A Brief History of Neoliberalism
Abstract
Neoliberalism--the doctrine that market exchange is an ethic in itself, capable of acting as a guide for all human action--has become dominant in both thought and practice throughout much of the world since 1970 or so. Writing for a wide audience, David Harvey, author of The New Imperialism and The Condition of Postmodernity, here tells the political-economic story of where neoliberalization came from and how it proliferated on the world stage. Through critical engagement with this history, he constructs a framework, not only for analyzing the political and economic dangers that now surround us, but also for assessing the prospects for the more socially just alternatives being advocated by many oppositional movements.
... Neoliberalism is a political and economic ideology that prioritizes free-market capitalism, 294 deregulation, and individualism (Harvey, 2005). The term "neoliberalism" was originally coined in the 1930s by German economist Alexander Rüstow, who sought to differentiate the prevailing collectivist liberal ideals from the principles of classical liberalism (Turner, 2008, p.4). ...
... During this period, governments worldwide began adopting neoliberal policies-such as deregulation, privatization, and austerity measures-aimed at stimulating economic growth and reducing state intervention in the economy. The foundational principles of neoliberalism include market efficiency, individualism, deregulation, privatization, free trade, limited government involvement, and fiscal austerity (Harvey, 2005;Mudge, 2008). ...
... In this neoliberal context, academic mobility is frequently portrayed as an individual endeavor driven by economic incentives. Within the broader framework of human mobility, including migration and labor mobility, neoliberalism views individuals as rational agents pursuing enhanced economic prospects (Harvey, 2005). This perspective suggests that people relocate to optimize their economic potential, leveraging factors such as higher wages, improved job opportunities, or entrepreneurial possibilities. ...
Internationalization and academic mobility have traditionally been pivotal components within higher education, each serving distinct roles. Internationalization has been instrumental in promoting academic exchange, enabling knowledge dissemination, fostering research collaborations, and driving shared innovation. However, the emergence of neoliberal ideologies has embedded global capitalism's market dynamics into higher education systems globally, aligning the sector increasingly with market-oriented values. This paper investigates the effects of neoliberalism on the internationalization of higher education in Africa, with particular emphasis on evolving trends in international student mobility. It contends that neoliberal influences on international mobility extend beyond mere market considerations, touching on issues of hegemony within global knowledge frameworks that often marginalize African nations and institutions. The study is based on published sources and accessible statistical data from governmental and non-governmental entities. By exploring the intersections of neoliberalism and internationalization in higher education, this paper highlights the complex and nuanced nature of these dynamics and their concrete implications for the movement of students across borders. Furthermore, the article considers how neoliberal entanglements may shape the future trajectory of internationalization within African higher education contexts.
... Segundo Apple (2001), o processo de mercantilização da educação faz parte de uma reestruturação neoliberal, em que a educação é tratada como um bem de consumo, passível de compra e venda no mercado. Harvey (2005) complementa ao afirmar que o neoliberalismo enfatiza a privatização de bens públicos, promovendo a ideia de que apenas aqueles com os recursos necessários podem obter maiores benefícios, em detrimento dos menos favorecidos. No campo educacional, essa lógica se manifesta, por exemplo, na oferta limitada de robótica educacional nas escolas públicas. ...
... Ao conectar os conteúdos a questões cotidianas e problemas reais, os alunos podem perceber como o aprendizado é aplicável e útil, aumentando assim sua motivação e engajamento. Portanto, para que a educação robótica cumpra seu papel como ferramenta de inovação e transformação social, é imprescindível superar a visão fragmentada do conhecimento e as barreiras econômicas impostas pelo neoliberalismo (Apple, 2001;Harvey;2005). Apenas assim será possível criar um ambiente de aprendizagem que desenvolva cidadãos críticos, criativos e comprometidos com a resolução dos problemas contemporâneos, alinhando-se aos quatro pilares da educação propostos pela UNESCO (1996b), que incentivam não apenas o conhecimento técnico, mas também o desenvolvimento integral dos indivíduos. ...
... Ao conectar os conteúdos a questões cotidianas e problemas reais, os alunos podem perceber como o aprendizado é aplicável e útil, aumentando assim sua motivação e engajamento. Portanto, para que a educação robótica cumpra seu papel como ferramenta de inovação e transformação social, é imprescindível superar a visão fragmentada do conhecimento e as barreiras econômicas impostas pelo neoliberalismo (Apple, 2001;Harvey;2005). Apenas assim será possível criar um ambiente de aprendizagem que desenvolva cidadãos críticos, criativos e comprometidos com a resolução dos problemas contemporâneos, alinhando-se aos quatro pilares da educação propostos pela UNESCO (1996b), que incentivam não apenas o conhecimento técnico, mas também o desenvolvimento integral dos indivíduos. ...
