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Imagined communities: reflections on the origin and spread of nationalism

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Abstract

'Imagined Communities' examines the creation & function of the 'imagined communities' of nationality & the way these communities were in part created by the growth of the nation-state, the interaction between capitalism & printing & the birth of vernacular languages in early modern Europe.
... Among the different kinds of group identities that individuals in modern society possess, national identities are among the most essential (Hall 1996b: 611-612) and carry with them a wide range of conceptualizations, attitudes, and conventions (Wodak et al. 2009: 4). Anderson's (1983) model of national identity as an imagined community is an oft-quoted way to conceptualize the complexity of nations and nationalism: the perception of a community limited by boundaries and membership among its citizens that in actuality constructs the community into being. National identities are not limited to prominent occasions of national celebration or symbolism; Billig (1995) refers to "banal nationalism" as the routine and mostly ideologically invisible enactment of a modern system of nation-states that, despite its apparent timelessness, is in fact the result of historical and socio-discursive forces. ...
... As Anderson (1983: 3) notes, nation, nationalism and nationality have been difficult concepts to define and have eluded theoretical clarity. In his own work, Anderson proposes a conceptualization of nation as the oft-quoted imagined political community, imbued with certain characteristics: the community is imagined because its members never know or meet all of their fellow community members; it is a real community because, while imagined, it is imagined into being rather than being falsely perceived to be real; the community is limited and finite both in its boundaries and its membership, and also posits the existence of other nations; it is sovereign; and, finally, it is a community that presupposes a horizontal comradeship among its members (Anderson 1983: 5-7). ...
... As Anderson (1983: 3) notes, nation, nationalism and nationality have been difficult concepts to define and have eluded theoretical clarity. In his own work, Anderson proposes a conceptualization of nation as the oft-quoted imagined political community, imbued with certain characteristics: the community is imagined because its members never know or meet all of their fellow community members; it is a real community because, while imagined, it is imagined into being rather than being falsely perceived to be real; the community is limited and finite both in its boundaries and its membership, and also posits the existence of other nations; it is sovereign; and, finally, it is a community that presupposes a horizontal comradeship among its members (Anderson 1983: 5-7). Wodak et al. (2009: 4), in their investigation of discourses of national identity, posit that there is in fact no single national identity, and that "different identities are discursively constructed" and "are therefore malleable, fragile and, frequently, ambivalent and diffuse". ...
Article
La invasión rusa de Ucrania ha dado lugar a toda una serie de acciones político-jurídicas entre Rusia, Ucrania y otros países occidentales. Este artículo analiza la política exterior rusa hacia Ucrania y el papel del derecho internacional en la doctrina de Vladimir Putin. Para ello, primero, analizamos la doctrina de política exterior del presidente Putin, señalando las prioridades, los objetivos y las medidas, así como los argumentos jurídicos que han sido empleados para justificar la operación militar especial contra Ucrania iniciada el pasado 24 de febrero. La segunda parte del artículo examina la validez de los argumentos utilizados por Rusia para justificar su operación, e identifica y discute los principales instrumentos legales planteados por las potencias occidentales para enfrentar estas acciones. Este artículo evidencia la forma instrumental en que Rusia utiliza el derecho internacional para justificar determinadas acciones de política exterior, al tiempo que Ucrania y las potencias occidentales hacen uso de los diferentes instrumentos que proporciona el derecho internacional de los derechos humanos para enfrentar la amenaza.
... Diasporas, therefore, enable modes of belonging and identity to be revisited (see Bloemraad, 2006;Rogers & Muir, 2007). This approach directs attention to Anderson's (1983) seminal work on imagined communities. Many Jamaicans in the diaspora encounter discrimination and racism. ...
... Some develop a common sense of identity and see themselves as belonging to an imagined community that transcends geographical boundaries. While certain aspects of Anderson's (1983) imagined communities embody the Jamaican case, the key element that makes the Jamaican diaspora a community is not the sharp difference between 'real' and 'imagined'. Rather, it is the contrast between affiliation and non-affiliation. ...
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Los pequeños Estados insulares en desarrollo (PEID) y las diásporas se han convertido en actores clave en el ámbito internacional. Este estudio investiga el tema de cómo crear derechos y obligaciones para los jamaiquinos que viven en Gran Bretaña, que sean consistentes con su ciudadanía tanto en las sociedades anfitrionas como de origen, a pesar de sus diferentes obligaciones y responsabilidades con las naciones anfitrionas y de origen. Además, el estudio busca captar la problemática –conflicto o contradicción entre una nueva forma de nacionalismo– del transnacionalismo, y una controvertida forma de ciudadanía –la ciudadanía de la diáspora–. Este estudio está anclado en la teoría de la aculturación y emplea una metodología cualitativa basada en entrevistas estructuradas y grupos focales. El estudio encuentra que, si bien muchos jamaiquinos en Gran Bretaña han encontrado formas de mejorar sus vidas, luchan por tener un sentido de pertenencia a ese país. En segundo lugar, los jamaiquinos en Gran Bretaña son racializados y catalogados como “el otro” a través de percepciones estereotipadas con respecto a sus identidades nacionales. Encuentran consuelo en su identidad jamaiquina para hacer frente a su marginación y exclusión en la sociedad británica. Su ciudadanía diaspórica se aprovecha para desafiar la exclusión en Gran Bretaña. La principal contribución del estudio es proporcionar información sobre el fenómeno migratorio de Jamaica. En general, el estudio sugiere que hay una existencia y resiliencia continua de una comunidad de pertenencia compartida en Jamaica. Este es un recurso vital que debe aprovecharse y comprometerse, dado el potencial de la diáspora para influir en la política exterior británica hacia Jamaica y su papel en el desarrollo de esta.
