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Tuuli Malla, Anna Kholina and Lauri Jäntti
Urban hitchhiking: Wandering
With others as a research method
this essay introduces urban hitchhiking, a reective practice of sharing
a walk with strangers, and considers its relevance for research and artistic
practice. Drawing from ethnography, psychogeography and performance
studies, we frame urban hitchhiking as a score that has ethnographic
potential akin to the ethnographic installation (Hartblay 2017) for exploring
the complex relationships between people and cityscapes. We demonstrate
this with the help of our own accounts of Urban Hitchhiking as two artists
who developed the concept and a researcher who practiced it. The essay
summarises four perspectives that emerged from our ndings: spatiality,
performativity, gender, and hospitality. It concludes that the key value of
urban hitchhiking lies in its potential to create a setting that we dene as an
empathetic drift, which turns random encounters into shared acts of trust
through which a variety of anthropological questions can be explored.
special section
half hero, half idiot:
the hitchhiker as ethnographer
introdUction1
We would like to introduce you to urban
hitchhiking. e score is fairly simple: take a
sign that says, ‘May I walk with you for a while?’
Place yourself on a pedestrian route (Figure 1).
Stand somewhere along that path, raise your
thumb and search for eye contact with people
who are passing. Wait until someone approaches
you and then let the journey begin. Often the
person who oers you a lift will ask what this is
about. We tend to say that this is an experiment,
that we are trying out what happens when we
encounter a stranger. But urban hitchhiking is
more than a talk with a stranger. It is a drift in
city space guided by interaction with another
person, a constructed situation where the
randomness of encounter confronts the intimacy
of the interaction. Sometimes the drift leads to
shopping for a thimble or discussing what it
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Special section: e hitchhiker as ethnographer
means to encounter someone, and sometimes to
a brief walk to a bus stop or an overnight stay.
It is a challenge both for the Hitchhiker and for
the person who accepts the invitation, an act of
trust and an intervention into the regular course
of urban life.
Urban Hitchhiking was developed by Tuuli
Malla and Lauri Jäntti during several iterations
of their artistic experiments. e third author,
Anna Kholina, practiced Urban Hitchhiking in
her own research after learning about the practice
from Malla and Jäntti. e aim of the article is
to introduce the practice of urban hitchhiking
and consider its relevance for research and
artistic practices that tap into the complexities
of human nature and contemporary urban life.
We examine urban hitchhiking through the
lens of psychogeography and ethnography,
and later through our own accounts of doing
it. What is the value of this practice? What
kind of questions can it answer? What role
does a performative aspect play and how is it
manifested in the results? By analysing our
own accounts and experiences, we frame urban
hitchhiking as a performative score in line with
the ethnographic installation (Hartblay 2017),
as a prism through which a variety of themes
can be explored. We present four of these
themes: spatiality, performativity, gender, and
hospitality, and conclude by highlighting the
value of wandering with others that we dene as
empathetic drifting.
backgroUnd
Urban Hitchhiking is a way to engage with
people while moving together in space. It is
based on walking as an activity that connects
spatial settings and human routines in a form
of a dialogue, although it is not restricted
to walking and may include other forms of
movement or stillness according to the course of
events. Walking is itself a practice that produces
particular relationships with the environment
(de Certeau 1984; Ingold 2011; Solnit 2000)
which facilitate sensing and learning about
spaces, discovering and transforming the city,
mutually constituting bodies and landscapes, and
constructing meanings in human-environment
relationships (Pinder 2011; Middleton 2010).
Walking is both an appropriation and an
exploration, a way to connect time and space
Figure 1. Hitchhiker about to get a ride. Photo by L. Jäntti.
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Special section: e hitchhiker as ethnographer
(Edensor 2010) and a mode of experiencing
place (Wunderlich 2008).
At the same time, urban hitchhiking is
avery specic form of walking. First of all, the
hitchhiker makes herself visible and available for
a shared walk by holding out a raised thumb as
a sign and by making an eye-contact. Secondly,
the practice takes place only if another person
volunteers to take part and lead the way. irdly,
the walk is mostly a conversation. Finally, the
route of the walk is not restricted in advance
in time and space, rather, it is a form of a drift
where the hitchhiker follows the directions of
the participant and actively immerses herself
in the situation and the lifeworld of the other.