Este artigo explora os resultados da pesquisa etnográfica sobre a adoção da robótica educacional em escolas brasileiras. A análise revela como a robótica transcende a mercantilização neoliberal da educação, promovendo o aprendizado colaborativo e transformador. Em escolas públicas, a escassez de recursos levou à inovação com materiais recicláveis, enquanto as escolas privadas integraram kits robóticos como diferencial competitivo. Este artigo tem como objetivo elucidar os argumentos que sustentam a relevância da robótica educacional nas escolas e demonstrar como ela pode se tornar um elemento que transcende a lógica neoliberal de mercantilização da educação, tornando-se acessível para além das classes mais abastadas da sociedade brasileira. Conclui-se, então, que a robótica educacional deve ser vista como uma ferramenta de inclusão e inovação, e não como um produto de consumo.
... Throughout its history, liberalism has been a dynamic and evolving ideology, adapting to the challenges of each era, while maintaining a core commitment to individual freedom, equality and democratic governance. The twentieth century saw an expansion of liberal principles, including the promotion of civil rights, gender equality and human rights [8]. In the late twentieth century, neoliberalism emerged as a variant of liberalism, advocating for free-market capitalism, deregulation and a reduction in government spending [8]. ...
... The twentieth century saw an expansion of liberal principles, including the promotion of civil rights, gender equality and human rights [8]. In the late twentieth century, neoliberalism emerged as a variant of liberalism, advocating for free-market capitalism, deregulation and a reduction in government spending [8]. ...
... Neoliberalism is a political and/or an economic ideology that emphasises the efficiency of free markets, the significance of individual entrepreneurial freedom and the reduction of government intervention in the economy [8]. It advocates for policies such as deregulation, the privatisation of state-owned enterprises, the reduction of public spending, free trade and the promotion of economic growth that is led by the private sector and market forces. ...
This article examines the major transformation within the higher education sector, specifically the shift from traditional academia to neoliberal academia, with an emphasis on its impact on academics who entered the field in the 2000s. Many of these individuals may not fully recognise the extensive political and structural changes driven by neoliberalism over the past 2 decades. Published literature shows how the widespread adoption of managerialism in a neoliberal context—particularly in the Anglo-Saxon world—has markedly altered the academic landscape. This shift has led to the marketisation of education, characterised by increased student tuition fees, performance metrics and a change in academic values, including professional autonomy and academic freedom. The present article further explores how these alterations have affected the wellbeing of academics, particularly early- and mid-career scholars, by institutions prioritising economic efficiency over intellectual enquiry, increasing administrative workloads and promoting a consumerist model of education. Drawing on both evidence from the peer-reviewed literature and experiences, the implications of these changes for academic careers, job satisfaction and the broader mission of universities as centres of scholarship and public service are discussed. The article concludes with a call to action for academic leaders and policymakers to recognise and address challenges posed by neoliberalism and managerialism, emphasising the need to support and protect the core values of academia in the face of ongoing changes.
Graphical Abstract
... These questions are significant for the field of international education, and particularly for the burgeoning literature on Canadian offshore schools (Wang & Mazawi, 2024) because BC offshore education is an example of how a public curriculum can become a privatized brand. A branded curriculum product marketed globally in order to be accessed by students to assist their upward mobility reflects contemporary neoliberal ideologies which encourage education systems to privatize, globalize, and individualize in order to be competitive (Ball, 2012;Harvey, 2007). Neoliberal educational reforms in British Columbia in the early 2000s have resulted in privatization (Fallon & Poole, 2014;Stein, 2020), internationalization (Poole & Fallon, 2015), and school choice (Yoon, 2011;. ...
... BC presents its curriculum as a product offered to students in the Global South, implying that education in other countries is subpar, and that students attending a BCOS can get access to better educational opportunities. This textual discourse implies that BC has more competitive schools and a better education system compared to where the students originate (Harvey, 2007). ...
This article examines how British Columbia (BC) portrays its offshore school program on its government websites. BC offshore schools currently operate in 11 countries, teaching the provincial curriculum to students from the local host country. Our critical discourse analysis of BC provincial government websites and videos shows that the curriculum is portrayed as a brand and the program’s rationales and goals are inconsistent. BC portrays its curriculum as a global brand that is more progressive, modern, and worldly than the countries that host offshore schools. However recent BC curriculum initiatives, such as Indigenous perspectives and knowledge, core competencies, and place-based learning are mostly absent from the discourses on the websites and videos. Based on these findings, we propose that BC revisit the rationalization for the offshore school program and how it is officially portrayed because the portrayal of curriculum as a branded product blurs the lines between public and private spaces.
... In symbolic relations, it allows individuals to 'pass' (blend in) as 'normal' [21]. The material implications are particularly significant in neoliberal workplaces, where individuals are human resources evaluated by their competitiveness and market worth [53]. For instance, exposure of one's mental ill health might lower their market worth as human resources that are 'inferior' or 'defective' (see the language of relationships above). ...