... Говорят, что насильственная советизация не позволила социал-демократическим властям довести начатое ими дело до его успешного завершения (Ли 2019: [244][245][246][247][248][249]. Наряду с восторженными отзывами, присутствуют также критические выпады в адрес правящей верхушки. ...
... Идея нации пришла в какой-то степени на замену конфессиональной принадлежности, выполнявшей до того функции интеграции общества. По мнению ряда авторитетных исследователей(Anderson 1983;Gellner 1983;Smith 1983;Hobsbawn 1990) в основе формирования наций лежат процессы ликвидации феодальных структур, рост урбанизации, создание единого внутреннего рынка, развитие промышленности. В новое время стремительно стали складываться крупные нации, включающие в себя самые разнообразные этнолингвистические группы. ...
... In the 18th and 19th centuries, censuses played a key role both in the development of European nation-states and in the administration of their colonies (Kertzer and Arel 2002b;Loveman 2014). Censuses not only provided government officials with information about the population, but they were also a tool used to define and promote a shared identity among co-nationals, which was crucial in promoting their willingness to be governed, as well as to establish distinctions among nations (Anderson 1991;Foucault 1991;Urla 1993). At the same time, Loveman (2014, p. 20) explains, "diversity within the governed population became an explicit cause for concern in modern states, because they were self-consciously organized as sovereign nation-states -states of and for a particular 'people'", and censuses were one way to track the presence and size of minoritized groups within national borders. ...
... At the same time, Loveman (2014, p. 20) explains, "diversity within the governed population became an explicit cause for concern in modern states, because they were self-consciously organized as sovereign nation-states -states of and for a particular 'people'", and censuses were one way to track the presence and size of minoritized groups within national borders. In the case of European colonies in Africa, America, and Asia, the census classification of colonial subjects served to constitute them as racialized Others by differentiating them from colonizers (Anderson 1991). In both kinds of contexts (i.e., European nations and their overseas colonies), there were ideological implications as well as political motivations not just for counting the population but also for dividing it into social categories. ...
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This chapter examines the classification of Latin Americans and Latinxs in Western Europe censuses from epistemic, discursive, and policy perspectives: who is included and who is left out in tabulations of Latinxs and Latin Americans; how census classificatory practices reflect and bolster particular constructions of ethnoracial, national, and Latinx identities; and how these classification schemes emerge from but also limit public policies. I frame the absence of ethnoracial classification in the majority of Western European censuses as a triple denial: the denial of ethnoracial and cultural diversity within the nation-state, the denial of the impact of European colonialism, and the denial of race. I examine how the lack of ethnoracial classification in general, and the lack of a Latin American or Latinx category even in the few places that do have ethnoracial classification, invisibilize Latinxs, impacting access to public resources and obscuring inequities. The shifting classification of Latinxs in the US census is provided as a point of comparison.
... Scholars argue that this discursive shift significantly impacted individual and collective national identity representations and attitudes towards immigration and asylum in post-reunification Germany (Pautz, 2005). Beyond the German case, authors often state that media messages are crucial in promoting different representations of national identity (e.g., Anderson, 1983;Blumer, 1958). However, studies focusing on media framing have not empirically tested this assumption. ...
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Paper accepted for publication in IJIR in on December 4, 2022 This between-subject survey experiment, conducted in two waves using a German sample (N=1,166 in Wave 1, N=829 in Wave 2), examined the hypothesis that identity-related frames – specifically, assimilation versus multicultural – affect outgroup prejudice and admission policy preferences by increasing the salience of different national identity representations (NIR). Participants were exposed to identical articles (except for the manipulations) framing information about Syrian refugees in Germany in either assimilation or multicultural terms. As predicted, exposure to assimilation versus multicultural frames led to higher ethnocultural NIR salience and, in turn, to higher outgroup prejudice and preference for more restrictive admission policies. Still, findings pointed to the defining role of frame content and valence perception in these effects, as perceiving the frame as more assimilationist and anti-immigration was related to higher ethnocultural NIR salience. Furthermore, frame perception explained a larger portion of variation in ethnocultural NIR salience than treatment alone. Additionally, ethnocultural NIR salience fostered intergroup threat perception leading to higher outgroup prejudice and preference for restrictive asylum policies. In contrast, civic NIR salience was unaffected by the experimental manipulation. We discuss the impact of identity-related frames on ethnocultural NIR salience and the role of exclusionary national identities on outgroup prejudice and preference for restrictive admission policies. We also highlight the benefits of using multicultural frames to frame information about refugees and asylum to foster positive intergroup perceptions.