Based on this description, urban hitchhiking is
related both to the psychogeographic practice
of dérive and the walking interviews used in
ethnography. e following section will draw the
parallels between the above mentioned practices
and urban hitchhiking, outlining the distinctive
qualities and the potential of the latter.
Urban hitchhiking
and the dérive
e dérive or drifting is ‘a technique of
transient passage through varied ambiances’
(Debord 1963) used by e International
Situationists’ movement to confront ‘the society
of the spectacle’ (Bassett 2004: 401) in which
commodities and consumption dominate the
city. It is ‘a mode of experimental behaviour’
(McDonough 2004: 215) based on a sensibility
towards the changing atmospheres of the space
and the urban landscape: ‘one should abandon
oneself to the attractions of the terrain and
the encounters one nds there’ (Debord 1963).
In practice, it can mean taking a walk in Paris
with a map of Rome or using any pre-dened
principles to randomise the course of the journey
and become more sensitive to the mundane
cityscape. is technique is a part of what the
Situationists called ‘a psychogeography’—a
study of the eects that the geographical
environment has on the aective responses of
the individual.
Urban Hitchhiking presents a form of
drifting wherein random encounters dene the
course of the journey and construct the situations
that uncover the narratives and personal stories
embedded in the urban realm. Like the dérive,
it helps identify the hidden borders, aectual
contours, and sensual ows of the city space. e
hitchhiker notices these changes through a sense
of intimacy in the moment of sharing a memory
with a stranger or in the act of buying groceries
together, while entering someone’s home or
a private car. Even though urban hitchhiking
does not have a critical political agenda as its
foundation, it challenges society by provoking
the non-scripted behaviour of engaging in a
stranger’s life.
Although perceived as a solo activity, early
dérives were done in groups of two or three
people and Debord advocated wandering for
a lengthy amount of time in order to create a
true dispersal (Wilcox, Palassio and Dovercourt
2002: 96). e participants of the dérive should
share political, aesthetic, and philosophical views
to cross-check their impressions and arrive at
more objective conclusions (Macauley 2000:
31; Wood 2010: 187). is is dierent from
urban hitchhiking in which the participants do
not necessarily share common views and goals
(Laviolette 2017) and there is no emphasis
on coming to any specic conclusions. As the
participants of urban hitchhiking change, new
views, routes, and experiences emerge, turning
the hitchhiker’s experience into a collage of
shared journeys led by encounters with strangers.
ere are other dierences as well. e
Situationists preferred ghettos and slums
(Bassett 2004: 402), while for a hitchhiker the
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Special section: e hitchhiker as ethnographer
emphasis is on the quality of the encounters
and the level of openness of strangers rather
than their attribution to a certain social class.
Finally, whereas practitioners of dérive are
looking outwards, the starting position of urban
hitchhiking places the gaze on the person
who is Hitchhiking, echoing the critique of
the tradition of dérive’s being rooted in the
male gaze (Bridger 2013). e presence of the
hitchhiker in the city space, a stranger who is
waiting to be interacted with, is the opposite of
the anonymous view behind the camera that is
associated with the male gaze. Being exposed
is an essential part of urban hitchhiking and
it renders the gender imbalances visible, as
we will demonstrate in the later section. Even
when the walk has started, the hitchhiker is still
exposed: a sign or an unusual combination of
people walking together draws the attention of
passers-by.
Urban hitchhiking and
the Walking intervieW
Ethnography has a long-standing tradition of
methods based on movement through space.
Walking interviews create a natural setting
for studying interlocutors’ everyday routines
(Kusenbach 2003: 464), generating rich data
‘because interviewees are prompted by meanings
and connections to the surrounding environment
and are less likely to try and give the “right”
answer’ (Evans and Jones 2011: 849). Known as
a go-along, a method of walking together with
the interviewee shares many similarities with
urban hitchhiking: ‘When conducting go-alongs,
eldworkers accompany individual informants
on their “natural” outings, and—through asking
questions, listening and observing—actively
explore their subjects’ stream of experiences and
practices as they move through, and interact
with, their physical and social environment.’