... Such competition may be continuous and related to a competitive culture permeating the corporate labour market. As Harvey suggests in his critique of neoliberalism, individuals are evaluated by corporations 'in terms of entrepreneurial virtues or personal failings' [53] (p65). Correspondingly, individuals are expected to continuously strive for success and excellence [71]. ...
Background
Sociolinguistic research on workplace mental health stigma is scarce and consequently, there are a lack of relevant conceptual models. Drawing on Goffman’s notion of stigma as a ‘language of relationships’, and Heller’s concept of ‘discursive space’, this paper offers a conceptual model of how stigma is produced and reinforced in workplace settings. Specifically, the model maps the complex discursive processes of mental health stigmatization through workplace discursive practices.
Methods
The model is empirically grounded and draws on 23 in-depth participant interviews with professional services employees in Hong Kong. Through a meta-discursive analysis of the employees’ experience in the workplace, the paper investigates how mental health stigma is produced in the workplace.
Results
Conceiving the workplace as a discursive space, the model demonstrates that mental health stigma unfolds across three discursive layers, namely immediate encounters, organizational practices, and societal ideologies. Mediated by discursive practices, such as identity management, stigma is both produced and perpetuated across the three layers.
Conclusions
The paper provides a model for analyzing the production of mental health stigma through dynamic discursive activities in the workplace. By doing so, it offers a way to systematically map how stigma, brought about through discourse in organizational settings, can regulate both interpersonal relationships and resource allocation (such as career prospects).
... Its insidious spread in all domains of life is ostensibly unstoppable as it is expected continue to frame people"s worldviews and behaviours. In the words of Harvey (2007), neoliberalism "has pervasive effects on ways of thought to the point where it has become incorporated into the common-sense way many of us interpret, live in, and understand the world". Thus, neoliberalism is embedded in the very daily fabric of individuals" lives and it has far-reaching effects on thought and behaviour. ...
In the contemporary educational milieu, the conspicuous sway of 'neoliberal reason' is unmistakable. It is undeniable that neoliberalism increasingly shapes global as well as national educational systems. Morocco, driven by legitimate economic aspirations, has not been immune to the infiltration of neoliberal ideologies into its educational discourse. Based on qualitative data, this study posits that neoliberal discourse has effectively 'colonized' Moroccan educational and linguistic policies and has succeeded to a large extent in making them align with dominant neoliberal market principles. Employing corpus-assisted critical discourse analysis (CACDA), the paper examines the interdiscursive relationships between neoliberalism and the official educational and linguistic policies in the Moroccan context. The findings showed that the neoliberal discourse in Morocco commodified education, perpetuated linguistic hierarchies favouring foreign languages, and subtly advanced a covert vocationalization policy as evident in more recent educational reforms. Based on these results, this study draws attention to the profound influence of neoliberalism in reshaping the educational agenda within the Moroccan education system and highlights some of the systemic inequalities resulting therefrom.
... Para esclarecer essa questão, vamos primeiro examinar mais de perto a natureza da crise da China na seção a seguir. 9 Neste sentido, o neoliberalismo não é essencialmente um novo projeto de classe, como sugere Harvey (2005), mas sim uma velha ideologia que ganha nova relevância sob uma nova constelação de classes. ...
O presente artigo busca debater como o neoliberalismo se tornou relevante para a China, procurando superar a irresolúvel dicotomia analítica encerrada na pergunta sobre se a China teria abraçado, ou não, o modelo econômico neoliberal. Consequentemente, o trabalho pretende examinar o desenvolvimento chinês ao longo das últimas décadas e as políticas adotadas, em debate com pensadores clássicos neoliberais e também marxistas. Partimos de uma análise do neoliberalismo como paradigma anti-coletivista em meio à crise do próprio coletivismo, do avanço do neoliberalismo na China após a crise dos anos 1970 e a morte de Mao. Em resposta à crise, foi implementada uma primeira grande reforma, o sistema de responsabilidade doméstica (HRS), que manteve o sistema de planificação e a terra nacionalizada, não integrada ao anti-coletivismo neoliberal. A segunda reforma analisada é a reforma que leva ao duplo monitoramento de preços na década de 1980, que foi desafiada pela mais alta liderança da China e chegou a se aproximar de uma liberalização de preços em grande escala. Em 1988, o país sofreu uma inflação histórica que está diretamente conectada aos protestos sociais e trágicos acontecimentos de 1989. Assim, Weber analisa o processo que levou a uma reavaliação crítica da economia planificada chinesa, cuja crise teria tornado o neoliberalismo relevante na medida em que o desenvolvimento econômico e a integração na economia global passaram a ser os principais objetivos do governo em Pequim. À luz disso, a autora busca comparar a implementação destas reformas com as “terapias de choque” implementadas em países do Leste Europeu, assim como a continuidade das políticas privatizantes nos anos 1990.