... Asim also argued the importance of Arabic by referring to its central role in religion and culture. In sum, Asim's dispositions, and perceived benefits of investment in languages (Darvin & Norton, 2015) were clearly interrelated with an imagined future context or 'imagined community' (Anderson, 1991). For Asim, the imagined community would offer better opportunities for him to ensure that Arabic is passed down to future generations, but also provide more work opportunities. ...
Thesis
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This thesis explores the out-of-school language use and disposition of young adolescents in contemporary multilingual urban settings, located in the three largest cities in Sweden. More specifically, the thesis explores the interplay of out-of-school language use, language ideologies, investment in languages and identities. Dimensions of multilingualism have attracted wide scholarly interest, yet the knowledge about the out-of-school language use and encounters among this group of adolescents in connection to language ideologies and identities, is limited. Employing an explanatory sequential mixed methods design, three different instruments have been used (questionnaire, language diaries and interviews). The study was conducted between 2019–2021 with young adolescents (N=92) aged 11–14 at schools located in Stockholm, Gothenburg and Malmö. Adopting a Bourdieusian approach, the notion of habitus, and the related pillars of capital and field, have guided the integrated analysis of the findings of the young adolescents’ practices and dispositions. Findings reveal patterns of young adolescents’ everyday use and encounters with Heritage Languages, Swedish, English and additional languages in different activities and interactions. The findings also demonstrate how participants’ out-of-school language use is intertwined in various multifaceted ways with their language ideologies, investment in languages, identity constructions and linguistic sense of placement. The overall findings show how everyday language use and ideologies of languages play a vital role in shaping the young adolescents’ investment in languages, linguistic sense of placement and construction of identities. The study signifies the importance of bridging the gap between home and school and the urgent need for education to take seriously how hierarchical relations of languages and dominant ideologies impact young individuals’ perceptions of themselves, their imagined futures and sense of place in the social world.
... They also contain a story of origin that justifies the way the nation has developed. Narratives are closely intertwined with processes of identity formation and with power relations: While they certainly help people understand the past, their true power lies in the present (Humlebaek 2018) - Anderson (1983) connects this idea of power in the present directly to the rise of nationalism. ...
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Metropolitan research requires multidisciplinary perspectives in order to do justice to the complexities of metropolitan regions. This volume provides a scholarly and accessible overview of key methods and approaches in metropolitan research from a uniquely broad range of disciplines including architectural history, art history, heritage conservation, literary and cultural studies, spatial planning and planning theory, geoinformatics, urban sociology, economic geography, operations research, technology studies, transport planning, aquatic ecosystems research and urban epidemiology. It is this scope of disciplinary – and increasingly also interdisciplinary – approaches that allows metropolitan research to address recent societal challenges of urban life, such as mobility, health, diversity or sustainability.
... Por ser históricamente el primer medio de comunicación de alcance masivo y, durante décadas, el más influyente, la prensa se ha constituido en un actor central en la reproducción y difusión de imaginarios sociales en los estados modernos. La legitimidad social con la que cuenta el discurso de la prensa le ha permitido producir mensajes que se supone que aglomeran la pluralidad de voces -a menudo contradictorias-presentes al interior de cada territorio (Anderson, 1991). El discurso de la prensa ha sido y es relevante en la conformación y el posterior devenir de los estados nacionales y sus sociedades, poniendo en juego determinadas representaciones e imaginarios sociales sobre el alcance de la nación, sus límites, su nosotros y sus otros (Browne-Sartori y Castillo-Hinojosa, 2013; Chust, 1997;España y Rothery, 2004;Myers, 2004;Navarro-Conticello y Benedetti, 2020;Rubilar, 2015). ...
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El objetivo es analizar críticamente los imaginarios sociales de España como destino de la migración argentina en el discurso de los dos principales medios de prensa online argentinos. Se aplicaron postulados del Análisis Crítico del Discurso a 20 artículos periodísticos publicados en Clarin.com y LaNacion.com.ar entre abril de 2021 y abril de 2022 sobre migración de argentinos/as a España. Los resultados muestran que ambos reproducen imaginarios sociales de España como un lugar de oportunidades y dificultades, que demanda a los/as argentinos/as ciertas capacidades para migrar.
... According to Finnemore and Sikkink 37 (2001: 391), "human interaction is shaped primarily by ideational factors, not simply material ones; the most important ideational factors are widely shared beliefs […] and; these shared beliefs construct the interests and identities of purposive actors". Put differently, identities are not material facts, nor do they exist per se, as they are the product of social and historical constructions (Anderson 1983). They are what Searle (1995: 5-7) has called "social facts", things that have no material reality and whose existence depends upon people collectively believing that they exist and thus acting accordingly. ...
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By unraveling the dimensions and dynamics of the ‘cycle of protractedness’, the concluding chapter contributes to the development and reexamination of key concepts in the field of International Relations, providing a renewed analysis of the role of the Israeli-Palestinian protracted peace process in the conflict and its transformation. It concludes that, even though dehumanization dominates in ongoing conflicts, it is possible to identify activities undertaken by local and international actors in the societal level that have developed alongside—as a consequence—and within the very framework—as a desired outcome—of the protracted peace process. In terms of policy design and policy making, the findings of this book provide some clues for the intensification of new—underexplored—avenues for conflict transformation that favor reconciliation rather than reinforcing dehumanization. Although focused on a single case study, being that of Israel and Palestine, the findings of this research can be applied to other cases of protracted social conflicts by way of lessons learned.