(ibid.: 463). However, there are several qualities
that dierentiate the two practices.
In the same way as a person on a dérive,
the ethnographer usually prefers to remain
unnoticeable, but for an urban hitchhicker
with a sign and a raised thumb, it is dicult
to stay incognito. Moreover, urban hitchhiking
highlights the initial strangeness of approaching
a stranger with the intention of going along with
them. Although the walk itself may resemble a
go-along interview, the act of inviting people’s
company has a strong performative dimension
that emphasises intruding into the course of
someone’s daily routines. Yet the same happens
when an ethnographer rigorously follows
his informants’ practices, making notes and
jottings. e articiality of urban hitchhiking as
abehaviour plays an important role as it renders
the Hitchhiker the Other in relation to those
whose behaviour does not attract attention.
Hitchhikers purposefully stand out from the
crowd with a somewhat absurd invitation,
which draws attention to their initiative of
encountering strangers. is otherness changes
the dynamics of researcher-subject relations as
the hitchhiker presents herself as the subject
by being the Other, rather than adopting the
role of the observing ethnographer. Perhaps
even more prominent than the role of the
hitchhiker’s going along with a stranger is the
role of astranger’s going along with the idea of
social hitchhiking. Rendering oneself the Other
(as a hero and idiot) exposes the hitchhiker’s
strange logic from rst moment of encounter.
is sense of empathy and exposure while
presenting oneself in an urban space echoes the
idea of heroic activist anthropology outlined
by Susan Sontag (1966): being honest about
one’s motives and being open to emotional
collisions, for example when entering someone’s
home (Figure 2), challenges Hitchhikers to
become more aware of their presence and their
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Special section: e hitchhiker as ethnographer
responsibility for the people with whom they
share the journey. Another dierence between
ethnography and urban hitchhiking concerns
the scope of people included in the practice. In
certain forms of urban ethnography, the focus
is often on the deviants, outcast groups, and
minorities (Suttles 1976: 1). Urban hitchhiking
does not aim at reaching specic types of people
although it is always connected to the particular
space where the journey unfolds. Documenting
urban hitchhiking experiments allowed Jäntti
and Malla understand that the randomness
of encounters allowed them to reach a wide
spectrum of participants in terms of age,
gender, and social status, although they did not
specically target that variety.
an ethnographic
installation
Not exactly a drift or an ethnography, urban
hitchhiking borrows the features of both
practices. Its performative aspect dierentiates
it from traditional research practices and
brings it closer to art. To avoid labelling it as
an artistic or a research practice, we frame
urban hitchhiking as a practice akin to the
ethnographic installation (Hartblay 2017), a
term elaborated by Cassandra Hartblay to refer
to a ‘a generative part of a dialogic practice of
ethnographic knowledge production’ (2017: 1),
highlighting that the research process itself is a
cultural performance.
e concept of ethnographic installation,
understood as a way of engaging with con-
temporary art practice to explore an ethno-
graphic problem, reects the process of how
urban hitchhiking came into being. In 2015,
it emerged out of a conversation Lauri Jäntti
had with someone he bumped into by chance.
Right after the conversation, Jäntti tried out
pedestrian hitchhiking; this did not lead into
getting a lift in the rst fteen minutes as he
was holding his thumb up by the entrance
to Stockmann department store in central
Helsinki. A sign was later developed during
several stages of experimentation and workshops
in St. Petersburg, Arkhangelsk, Lappeenranta,
Tartu, and Prague. Ethnographic problems in
the beginning were posed by the strangeness of
the activity and the goal of breaking the divide
between people who do not know each other.
Later, other research perspectives were added,
such as the invisible borders between public and
private space in cities.
Figure 2 & 3. Photographs from a Hitchhiker’s visits to domestic spaces: allotment (left) & home (right).
