasing rejection from verbal pressure and sexual stimulation, followed by mock force, followed by intoxication and physical force. Although women were more rejecting of any strategy than were men, women were slightly less opposed to verbal pressure and stimulation for more sex rather than for first-time sex. Women equally rejected most male- and female-initiated strategies, but men were more accepting of female-initiated strategies. Results are explained in terms of sex role norms prescribing that men be initiators and women be gatekeepers in sexual interaction.
In this study, we investigated the prevalence of women's sexual aggression against men and examined predictors of sexual aggression in a sample of 248 women. Respondents reported their use of aggressive strategies (physical force, exploitation of a man's incapacitated state, and verbal pressure) to make a man engage in sexual touch, sexual intercourse, or oral sex against his will. Childhood abuse, gender role orientation, ambiguous communication of sexual intentions, level of sexual activity, and peer pressure were included as predictors of sexual aggression. Almost 1 in 10 respondents (9.3%) reported having used aggressive strategies to coerce a man into sexual activities. Exploitation of the man's incapacitated state was used most frequently (5.6%), followed by verbal pressure (3.2%) and physical force (2%). An additional 5.4% reported attempted acts of sexual aggression. Sexual abuse in childhood, ambiguous communication of sexual intentions, high levels of sexual activity, and peer pressure toward sexual activity were linked to an increased likelihood of sexual aggression. The findings are discussed in relation to the literature on men's sexual aggression.
Approximately half of all sexual assaults are associated with either the perpetrator's alcohol consumption, the victim's alcohol consumption, or both. Although the emphasis of this review is on alcohol-involved sexual assaults, their unique aspects can only be evaluated by comparing them to other types of sexual assault. Theoretical perspectives on sexual assault that focus on characteristics of the perpetrator, the victim, and the situation are described. A number of personality traits, attitudes, and past experiences have been systematically linked to sexual assault perpetration, including beliefs about alcohol and heavy drinking. In contrast, only a few experiences have been significantly related to sexual assault victimization, including childhood sexual abuse and heavy drinking. There is support for both psychological and pharmacological mechanisms linking alcohol and sexual assault. Beliefs about alcohol's effects reinforce stereotypes about gender roles and can exacerbate their influence on perpetrators' actions. Alcohol's effects on cognitive and motor skills also contribute to sexual assault through their effects on perpetrators' and victims' ability to process and react to each other's verbal and nonverbal behavior. Limitations with existing research and methodological challenges associated with conducting research on this topic are described. Suggestions are made for future research which can inform prevention and treatment programs.
The purposes of this study were (a) to determine whether women's use of persuasion, non-physical coercion, and physical force strategies to obtain sex from a man varied between U.S. women from an urban Southern and rural Midwestern university and (b) to determine if sexual behavior history and early courtship behavior affected the use of these strategies (or not using any strategy). Women from the Midwest and the South did not differ in their use of sexual strategies. There were, however other variables that accounted for differences in women's use of sexual strategies. Women who used persuasion strategies had fewer lifetime sexual partners than women who used any other strategy. Women who used physical force strategies reported a lower age at first intercourse and more early courtship behaviors than all others. Overall, the results indicated that sexual strategies are related to sexual behavior history and early courtship behaviors rather than cultural setting or demographics.