... Another important debate on nationalism and nations is that what the definition of the concept is. While Gellner (1985) saw nations as a reflection of the Industrial Age, Anderson (2006) classified nations as fictitious societies where ties are designed by imagination. Hobsbawm, on the other hand, defined nationalism as a tradition invented by nation-state cadres. ...
Chapter
The book consists of nine chapters, certainly, it is not possible to write and analyse all the facts regarding the Mediterranean region, however we tried to touch on significant processes in which emerged recently as much as we could do. The book is interested in international disputes which are combined with geopolitics, security, energy economy-strategy and refugee crisis too. On the other hand, the domestic politics of some regional countries have been analysed in this book by combining concepts of nationalism, populism, democratization, and gender equality. Eventually, we tried to draw a picture of the Mediterranean region which is related to politics, economy, and security issues. I hope this book will make a contribution to extract the hidden facts under the carpet of the Mediterranean.
... The same-other here is used to implicate self-hatred and hatred of the brownother, and this gives a superior degree that is a step above self-hate. Social media platforms such as Twitter are sites of communing where affect is produced and circulated as a binding economy (Dean 2010) and for imagined communities to subsist (Anderson 2006). As Ekman further casts light "[E]ngagement on social media platforms generates feelings of belonging and mutual recognition, but also of exclusion; these reciprocal emotions drive the circuits of communication, that is, constitute the gratification of user labour" (2019, p. 609). ...
... According to Finnemore and Sikkink (2001: 391), "human interaction is shaped primarily by ideational factors, not simply material ones; the most important ideational factors are widely shared beliefs […] and; these shared beliefs construct the interests and identities of purposive actors". Put differently, identities are not material facts, nor do they exist per se, as they are the product of social and historical constructions (Anderson 1983). They are what Searle (1995: 5-7) has called "social facts", things that have no material reality and whose existence depends upon people collectively believing that they exist and thus acting accordingly. ...
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This chapter focuses on the concepts of identity and conflict. Drawing from many others who place identity as the central factor explaining the mutually reinforcing dynamics of protracted conflicts and protracted peace processes, this chapter suggests that the processes of identity building in protracted conflicts bear specific characteristics due to the multigenerational aspects of these contexts. The argument developed is that peace processes in this kind of conflicts tend to become protracted themselves, turning into a structure of their own that impact perceptions about the ‘self’ and the ‘other’, thus influencing the negative dimension of identity—the detachment or difference from others—and, therefore, the very behavior and interests of actors involved in the conflict. For this reason, identity and violence must be read as mutually constituted in the cases of historical conflicts, making it impossible to discuss conflict transformation without addressing the main categories of identity and violence, as well as their interconnectedness.
Article
The article discusses the complex issues involved in accounting for the birth and historical development of modern languages in Europe, and of their varieties and perceived identities. It offers a review of relevant approaches to this field of language studies and discusses the crucial role played by historical sociolinguistics, in particular when combined with studies in the history of written culture. The author argues in favour of a research approach aimed at reconstructing the ‘linguistic culture’ of communities in time and space, rather than focusing on the history of individual languages. In conclusion, the author illustrates EUROTALES. A Museum Laboratory of the Voices of Europe , a collaborative project aimed at the representation of languages as a dynamic and shared heritage.
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The author points out that the moral condemnation of “nationalism” that is common in contemporary Anglo-Saxon literature does not hold up once we subject it to historical and, by extension, sociolinguistic criticism. This term, originally nebulous and confusing, has become meaningless as a result of forgetting that it is the designation of the relationship of an individual (or social group) to the entity of a nation, an entity that is the result of the empirically well grasped historical process of nation formation under conditions that were specifically European. This circumstance is especially important in the case of the category “small nation”, by which the author means those nations whose formation took place in the form of a national movement – a purposeful effort to acquire all relevant attributes of a nation for one’s own ethnic community. This movement, in its scholarly and agitational phase, was based on a selfless effort to develop and ennoble the nation as an abstract community of cultural values and should be designated by the term “patriotism” and possibly its translations into (some) central European languages, which were and are used with a morally positive connotation. The pejorative label “nationalism” is justified only where the national movement has progressed to its mass phase, when a substantial part, if not most, of the members of the ethnic group have identified with the nation. Since then, it has been necessary to talk about the nation in a dual position. Not only in the position of an abstract community of values but also in the position of “sociological fact”, where it also acquired the morally ambivalent nature of the struggle for power. This ambivalence – the tension between altruism and egoism – is still preserved today even where the national interest is discussed.
Chapter
This chapter examines how the territorialised paradigm is applied when manufacturing territorial legal geographies. In arranging them, spatial production use legal-geographical concepts, such as place-name policies, territorial identity, and borders. Not only does the chapter critically rethink the ‘special relationship’ between law and geography, but it also corroborates the idea that, as an inter-disciplinary project, legal geography lies at the crossroads of several disciplines. This is apparent in bordering processes. Alongside human, physical, and imaginative geographies, their material scenario is supplemented by linguistics, which discloses the dynamics of boundary-making.