By L. Jäntti
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Special section: e hitchhiker as ethnographer
Some of the most well-known pieces of
performance art based on following strangers
are Vito Acconci’s Following Piece (1969) and
Sophie Calle’s Suite Vénitienne ( Jeries 2009),
both based on a secretive task that carries its
poetry in a one-way relationship that contains
a risk of the ‘stalker’ being discovered. In
#TAKEMEANYWHERE by LaBeouf, Rönkkö,
and Turner (Coldwell 2016) the stalker situation
was reversed as the artists relied on someone to
nd them based on their coordinates, posted
online, and take them anywhere from there.
Framing urban hitchhiking in line with the
ethnographic installation (Hartblay 2017) avoids
the dualistic distinction of art versus research in
our work: ‘Artistic practice can become not only
an “output” for ethnography, but also a mode
of research’ (ibid.: 9). It also encourages a focus
on the dialogic and embodied knowledge that
is produced through this practice, taking dual
perspectives and experiences into account: those
of the participant and the hitchhiker. In the
following section we present our own accounts
of practicing urban hitchhiking in order to
discuss how an ethnographic installation
becomes a setting to explore the complex
relations between people and urban space.
practicing Urban
hitchhiking
ere was a lot of divergence in how we
practiced urban hitchhiking. We asked ourselves
dierent questions and walked with a dierent
number of people for varied durations of time
in dierent spatial settings. When we set out to
analyse our accounts, the themes emerging from
them had very little overlap. at and the later
comments of our colleagues made us think that
urban hitchhiking is not a method with clearly
dened inputs and results, but a setting through
which dierent research and artistic perspectives
can be explored. Below we present four of these
perspectives and our ndings.
1. spatiality
Studying the invisible structure of urban
space is the core question of this perspective.
Urban Hitchhiking allows the researcher(s) to
map the experiences of both the Hitchhiker
and the participant in relation to the physical
environment, and to analyse the rhythms,
meanings, and practices that dene the
boundaries of private and public spaces. is
perspective resembles psychogeography as it
makes the Hitchhiker aware of the invisible
boundaries which divide the urban fabric.
Anna Kholina experimented with Urban
Hitchhiking in spring 2017 to learn more about
part of a university campus which included
a variety of public areas that were devoid of
public life. Physically, the space does not have
clear boundaries or restriction signs, meaning
that a newcomer does not know where the
study area ends and the student village starts.
By hitchhiking with the students, Kholina
wanted to understand how the public space
was structured and how homogenous it was
in dierent parts of the campus. One of her
accounts illustrates the process of discovering
the hidden boundaries of the public space:
I was standing on one of the small
pedestrian roads some fty metres away
from the University building when a
student agreed to give me a ride. As we
talked, I learned that she was on her way
home to the student village and was overall
very satised about the campus space.
She particularly stressed the presence of
nature and the possibility to get away
from other people as positive qualities. It
resonated with the nature of her studies:
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Special section: e hitchhiker as ethnographer
as an engineer, she preferred concentration
and solitude to buzz and interaction. I was
surprised and left her on the edge of the
student village, not far from the study area.
But when I tried to nd the next ride, I
encountered a problem. Nobody was
making eye contact with me and people
were avoiding me to the extent of crossing
the street in the opposite direction as soon
as they saw a person holding a sign. Even
when a dozen people exited a bus just in
front of me, none of them even looked my
way. I felt like an intruder who was breaking
some laws or unspoken rules. It was then
that I realised that I found the border
between public and private space, although
there was no visible change. I repeated my
attempt several times before returning to
the publicness, which happened to be just
across the street. In less than ve minutes,
I was walking with a lady pushing a stroller
who now accepted my eye contact.
is account illustrates how the process of
interacting with people through the practice of
hitchhiking rather than focusing on the physical
qualities or the atmosphere of the space meant
that the perceived publicness and privateness
could be traced. e shift from public to
private space was not explicated by hitchhike
participants, but rather emerged as embodied
knowledge of not being welcome in a particular
location.