... Globally, we know that many such workers in the gig economy are caught between autonomy and automation (Schor et al., However, the stakes are different for displaced persons, like Syrian drivers in Beirut. In their case, autonomy is not just tied to the neoliberal ideal of entrepreneurship (Berardi, 2009;Harvey, 2005). Instead, it is about regaining control over their material conditions, control that has been eroded by a social and legal system that makes permanence in Lebanon nearly impossible. ...
This article studies the tension between autonomy and automation as it is experienced by Syrian refugee food-delivery drivers who work on the Toters app in Beirut, Lebanon. Central to this study are the freedom narratives these drivers construct, which reflect their ambivalent relationship with digital labor platforms. These narratives highlight how the algorithmic nature of the Toters app provides opportunities for self-employment and flexible work, crucial for refugees facing employment barriers and limited physical and social mobility in Lebanon. However, in these narratives, the drivers’ sense of autonomy is also often compromised by the app’s increasing automation, which imposes surveillance and control. Within this context, the article focuses on Syrian Toters drivers’ mapping practices, contrasting the app’s automated navigational systems with the drivers’ own mental maps, which are rich with social and geographic knowledge. This tension is a key theme in their freedom narratives, as drivers assert their autonomy by using these personal maps to navigate the city more effectively and safely. The article argues that these narratives of autonomy and control are essential to understanding the lived experiences of refugee workers on digital platforms. It emphasizes the significance of human agency and the broader social context in the era of big data and artificial intelligence, revealing the complex interplay between freedom and automation in the digital labor market.
... Today, processes of 'accumulation by dispossession' and ever-increasing enclosures are accelerating, commodifying and privatising more land, water, and forests, and expelling peasant populations and low-income classes from urban centres. With neoliberal capitalism, we have witnessed an extraordinary increase in wealth and income inequalities, significantly driven by the financialisation of real estate and housing (Harvey, 2005;Madden & Marcuse, 2016;Rolnik, 2019;Stein, 2019). The financialisation of housing has made ownership increasingly unaffordable. ...
... Capitalism thrives on the commodification of all aspects of life, transforming diverse forms of knowledge, practices, and resources into marketable goods that can be bought, sold, and controlled [67]. In agriculture, this translates into the promotion of monocultures, exotic seeds, genetically modified organisms, and chemical-intensive farming methods that can be standardised, patented, and scaled up for global markets. ...
This paper critiques the assumption that capitalist agriculture inherently develops productive forces, highlighting its internal contradictions and questioning its sustainability as a viable agricultural model. Using immanent critique, the paper engages with the capitalist framework on its own terms to demonstrate how its focus on profit maximisation and short-term productivity leads to long-term ecological degradation, social inequities, and the erosion of essential agroecological knowledge. The focus is on Sub-Saharan Africa (SSA), a region with immense agricultural potential, regarded as the last frontier of capitalist agricultural development and heavily affected by the ecological crises. The paper argues that agroecology offers a sustainable alternative that prioritises social justice, environmental sustainability, and the empowerment of smallholder farmers. Integrating traditional agroecological knowledge with scientific innovation, agroecology challenges the dominant capitalist model, proposing a more just and resilient agricultural system for SSA. It concludes by emphasising the critical role of social movements in driving the transition to agroecology in the region.
... At a slightly higher altitude, these diversity statements were written during a contentious time in higher education where the notion inequity itself is being debated as worthy of attention; or worse yet, as a real problem to be solved. Finally, at an even higher altitude, these diversity statements were written during a historic period (1970s to present) in American political life in which neoliberal governing practices have reigned supreme (Harvey, 2007). While each of these social structures constrain the diversity statements, we focus our explanatory efforts on an enduring social structure: racial and gender ideologies. ...
In higher education, diversity, equity, and inclusion (DEI) statements are texts written by faculty members which explain their commitments to improving education for marginalized students. Requesting, reviewing, and acting upon DEI statements is just one practice, among others, which higher education institutions can use to transform individual and institutional practices, towards more just ends. However, DEI statements can become extensions of the curriculum vitae rather than opportunities for deeper critical reflection. In this study, we examine a large R1 university in the Southwestern US which required its faculty to submit written reflections about their contributions to diversity. We collected 22 statements from faculty in two disciplines: life sciences and quantitative sciences. Drawing on techniques from critical discourse analysis, we analyzed these statements to understand what meanings are expressed and what factors constrain or support faculty in writing more critical reflections. Results demonstrate that most faculty’s statements: (a) do not clearly explicate DEI problems or causes; (b) over represent remedies to problems; and (c) locate problems within or between individuals, rather than within systems. We hypothesize that this is due (in part) to influence of major funding sources and broader neoliberal discourses about knowing, learning, and success in higher education.
... Tra gli anni Settanta e Ottanta, l'architettura della finanza globale sperimenta cambiamenti molto profondi. Con la fine del regime di cambi fissi regolato dagli accordi di Bretton Woods (in vigore dal 1944 al 1971) e la liberalizzazione dei flussi di capitale, inizia una fase definita casinò capitalism (Leyshon, Tickell 1994;Strange, 1986) per le sue peculiari caratteristiche connesse a privatizzazione, globalizzazione e finanziarizzazione, strettamente agganciate all'ideologia del neoliberismo (Harvey 2007). ...