Article
This article analyses how Finnish hegemonic nationalism was contested by peace movements in Finland from 1919 to 1932. First and foremost, Finnish peace movements contested hegemonic Lutheran‐patriotic discourses, which they perceived to have been maintained especially by the Lutheran Church of Finland. Thus, hegemonic Lutheran‐patriotic discourses were contested by peace movements through three church‐related discursive contexts: (1) biblical‐doctrinal interpretations, (2) Christian revivalism and (3) churches' peace ecumenism. Results of this article imply that contesting happened especially through religious discourses, which considered a nationalist state church idolatrous. Peace activists depicted themselves as true Christians and patriots, arguing that peace ecumenical cooperation with them and other churches enabled state churches to renounce hegemonic nationalism. Based on these results, I suggest that when hegemonic nationalism is intertwined strongly with Christianity and the state church, nationalism is challenged through questioning its alleged Christian basis.
Article
Through a reading of the South Sudanese independence ceremony as a ritual of statehood, I show how state actors in South Sudan declared and performed their claim to sovereignty in the face of extraordinary challenge. Central to their performance was their rendering of a national chronotope and their assertion of what I call rebel sovereignty: their articulation of themselves as both saviours from oppression and legitimate wielders of state power. State actors' equal appeal to local antipathy to centralised power and international norms of statehood, as well as their performative redefinition of international undermining as partnership, demonstrates the necessity of contemporary sovereign performance to define both the content and context of extant political realities. More broadly, the ritual demonstrates the performative basis of sovereignty and the increasing necessity of sovereign aspirants to acknowledge the impossibility of sovereign control and redefine challenges and critiques of this power as they assert it.
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This chapter critically rethinks the ‘special relationship’ between law and geography and addresses it in terms of legal geography. After examining the basic features of this relationship, it provides concepts salient for legal-geographical analyses. It considers how power, space, place, and law are mutually constitutive and describes their co-production. The chapter challenges the idea of the separateness of the law, assuming that it may be properly understood in relation to processes of spatial production. In exploring how law and geography interact, it regards legal geography as an interdisciplinary project.
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Este artículo analiza la relación entre el contexto geográfico como un espacio físico y la narrativa histórica como un espacio imaginado en la conformación de la identidad nacional taiwanesa. Basado en la propuesta teórica del constructivismo, que enfatiza la importancia de la identidad en la conformación de los intereses de los Estados, se propone que las condiciones geográficas e históricas de Taiwán han desarrollado una identidad nacional distinta y diferenciada de la identidad china. Para ello, se asume una visión que sugiere que el contexto geográfico no solo genera condiciones materiales, sino también posibilita una serie de interacciones sociales que convierten al territorio también en un espacio “imaginado”, el cual es el resultado de narrativas históricas. Así, los elementos que conforman la identidad taiwanesa inciden en la política exterior de este Estado, particularmente en el caso de la búsqueda el reconocimiento internacional. Como conclusión, se destaca la manera en que el caso de Taiwán evidencia la forma como la identidad influye en la política exterior.
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Britain claimed to escape ‘revolution’ during the nineteenth century, pursuing instead ‘reform’. Yet ‘reform’ was a highly contested process. This chapter examines this process as it was experienced at the time, and later recollected, focusing on the ‘new poor law’ (1834) and the reform of municipal corporations (1835). The process gave at least the local propertied classes opportunities to try to shape new arrangements. The chapter argues those who engaged with these complicated and contested sequences experienced multiple shifts in perspective, such that it was hard for them straightforwardly to contrast ‘before’ and ‘after’. Within a generation, the new arrangements had largely won acceptance as a new normal. Fierce conflict was remembered, and contention by no means disappeared, but it shifted on to new terrain.
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The Age of Revolutions has often been studied from the perspective from political modernisation, and the rise of the nation state. This introductory chapter argues why there is also a need to consider the role of continuity in political processes and practices in Europe and the Americas. It makes the case for studying the continued relevance of older, often local, practices in (post) revolutionary politics, and explores in a comparative context how and why existing political practices, local civic habits and ‘residual’ powers remained productive throughout and after the Age of Revolutions: as tools to implement change, as a means for local people to participate in politics and acquire agency, and as a way to cope with change.
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Many scholars argue that Age of Revolutions wrought a new sense of time, in which the gap between past and present had widened, and the future became unpredictable. Urban chronicles offer good evidence for temporal fissure, yet the genre also points to the persistence of traditional cultural strategies to deal with change. Using chronicle evidence from the Low Countries this chapter argues that for many ordinary people political change was primarily a local affair, and experienced in local terms. Because of this, the restoration of some local practices or spaces could signal the restoration of ‘old times’, and allow a sense of closure. In this way phenomena that had once been new, could, within a generation, be perceived as part of an ‘old order’.