2. performativity
e performative dimension of urban
hitchhiking is subtle, more an attitude than
a perspective, which is based on following,
listening, and staying in the moment with the
person (or people) with whom one is sharing
a journey. is attitude creates a space for the
other to open up but there are many dierent
levels of attention, depending on the encounter.
e clearest element of performativity consists
in the moment of standing still and waiting
with a sign and a thumb. ere are reactions
from the people passing by which inuence the
hitchhiker; some look down and try to avoid the
situation, but they are still in a dialogue with
the hitchhiker. e performative dimension
is related to the reexivity of the artist or
researcher, which meant that awareness about
one’s own body and the way other people react
to it became another important perspective that
was explored while wandering with others.
Leading urban hitchhiking workshops
made Malla and Jänti realise how important
embodied skills are to the hitchhiker’s trip.
e very fact of becoming visible through
hitchhiking requires patience in the moment
of waiting and allowing people to look at
oneself. e experience of hitchhiking can be
uncomfortable or pleasurable depending on
one’s own mood and expectations as well as
external impulses, which are partly a response
to the inner mood shining through but also
related to the locality. Helsinki’s fancy Töölö
neighbourhood was dierent to the city’s edgy
Kallio. Töölö is an area associated with wealthy
and often older inhabitants while Kallio is a
former working-class neighbourhood that has
been gentried in recent years (Karhula 2015).
Smaller-scale dierences were noticeable when
comparing Hitchhiking on a square and a street
with regard to accessing ows of people to meet.
3. gender
In terms of unintended performativity of
gender, Urban Hitchhiking made Malla
consider the role of an open oer for encounter
in association with being seen as a female body.
Prior to Urban Hitchhiking Malla had various
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Special section: e hitchhiker as ethnographer
experiences of drifting without thinking of
the male gaze. Comments from people who
approached her, though perhaps intended as
compliments, revealed the tension between the
assumed neutrality of following someone and
the role of a young female open to invitations.
e types of comments were nothing new but
the position of being open in this way made
it challenging to maintain the boundaries that
would normally be in place. Someone asked
Malla to go home with her, refusing the oer
to walk together only part of the journey, while
someone else asked: ‘Are you selling yourself
too?’ In a similar vein, others warned her of
possible rapists, and a journalist commented
that he was surprised she did not face much
sexual harassment. For Malla the encounter-led
drift revealed the role of a female body in the
chance journeys in a way that made her revisit
the gendered aspect of the psychogeographical
tradition. In fact, she saw herself as part of the
lineage of psychogeographers and only came
to enquire into the tradition more deeply after
comments to which she was exposed during
urban hitchhiking. Malla’s personal view of the
performance as one presenting a gender-neutral
body—of not regarding her own work in terms
of gender binaries (Butler 2011 [1990])—
conicted with the comments regarding her
body that she received.
4. hospitality
e ease in situations where one would expect
to be outside one’s comfort zone became one
of the most signicant experiences for Malla.
In hindsight these situations often seemed
strange when retold to others but in the reality
of Hitchhiking they had not seemed strange at
all: for example, queueing for free food together
with a stranger in what is colloquially known as
‘the bread queue’, ocially Veikko and Lahja
Hursti’s Charitable Association, which is often
portrayed as a site of poverty (Hirvonen 2017).
Queuing with a person who had agreed they
could walk together was a part of the journey,
a transition from familiar streets to a place she
had never thought to visit before, an invitation
into another social realm which in the end was
surprisingly approachable. is experience of
queueing around the block with someone she
had never met before, among other journeys,
changed Malla’s perception of boundaries, social
structure, and access in the city. Practicing Urban
Hitchhiking re-articulates social interactions
and also impacts on the hitchhikers’ behaviour
outside of the practice. Much as an ethnographer
becomes a local (Geertz 2008 [1983];
Jeevendrampillai 2016), the urban hitchhiker
starts to behave according to their hitchhiking
mode of openness to encounters even when not
actually hitchhiking. For example, Malla found
herself talking to strangers with greater ease
than before and her perception of its being hard
to encounter people in Helsinki shifted. Kholina
noticed that this practice shortened the period
of entering the eld in her research and revealed
social groups she had not taken into account
earlier. Interactions with strangers become the
norm rather than an exception.