L’articolo, che si inscrive nel tentativo di portare la sostenibilità al cuore della geografia finanziaria, ripercorre la vicenda della finanza sostenibile in Europa a partire dalla Global Financial Crisis del 2007-2008 e arrivando, attraverso un percorso in tre fasi, fino ai giorni nostri. Analizzando documenti ufficiali, comunicati e report, viene mostrato come la finanza sostenibile sia passata da strumento di nicchia a mainstream nelle strategie di investimento. Tale processo, lungi dall’essere lineare e teleologico come viene presentato nella reportistica comunitaria e in parte nella letteratura scientifica, è in sé un processo politico, e come tale altamente contestato, che si allarga e si restringe a seconda degli interessi di volta in volta coinvolti. Mostrando tali dinamiche ambigue, l’articolo prova ad uscire dalla logica binaria che considera la finanza sostenibile di volta in volta come “parte del problema” o come “parte di una possibile soluzione” alle sfide ambientali e sociali contemporanee, riflettendo criticamente sul ruolo che la geografia finanziaria può ritagliarsi nell’interpretazione dei mutamenti in corso.
... Det första forskningsområdet där sammansättningsbegreppet använts är studier av nyliberalism, vilka ofta har dominerats av marxistiska perspektiv. I marxistiska analyser ges nyliberalism en fast kärna av ideologiska kännetecken; nyliberala reformer anses drivas av specifika klassintressen och reformerna tillskrivs ofta likartade effekter oavsett kontext (Harvey 2005). Med inspiration från sammansättningsbegreppet har forskning visat hur nyliberala projekt och reformer kräver sammansättningsarbete. ...
During the last decade, the concept of assemblage has become increasingly popular in the social sciences. Originating in the philosophical works of Gilles Deleuze and Félix Guattari, the concept aims to describe the world as a collection of unstable wholes-consisting of discourses, practices and material elements-that lack a universal organizing principle. The purpose of this article is to introduce the concept of assemblage in a Swedish political science context and to demonstrate its analytical potential. To fulfil this purpose, the historical background of the concept is described, as well as how it is translated into analytical strategies in current social science research. The article argues that the concept is fruitful for studying the work of stabilization that is required to put together policies, projects and reforms in concrete contexts. To illustrate the concept's analytical potential, the construction and reorganization of the university hospital "nya Karolinska" in accordance with the model of "value-based healthcare" is used as an empirical example. It is argued that the implementation of the model was dependent on various practices of stabilization, such as translation practices of consultants, inscription in physical objects and organizational structures, and knowledge production. The article concludes with a discussion of the possibilities that the concept of assemblage offers to the development of power-critical analysis in political science. Here, it is emphasized that the concept can be used to capture the complexity of contemporary systems of governing and organization, as well as the power relations that are stabilized and destabilized as these systems are assembled.
... Priya's skit, which presented a dramatic tangle of economic shifts reflecting localized changes in India since the 1990s and broader processes of global capitalist reformation, sheds light on conditions that paved the way for capitalism's theatrical turn. The deregulation of the Indian economy and ensuing renaissance in decentralization and financialization bear witness, as David Harvey (2007) has argued, to the proliferation of neoliberalism as a system that guides economic theory throughout the world. While there has been much debate throughout the humanities regarding whether changes in capitalism since the 20th century constitute a radical break or adaptation of older models of value accumulation (Bell, 1972), it is generally acknowledged that norms of pre-industrial and industrial societies have been reorganized to accommodate novel divisions of labor, reformed human subjects, and forms of capitalist subjectivation that look and manifest differently from before (Harvey, 2005(Harvey, , 2014. ...
... See Crouch (2011), Peck (2013 andBarnett (2021).6 See two following classic works:Ruggie (1982) andHarvey (2005). ...
By applying an analysis framework related to historical structure developed by Robert W. Cox, the article attempts to explore China’s role in the European Union (EU)’s search for strategic autonomy (SA). Moreover, it aims to understand big power relations during world order transition in a broader sense. The article argues that EU-SA is the EU’s strategy to navigate through the transition in global order and to maintain its values and interests in the upcoming order. In other words, EU-SA is a hegemonic game both inside and beyond the EU. That is how China is related to EU-SA. EU-SA can be evaluated as ideas, institutions and capabilities and China has been involved in EU-SA on three interrelated levels: social forces, forms of state and global order. The author provides a comprehensive summary of several features of China–Europe relations as well as nonhegemonic power relations during world order transition.