Thesis
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This thesis reports research aimed at describing and explaining conceptualization processes of the idealized cognitive model BRAZIL evoked by uses of the word ‘Brasil’. The research aimed specifically to: a) identify and explain how language structures are used to conceptualize the country and evoke its cognitive model; b) identify metonymic and metaphoric mappings established with BRAZIL; c) identify the frame elements ‘Brasil’ instantiates. Based on the central tenets of Cognitive Linguistics and Construction Grammar, the research was divided into three studies on the uses of ‘Brasil’ in two large corpora of Brazilian Portuguese (ptTenTen11 and Corpus Brasileiro), which provided empirical evidence for the conceptual processes. The general methodology relied on introspection and procedures from Corpus Linguistics, employing tools available on the Sketch Engine platform. It was observed that the BRAZIL model is rich in conceptually contiguous information, thus licensing a higher occurrence of metonymy. There were found 14 elements in 26 subcategories in the metonymic network evoked by ‘Brasil’. Results also showed that although ‘Brasil’ is traditionally considered a proper name, it occurs in the same constructions as common nouns, but triggers diverse conceptual processes. Two constructions were studied in greater detail, namely plural and the [um Brasil + adjective] adjunct construction. Besides metaphoric and metonymic processes, there were found ‘antimetonymic’ processes which create internal ‘discontiguity’ within the model of country. It is propounded that these processes can be better explained by associating Idealized Cognitive Models Theory and Construction Grammar. The thesis offers a test that enables to show how the same plural construction fused with names of countries can generate different conceptualizations depending on how the speaker categorizes the model and on the type of information present therein. The semi-fixed construction [um Brasil + adjective] is involved in a range of metaphoric and non-metaphoric conceptualizations and triggers processes of internal plurality, transformation through time, and image of the model BRAZIL. Through the observation of ‘Brasil’ and its collocates in the two corpora, it was found that the stronger collocations conceptualize ontological, deontic and modal dimensions; experiences involving movement, political and nationality bonds, helping and saving the country, travelling, and non-agency. It is proposed that referents categorized as COUNTRY are better understood if treated as cognitive models whose meanings are knowledge available at conceptual level. Digital identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/1843/47734
Article
As it is not possible to name any particular founders or pioneers in nationalism studies, instead of primordialist and modern interpretations, this paper reads nationalism in chronological order by dividing them into four sections. The first section focuses on how nationalism started to be defined as a concept by referring to Johann Wolfgang von Goethe and Sturm und Drang movement, Immanuel Kant’s definition of freedom, the importance given to language by Johann Gottfried Herder and Jean-Jacques Rousseau’s social contract, whereas the second one deals with the awakening of nationalism with reference to the French Revolution, John Stuart Mill’s seeing nation as a portion of mankind, Ernst Renan’s definition of the nation as a spiritual thing, and Marxism’s undefinition of the term. The third section discusses the acceleration of nationalism studies by mentioning Carlton J. H. Hayes’ classification of modern nationalism, Hans Kohn’s classification of nationalism into western and non-western and Edward Hallett Carr’s division of the history of international relations into three periods, and the last section analyses the period when nationalism studies is at its peak by giving references to the definitions of nationalism by Ernest Gellner as political principle, Elie Kedourie as an invented doctrine, Anthony David Smith as an ideological movement, Eric Hobsbawm as invented tradition, Benedict Anderson as imagined communities and Michael Billig as banal.
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Ogromne straty i traumatyczne doświadczenia związane z Great War pozostawiły trwały ślad w życiu milionów Brytyjczyków i ich rodzin. Budowa pomników, cmentarzy wojennych i rytuały rocznicowe upamiętniające poległych w dużej mierze kształtowały pamięć o I wojnie światowej, szczególnie żywą po zakończeniu wojny i w latach międzywojennych. Artykuł niniejszy jest próbą spojrzenia na pamięć Brytyjczyków o Great War po doświadczeniach II wojny światowej i współcześnie, z okazji setnej rocznicy I wojny światowej. Postrzeganie Great War oraz kreowanie pamięci zbiorowej o niej ulegały znacznym przemianom w kolejnych dekadach po 1945 r. Szczególnie aktywną rolę w podtrzymywaniu pamięci o I wojnie światowej odegrali weterani i ich rodziny. Oral history, programy telewizyjne, wywiady z udziałem ostatnich weteranów, uczestników i świadków wojny wpłynęły na zwiększone zainteresowanie Great War w latach osiemdziesiątych XX w. i kolejnych dekadach. Uroczystości setnej rocznicy I wojny światowej, obchodzone w latach 2014–2018, liczne inicjatywy i sposoby upamiętniania wydarzeń sprzed wieku, odegrały ważną rolę w upowszechnieniu popularnego obrazu I wojny światowej wśród dzisiejszych Brytyjczyków, a także podtrzymywaniu pamięci o niej kolejnych pokoleń.
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This chapter develops the central organising concepts of the book’s analysis. Myths are understood as the stories that are told to make sense of excessively complex realities. They involve processes of differentiating and ordering that, through repetition, can establish more or less accepted blueprints for identities, affects, values and how they relate to each other. Attention to myths in the parliamentary debates therefore illuminates how arguments about the stirring up hatred offences coalesced around particular constructs of identity and ‘good’ order.