What became most signicant in the
project for Malla were sudden moments of
intimacy upon hearing a story that describes
a person’s life. e most memorable of these
consisted of the fragility in stories sharing the
tragedy and beauty of a life. Even before starting
urban hitchhiking, Malla had suspected a
universal need to share these stories with others,
even with strangers. Urban hitchhiking provides
the opportunity to do so by creating a space to
meet someone in the middle of the everyday:
the hitchhiker, who is oering to listen. ese
experiences were documented in the form of a
diary (Figure 4).
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Special section: e hitchhiker as ethnographer
conclUsion
is article considers urban hitchhiking, a
practice of wandering with others, as akin
to the ethnographic installation (Hartblay
2017), an activity that allows exploration of
the complex relationships between people and
space from the perspectives of art and research.
Building on our own accounts of doing urban
hitchhiking, we introduced four perspectives
that reect our interests: spatiality facilitates
examination of invisible borders in the urban
fabric; performativity explores the bodily skills
which are needed to start a random encounter
on the street; gender renders visible the
imbalances between the male and female body
in urban space; and hospitality highlights the
diculty and ease of establishing temporary
intimacy with strangers. e common thread
that unites these perspectives is that the process
of knowledge production is open, dialogic,
embodied, and situated in space and time. It
is exactly for this reason that we posit urban
hitchhiking in relation to the ethnographic
installation (Hartblay 2017) rather than as a
research method or an artistic practice.
Urban hitchhiking also extends outwards
from ethnography and psychogeography. e
communication between the two journeys of
drifting and purposeful movement creates a
crossroads between two ways of walking and
makes the hitchhiker’s motives visible to the
other person. Borrowing from both the walking
interview and the dérive, Urban hitchhiking
possesses a unique quality that turns it into a
setting for exploring a variety of socio-spatial
phenomena. We characterise this quality as
an empathetic drift, which is a mutual, shared
act of trust that emerges in a particular space
and develops in time (with its failures and
limitations, from which one can also learn). It
is a process of mutual attuning of strangers in
which the hitchhiker opens up to the world and
the participant opens part of her life in response.
It produces a methodological empathy towards
the participant and a return of hospitality for
Figure 4. Tuuli Malla’s Hitchhiking diary
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Special section: e hitchhiker as ethnographer
the Hitchhiker that tap into intimate and
intangible aspects of our urban existence, such
as social isolation, gender, privatisation of space,
and the role of the body in breaking through the
strangeness. It is a form of study which can be
developed with further comparative insights.
Looking at projects of walking with
strangers—e People Walker of LA (Carroll
2016), Rebecca Cade’s performance project
Walking Holding (2011; 2015), and, for example,
Kio Stark’s TED talk (2016) on the importance
of talking to strangers (2016)—it seems there
is an urgent need to nd ways of connecting
with each other. In our experience of urban
hitchhiking, walking together in public space
is intimate and yet oers ease: there is a shared
journey and pace, being seen together while
simultaneously being able to talk about things
around us and not being face to face. As the
setting changes, the social dynamics also shift,
especially when entering a home.
e four perspectives that we
outlined—spatiality, performativity, gender,
and hospitality—demonstrate that urban
hitchhiking as an ethnographic installation is
suited to elicit rst-person, embodied knowledge
of Otherness in dierent contexts. It is a practice
between art and research, performance and life:
a short mutual act of trust that seems almost
like a remedy to the alienation and isolation of
contemporary urban dwellers. ‘May I walk with
you for a while?’
notes
1 We would like to thank everyone with whom
we hitchhiked, those who have tried Urban
Hitchhiking themselves, Sissi Korhonen for
being part of developing Urban Hitchhiking, Dr.
David Jeevendrampillai for support during the
Hitchhiking process and for suggesting readings,
as well as Francisco Martínez and Matti Eräsaari
for their helpful comments on the article.
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TUULI MALLA, MA
ARTIST, URBANIST
ENCOUNTER ARTS
encounter.arts@gmail.com
ANNA KHOLINA, PH.D. CAND.
SCHOOL OF ARTS, DESIGN AND
ARCHITECTURE,
AALTO UNIVERSITY
anna.kholina@aalto.
LAURI JÄNTTI, MA
ARTIST, URBAN ACTIVIST
ENCOUNTER ARTS
encounter.arts@gmail.com