This article leverages the Nuit Debout social movement in France and contemporary French science fiction to explore the links between information technologies and economic precarity. To accomplish this, it foregrounds a short story born of the movement, Ketty Steward's “ALIVE,” which follows three contingent workers as they act on, for, and through the megacorporation ALIVE's proprietary platform. Employees access this amalgamation of ratings-based social network and Amazon-like marketplace by way of digital interfaces that the author formally reproduces with modifications to typeface and page layout. The result is much more than a literary portrayal of the so-called Uberization of work; instead, readers of “ALIVE” confront a dystopian tangle of code that, when unraveled, points to how workers can be compelled to manage themselves. Further, the story charts certain historical processes that would usher France into the neoliberal era through a series of intertexts, two of which the article takes as a starting point for establishing Nuit Debout as an inheritor of Mai 68 and for grasping the rise of self-management as a strategy for disciplining labor. These arguments serve as a foundation for a reading of the narrative platform of “ALIVE” that registers the increasingly prominent role played by algorithmic management in the distribution of workplace control today. The article concludes that Steward's tale not only anticipated the informatic enactment of the aforementioned strategy but, more incisively, reveals how it maintains “floating” surplus populations by facilitating the regulation of those workers’ hope.
The book chapter examines the shift of interest in the education sector, from management to one of leadership underlines the attempts to achieve education quality and success and provides the moral challenges of leadership. It operates at all levels of an organization with leaders working to create an influential and enacted environment. Education thus is called again to contribute to the betterment of the world emphasizing inclusion, wellbeing, social capital and justice, solidarity. Educational leadership principles and practices could be a strong paradigm for the demanding changes nowadays. The educational systems need teachers with professionalism, responsibility, and leadership skills in encountering the problems of their everyday activities at school. Overall, in a changing world and in the complex context of international competition, education may be the key globally for the improvement aiming at the education for all.
The chapter discusses the general nature of globalisation theory and identifies the key arguments. After that the chapter points out the centrality of media and communications in several noted globalisation theorists’ work, calling into question their preoccupation with new media technologies and their assumption that the impact of those technologies is historically so significant that it necessitates a complete renewal of social theory. A consequent point, developed in the final two sections of the chapter, is that at the same time as globalisation theorists have diverted attention to new communication technologies and networks, they have shown a massive disinterest in powerful political and economic forces that continue to shape the society. I will argue that this feature is not unrelated to the specific historical conjuncture in which globalisation theory rose to prominence, that is, the post-1989 period characterised by the collapse of the Eastern Bloc and the global triumph of neoliberal capitalism. Besides analysing the contours of globalisation theory, the chapter also addresses its political implications, namely the question of whether or to what extent neoliberalism, as a political ideology, has affected the focuses and ways of reasoning that are typical for globalisation theory.
Set against the backdrop of these complexities, this chapter aims to use CCE in the Australian educational context to examine the intricacies of policy enactment. It focuses on examining how schools and teachers interpret and enact policy directions for CCE. To do this, this chapter first examined the educational responses to globalisation reflected in the Melbourne Declaration. This document charted the educational goals for the Australian Curriculum (AC), which started its implementation in different stages for different learning areas between 2010 and 2015. Next, drawing on key findings from a qualitative research that was conducted on the practice of citizenship education in New South Wales primary schools, this chapter will highlight the key complexities involved in the policy enactment for CCE, following the educational directions set out by the Melbourne Declaration. It provides some suggestions for future policy enactment of CCE in Australia.
This article outlines seven waves of youth protest that unfolded in Chile from the 1970s-2016. Secondary and university students protested against the brutal military dictatorship of Augusto Pinochet, challenging his carefully-crafted neoliberal education system, which continues into the present. In demanding a robust system of public schooling and rejecting the commodification of education, Chilean youth have advanced both a strategy and message to reverse market-based schooling. The study finds that each wave of protest articulated more clearly how the structure of Chile’s educational system impacted the nation’s general welfare. We conclude that despite neoliberalism’s deep roots, students’ actions and explanations of education for the public good have impacted education policy and brought about structural alternatives
With a political economy perspective, the article reviews the general conditions under which Latin American and Caribbean countries face the challenge of overcoming the current economic stagnation scenario, particularly regarding external indebtedness. Subsequently, it explores the possibilities and limitations offered by green bond initiatives and debt for nature swaps. The main hypothesis of this article is that green financing proposals, under the actual context, reinforce the structural power of finance, and thus require a restructuring of the international architecture and power dynamics within the financial sector.
This chapter aims to guide the reader into the practice of critical legal research in international law. After describing some of the main ideas and concerns of critical international legal thinking, the chapter delves into the basic working methods of critical international law: legal deconstruction and the critical rhetorical analysis of law. It ends by proposing a few activities that can help the reader to reflect upon the ideas learned in this chapter and transfer them into their own research.