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This chapter establishes how collective commemorative events can come to be thought of as a resource of law, or as quasi-legal institutions. It underscores how the relationship between memory and law can be considered on the basis of law as a product of memory, rather than memory as an effect or object of law. The argument that this chapter makes is that understandings of and receptiveness to state laws is substantiated in behaviours which are grounded in a reliance on particular mnemohistorical narratives of a collective past. In order to make this argument, this chapter considers both the social significance of collective memory and how law can be thought of as a product of a plurality of distributed institutions, actors, and ideologies. In this context, memory’s social significance can be established on the basis that it is one among many contributors to a plural conception of law. This chapter sets this out by identifying how memory informs juridically significant notions of belonging and recognition. Equally, it identifies memory as being involved in situational legal meaning-making and in legal socialization processes.KeywordsCollective memoryLegal consciousnessLegal pluralismLegal socializationNational identity
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This chapter examines how the endurance of a particular Anzac narrative functions as the grounding of an image of Australian national identity. How such a coherent and sustained mnemonic narrative acts as a resource of law is considered here in relation to how it reemphasizes normative standards of Australianness which are rooted in its military past and, as such, sustains exclusions on the basis of race and sexuality. The notion of elasticity is introduced in this chapter to explain how normative and formative expectations of shared experience and national character are enacted in the form and content of the Anzac commemoration, respectively. ‘Rational’ images of Australianness are co-ordinated on temporal and spatial bases to the exclusion of others. Furthermore, on the basis of elasticity, this chapter examines how conditional inclusions can be made to the narrative which still require the privileging of normative standards rooted in militarism. Such standards are entangled with ostensibly progressive legislative enactments, demonstrating that the elasticity of state law can also be rooted in memory.KeywordsAustralian national identityBelongingCo-ordinated rationalityElasticityExclusionNormative standards
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This chapter takes an initial sidestep from the Anzac focus and into an examination of the British mobilizations of war memories, grounded in the origin of the Anzac story in the failed British Naval campaign which led to the landing of Anzac troops at Gallipoli on 25 April 1915 as part of the Allied war effort in WWI. It emphasizes how impressions of British military power, and deference to significant figures within the British Navy, overrode contemporary considerations and became a powerful impetus behind particular courses of action. As such, it considers how the temporality of expectation in relation to times of conflict is equally oriented to the past and the future, and is underscored by militarized mnemohistories. The chapter focuses on both the origins of Anzac Day and a parallel discussion of the UK response to COVID-19, as another example of how militarized popular memories are mobilized as a means of making sense of emergent crises, demonstrating how the mnemonic temporality of militarized expectations is entangled with legal consciousness.KeywordsCovid-19ExpectationsGallipoliMilitarized memoriesMnemonic temporalityWinston Churchill
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The Hungarian National Minority Council (HNMC)—the non-territorial autonomy body of Hungarians living in Serbia—has developed its activities since the first democratic elections held in 2010, to include a creative strategic framework in the field of official languages of communication in Hungary. Its first mid-term (five-year) strategy for the development of the linguistic rights of Hungarians was adopted in 2012, its primary goal being to improve the legal background for official communication in minority languages in general in the country, to enhance the efficiency and effectiveness of the application of the relevant rules by the public authorities and to develop the linguistic awareness of Hungarian national minorities by raising their awareness of language rights. These strategic goals were supported by a range of programmes primarily focused on information, financing, providing law enforcement and assistance, etc.; some of them were copied by other minority councils in Serbia as examples of good practice. The second Linguistic Rights Strategy was adopted in 2021, after a delay of a few years. Besides containing similar provisions as the first document from 2012, with respect to strategic programmes in the field of official communications, its subject matter also covers some other spheres, such as the use of Hungarian in education, information or culture, and it relies much more on the benefits of information technology. Because each strategy is only worth as much as it has accomplished, this paper aims to present and critically analyse the valid Linguistic Rights Strategy of the HNMC in light of its possible practical implications in the future, with special regard to the existing experience gained during the realisation of the previous strategy.
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This paper examines the nature and extent of autonomy for minority groups in the context of the Hungarian minority in Romania. It shows that, rather than being a mechanism through which states fulfil their obligation to protect a people’s fair access to opportunities for self-determination, autonomy is merely a vehicle through which minority rights are administered. While the accommodation of national minorities in Romania is considered to be a positive example, a focus on the Hungarian minority highlights the extent to which the group’s autonomy has become entrenched in a nexus of dependence, involving both the home-state and the kin-state. I argue that the exercise of autonomy in cases such as the one discussed here is at odds with legal and political developments concerning the concept of autonomy for minority groups in Europe. This has not only weakened autonomy’s normative foundations but also, more worryingly, caused it to become evanescent.
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This article investigates emerging patterns of pilgrimage in the context of Shiʿite Islam and studies the case of Arbaʿyin based on two weeks of participatory observation, walking from the al-Faw peninsula in the far south of Iraq to the city of Karbalâ. I identify three narratives in this pilgrimage—tribal, ideological and orthodox—and discuss their commonalities and differentials. The maʿāzīb system of the tribal narrative is the core of the comparison, yet each narrative is interrelated with the others through the central themes of war, political Islam and religious seminaries. In the last section, I explore recent transformations of these themes as well as the pilgrims’ configuration. The tribal narrative of Arbaʿyin presents itself as a rival to the ideological narrative pilgrimage. Although this narrative is based on the social structure of a tribal system, it struggles with new transformations and challenges in form and content.