By articulating a general theory of crime and related behavior, the authors present a new and comprehensive statement of what the criminological enterprise should be about. They argue that prevalent academic criminologyâwhether sociological, psychological, biological, or economicâhas been unable to provide believable explanations of criminal behavior. The long-discarded classical tradition in criminology was based on choice and free will, and saw crime as the natural consequence of unrestrained human tendencies to seek pleasure and to avoid pain. It concerned itself with the nature of crime and paid little attention to the criminal. The scientific, or disciplinary, tradition is based on causation and determinism, and has dominated twentieth-century criminology. It concerns itself with the nature of the criminal and pays little attention to the crime itself. Though the two traditions are considered incompatible, this book brings classical and modern criminology together by requiring that their conceptions be consistent with each other and with the results of research. The authors explore the essential nature of crime, finding that scientific and popular conceptions of crime are misleading, and they assess the truth of disciplinary claims about crime, concluding that such claims are contrary to the nature of crime and, interestingly enough, to the data produced by the disciplines themselves. They then put forward their own theory of crime, which asserts that the essential element of criminality is the absence of self-control. Persons with high self-control consider the long-term consequences of their behavior; those with low self-control do not. Such control is learned, usually early in life, and once learned, is highly resistant to change. In the remainder of the book, the authors apply their theory to the persistent problems of criminology. Why are men, adolescents, and minorities more likely than their counterparts to commit criminal acts? What is the role of the school in the causation of delinquincy? To what extent could crime be reduced by providing meaningful work? Why do some societies have much lower crime rates than others? Does white-collar crime require its own theory? Is there such a thing as organized crime? In all cases, the theory forces fundamental reconsideration of the conventional wisdom of academians and crimina justic practitioners. The authors conclude by exploring the implications of the theory for the future study and control of crime.
Explored the veracity of self-reported sexual experiences as relayed by university students (242 females and 144 males) on a sexual experience survey that was completed once privately and a 2nd time in the presence of an interviewer. The Ss were selected from a group of 4,000 students to represent all degrees of exposure to sexual aggression and sexual victimization. Of the female Ss (mean age 21.3 yrs), 86% were single, 92% were White, and 25% were in each year of college study. Of the male Ss (mean age 21.7 yrs), 89% were single, 87% were White, and 25% were in each year of college study. Female Ss were classified as nonvictimized, sexually coerced, sexually abused, or sexually assaulted. Male Ss were classified as nonsexually aggressive, sexually aggressive, sexually abusive, or sexually assaultive. The Pearson correlation between female Ss' level of victimization (LOV) based on self-report and her LOV based on responses as related to the interviewer was .73. Among the 62 females whose self-reports suggested that they were rape victims, only 2 changed their responses. The LOV correlation between male Ss' responses was .61. Results reveal a tendency for males to deny behaviors during interviews that had been revealed on self-reports. (4 ref) (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
Although the long-term effects of sexual abuse by men have been studied extensively, minimal research has explored the effects of sexual abuse by women. This qualitative study explores the experience and long-term impact of sexual abuse by women. The data were derived from in-depth interviews with 14 adult victims (7 men, 7 women) of child sexual abuse by females. Most respondents reported severe sexual abuse by their mothers. The vast majority of participants reported that the experience of female-perpetrated sexual abuse was harmful and damaging. As a result of the sexual abuse, male and female respondents reported long-term difficulties with substance abuse, self-injury, suicide, depression, rage, strained relationships with women, self-concept and identity issues, and a discomfort with sex. In light of the popular and professional perceptions that sexual abuse by women is relatively harmless as compared to sexual abuse by men, the implications of these long-term effects are discussed, particularly in relation to professionals working in the area of child sexual abuse.
Misperceiving a woman's platonic interest as sexual interest has been implicated in a sexual bargaining process that leads to sexual coercion. This paper provides a comprehensive review of sexual misperception, including gender differences in perception of women's sexual intent, the relationship between sexual coercion and misperception, and situational factors that increase the risk that sexual misperception will occur. Compared to women, men consistently perceive a greater degree of sexual intent in women's behavior. However, there is evidence to suggest that this gender effect may be driven largely by a sub-group of men who are particularly prone to perceive sexual intent in women's behavior, such as sexually coercive men and men who endorse sex-role stereotypes. Situational factors, such as alcohol use by the man or woman, provocative clothing, and dating behaviors (e.g., initiating the date or making eye contact), are all associated with increased estimates of women's sexual interest. We also critique the current measurement strategies and introduce a model of perception that more closely maps on to important theoretical questions in this area. A clearer understanding of sexual perception errors and the etiology of these errors may serve to guide sexual-assault prevention programs toward more effective strategies.
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