In this paper, I examine how the King of Sweden, Carl XVI Gustaf, systematically consecrates the nation's business and corporate elites who have come to dominate Swedish society during the last decades concomitant with a fundamental transformation from traditional social‐democracy to neoliberalism, that is, a society characterized by the logic of corporations and markets. By promoting the business and corporate elites, the King contributes to strengthening their status and legitimacy in relation to other groups, while at the same time he reproduces his own elite status and image as a “corporate king.” In order to examine this dual elite legitimation, I have studied three major official duties in the King's official role as Sweden's head of state: (a) the awarding of the most prestigious royal medals to corporate leaders; (b) the invitation of these elites to official royal dinners; and (c) state visits, whereby the corporate elites are given a peculiar status in relation to other elite groups. Based on this unique data on the activities of a living monarch, I refute the common assumption among sociologists today that royals, and particularly monarchs, are powerless figures and therefore irrelevant as study objects. By consecrating business and its leaders, monarchs contribute to legitimizing neoliberalism, thus strengthening its hegemony, as well as their own standing. Hence, they are not only symbolic figures, but exercise real power as well.
En este artículo se problematiza el papel de activistas, traficantes e investigadores en la lucrativa industria migratoria actual, entendida como el conjunto de redes migratorias transnacionales que facilitan el movimiento de personas (a menudo) en contra de las leyes de los Estados. El análisis se basa en los datos obtenidos durante 18 meses de trabajo de campo etnográfico con migrantes africanos en tránsito por México, traficantes y activistas de organizaciones de la sociedad civil. A partir de tres casos específicos –un activista, un traficante y una investigadora académica– el artículo dilucida cómo las prácticas llevadas a cabo por estos actores son criminalizadas (o no) y de qué manera contribuyen a la perpetuación de la migración irregular. Alejado del enfoque estadocéntrico, este artículo contribuye a la literatura actual al analizar ciertas actividades transgresoras y la posición subjetiva de quienes las ejecutan, ya sea por razones éticas, económicas o políticas.
Penelitian ini mengkaji bagaimana praktik crowdsourcing dalam kontes desain grafis di platform digital memunculkan bentuk baru dari eksploitasi di era kapitalisme digital. Penelitian ini berfokus pada dua kelompok utama: komunitas desainer grafis online otodidak di desa Kaliabu, Kecamatan Salaman, Kabupaten Magelang, Jawa Tengah, dan para desainer grafis online akademis di Yogyakarta. Dengan menggunakan teori Christian Fuchs mengenai tenaga kerja digital (digital labour), penelitian ini menggambarkan bagaimana desainer terlibat dalam kontes desain tanpa adanya jaminan kompensasi, yang pada akhirnya menciptakan nilai lebih (surplus value) yang dieksploitasi oleh kapitalis digital. Melalui studi kasus dan wawancara mendalam dengan desainer dari kedua kelompok, penelitian ini mengungkapkan bahwa digitalisasi kerja memberikan keuntungan ganda bagi pemilik platform digital. Mereka dapat memanfaatkan tenaga kerja gratis yang disumbangkan oleh desainer, serta mendapatkan keuntungan dari apropriasi data dan karya yang dihasilkan desainer tanpa kompensasi yang layak. Dalam proses ini, apropriasi terjadi ketika karya-karya yang tidak memenangkan kontes dan data pribadi desainer digunakan oleh pihak ketiga tanpa sepengetahuan atau izin mereka, menjadikan desainer sebagai subjek eksploitasi yang tidak hanya merugikan secara finansial tetapi juga dalam aspek data pribadi mereka. Penelitian ini menunjukkan bahwa praktik-praktik crowdsourcing dalam industri desain grafis digital perlu ditinjau kembali.
This article analyzes representations of Brazilianness at festivals in Toronto, Canada, to understand how ethnoracialized groups are negotiating cultural commodification and neoliberal entrepreneurship. At these festivals, Brazilian immigrants employ specific semiotic assemblages to present themselves as a culturally rich, entrepreneurially successful group. They uphold Canadian multicultural ideals while avoiding negative stereotypes associated with Latin Americans. Entrepreneurship is thus a key idiom through which ethnoracial and cultural differences are managed and transformed for profit within a neoliberal regime where minoritized groups compete for visibility and resources. Current forms of cultural commodification therefore merit study because they illuminate how capitalism reproduces ethnoracial inequalities.
The United Nations currently estimates that over half of the global population has lived in cities since 2017 and that this proportion is continuing to grow, particularly in the Global South. While urbanization is not new, increased population density combined with accelerating rates of (re)emerging and noncommunicable diseases as well as growing economic disparities has created new challenges to human health and well‐being. Here, I examine peri‐urban communities, peripheral settlements on the edges of urban areas populated by rural people, and argue that these areas are often overlooked, despite becoming increasingly common. Thus, human biologists should move beyond categorizing these spaces as transitional. Using unplanned, peri‐urban communities around Lima, Peru as a case study, I detail the complexity of political ecological factors that impact infectious disease risk and rates in peri‐urban communities. Using disease mechanisms, I demonstrate the importance of a biocultural approach and a political ecology perspective when investigating infectious disease. I highlight how human biologists and anthropologists are uniquely positioned to explore the heterogeneity of infectious disease patterns and pathways in an increasingly urbanized world.