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Angesichts des rasanten wirtschaftlichen und wissenschaftlichen Aufstrebens Chinas offenbart sich an deutschen Hochschulen ein deutlicher Mangel an China-Kompetenzen auf allen Ebenen. Wie sind chinesische Kooperationspartner*innen einzuschätzen? Wie sollten Studierende ausgebildet werden, damit sie in Zukunft informiert und (selbst-)bewusst zusammenarbeiten können? Wie kann erreicht werden, dass chinesische Studierende ihre Zeit in Deutschland als akademisch und persönlich bereichernd empfinden? Best-Practice-Beispiele aus elf deutschen Hochschulen geben Anregungen, die sich auch übergreifend auf verschiedene Bildungseinrichtungen und Partnerländer übertragen lassen.
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This book calls for an investigation of the ›borderlands of narrativity‹ — the complex and culturally productive area where the symbolic form of narrative meets other symbolic logics, such as data(base), play, spectacle, or ritual. It opens up a conversation about the ›beyond‹ of narrative, about the myriad constellations in which narrativity interlaces with, rubs against, or morphs into the principles of other forms. To conceptualize these borderlands, the book introduces the notion of »narrative liminality,« which the 16 articles utilize to engage literature, popular culture, digital technology, historical artifacts, and other kinds of texts from a time span of close to 200 years.
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What makes up a public, what governs dominant discourses, and in which ways can counterpublics be created through narrative? This edited collection brings together essays on affect and narrative theory with a focus on the topics of gender and sexuality. It explores the power of narrative in literature, film, art, performance, and mass media, the construction of subjectivities of gender and sexuality, and the role of affect in times of crisis. By combining theoretical, literary, and analytical texts, the contributors offer methodological impulses and reflect on the possibilities and limitations of affect theory in cultural studies.
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Why did »equality« become prominent in European societies based on hierarchy during the Enlightenment? What does »equality« imply for societies, politics, or legal systems? The contributors to this volume draw on various historical case studies, from visionary practices in revolutionary France and the collection of data on the poor in 19th-century Germany, to claims raised under the minority regime of the League of Nations and the anti-discrimination politics of the UN and India. The dynamics of universalizing equality are contrasted with a concept asserting that equality must be limited to and by order. The contributions thus explore concepts of equality from the perspectives of history and law and show that practices of comparing were essential when it came to imagining others as equal, fighting discrimination, or scandalizing social inequalities.
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Citizenship is a universal legal concept and norm. But its meaning and impact differ. Its codification and implementation are shaped by historical trajectories, political systems and state/government relations with members of society. State policy affects perceptions of citizenship and civic behaviour by those governed. This paper engages with current challenges relating to citizenship in Africa South of the Sahara. It centres on academic and policy discussions on citizenship but also draws on media reports and secondary literature to explore whether promoting and embracing a positive notion of citizenship can be an opportunity for states and governments as well as citizens. Could civic education be considered a worthwhile investment in social stability and a shared identification with the common good? We conclude by making a case for a social contract, which reconciles particularistic identities (such as ethnicity) with citizenship and governance under the rule of law as an investment into enhanced trust in a citizen-state relationship.
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Populists (re)orient social identities by creating a dichotomous perspective in which certain groups are selected to be a menace. How is this phenomenon possible in so different contexts? A cultural and an identity turn seems to be a necessary condition for the success of populism. This phenomenon is better seen at how candidates consider racial groups as ideal citizens and other as subcitizens. Critical Discourse Analysis helped to elucidate social-hierarchies and power relations towards racialized groups in Quebec and in Rio de Janeiro during 2018 elections. This framework deepens our comprehension on the complex causality of populism by focusing on citizenship.
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In this chapter, we discuss ‘lifestyle’ migration, the significance of emotions and how new communication technologies have altered the experience of migration. Lifestyle migrants mostly originate from the Global North, and are therefore typically privileged in various respects. This phenomenon therefore embodies and reflects many of the inequalities which underlie international migration more broadly. Emotions may inspire migration (e.g. through imagining a better future, or through a desire to return to one’s homeland) or underlie decisions not to migrate, even when there might be otherwise compelling reasons to do so. Equally, emotions are significant to the (post-migration) lives and experiences of those who do migrate, not least through the emotional labour necessary to negotiate relationships within transnational families. Similarly, new communication technologies and media may be significant in initiating or managing the migration process, and in the post-migration lives of migrants. These technologies influence migrant incorporation and facilitate the maintenance of various connections with communities of origin and their related diasporas. While such connections might enable political or religious activities, once more technology is key to the negotiation of relationships and emotions within transnational families.KeywordsLifestyle migrationEmotionsNew communication technologies
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Antología crítica reúne ensayos de Alberto Julián Pérez sobre la Conquista del Río de la Plata, La Argentina manuscrita de Ruy Díaz de Guzmán y la obra del padre Antonio Ruiz de Montoya; sobre el Romanticismo y Esteban Echeverría; el papel político de Juan Manuel de Rosas y los caudillos federales; el Facundo, de D. F. Sarmiento; la transformación del gaucho en la literatura rioplatense; la poesía popular de Almafuerte; el Modernismo y la poesía de Rubén Darío; Pablo Neruda y las Vanguardias; las letras de los tangos de Discépolo; el ensayo político de Juan D. Perón, la crónica periodística de Rodolfo Walsh y el ensayo nacional de Jauretche; la filosofía de Kusch, la poesía indígena de Noroeste y la novelística de Sábato, Puig y Cabezón Cámara.
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