This chapter sets the stage for the rest of the book by examining the rising economic inequalities in many Western liberal democracies. It traces these inequalities back to the economic reforms of the 1980s, which promoted economic globalisation and deregulation. The chapter then defines neoliberal ideology as involving not only an economic doctrine but also through its constitutive socio-cultural politics. While the former is concerned with economic relations, the latter primarily involves the question of subjecthood and the types of subjectivity most conducive to sustaining social relations within hyper-capitalist societies. The discussions in this chapter draw on existing reports on economic inequalities, historical analyses of inequality regimes, and post-structural sociological theories of subjectification.
This chapter lays the groundwork for understanding some of the challenges that lie ahead in fostering a more equitable and inclusive educational system that prioritises the needs of all students. Drawing on the data collected through an ethnographic case study of school disengagement among a group of marginalised students in a government secondary school in Victoria, Australia, I introduce the book’s focus on the notion of care within the evolving landscape of neoliberal reforms that have impacted the experiences of students, teachers, and school leaders in many parts of the world. Against this backdrop, the chapter highlights the close nexus of care, education, and exclusion. This establishes a critical lens through which to explore the challenges faced by marginalised students in the current educational frameworks that prioritise performativity and measurable learning outcomes.
We explore the link between the distribution of power and income inequality in rich capitalist democracies since 1960. We advance understanding of the impact of government ideology, a key indicator of the distribution of power, in two ways. First, previous research has tended to focus on government ideology at the country level. We make use of party manifesto data to introduce a novel global ideology measure that captures a global shift rightward since 1980, often referred to as the rise of neoliberalism. Second, for country-level party ideology, we use party manifesto data to capture changes over time. We find that this time-varying operationalization of party ideology is more strongly linked to income inequality than the standard expert-survey operationalization that assumes party ideology remains constant. In line with theoretical expectations derived from prior research, our findings show that a more rightward distribution of power at both the country and the global level is associated with increased income inequality within countries.
This chapter explores some implications of this work for theory and practice. It first brings together the many configurations of the inventraset assemblage into a field of possibilities. We then consider these interrelations through a set of broader overlapping lenses: markets and capital; spatial governance; urban morphology; image and visibility. The spatial logic of informal urbanism is embodied in, and circulates between, all of these critiques and cannot be reduced to any of them.
Neste artigo, discuto a autodeterminação indígena em nosso continente (Abya Yala e Turtle Island) e como a maioria dos estados-nação aborda a questão do ponto de vista de "você pode sentar conosco, mas sob nossos termos". Essa posição prega a inclusão dos povos indígenas na sociedade, mas sob os padrões liberais ocidentais que são conduzidos como assimilação, característica do capitalismo neoliberal e neocolonial. Argumento que a autodeterminação indígena, com base em pensadores indígenas, decoloniais e marxistas, inclui dois elementos: o direito de exercer efetivamente a autonomia em suas comunidades, bem como a participação na tomada de decisões no estado-nação. Mostro que menos de um terço dos países do continente reconhecem formalmente a autodeterminação indígena em suas Constituições, e que a maioria dos estados-nação que a reconhecem, considera apenas um elemento da autodeterminação indígena, não ambos, com mecanismos quase inexistentes para exercê-la efetivamente por todos os grupos indígenas.
This article draws attention to Erich Fromm’s concept of social character alongside Pierre Bourdieu’s notion of habitus to broaden our understanding of the legacy of neoliberalism within the context of the massive job redundancies taking place in the steel industry in the UK. This includes secondary analysis of my own earlier research on the psychosocial ramifications of the loss of stable work, changing worker-gendered identities, disrupted affect, community engagement and historical memory within a global context of insecure labour (Walkerdine and Jimenez, 2012).
Contemporary urban theorists (such as Neil Brenner, David Harvey, and Peter Marcuse) point out that privatization and deregulation are among the key characteristics of neoliberal urbanism, leading to increasing spatial inequalities and uneven development of cities. Despite being a global phenomenon, it also exhibits its own local specifi cities. In this paper, we aim to highlight some possible indicators of the de facto deregulation of urban development in Serbia - the increasing share of private actors and the decreasing public participation in the planning process - which may pose a threat to the public interest as the central motive of this development. Through quantitative analysis, which documents urban plans and projects on the territory of Belgrade during the years 2021-2023, we will show that there is a concerning tendency towards an increased involvement of the private sector in commissioning and drafting urban plans and projects. We will also provide evidence of a tendency to shift planning as a strategic activity from plans to projects. This not only particularizes planning but also directly reduces the level of public participation due to the different legally defined conditions for participation in these two formats. Both trends result in urban planning being gradually removed from public control and increasingly pressured to serve private capital interests, consequently leading to a decrease in the protection and promotion of the public interest in planning.
Labor market deregulation has been at the core of the changes in the political economy during the last decades. The pervasive neoliberal wisdom has depoliticized the nature and effects of this process, a bias that has also affected the scholarship, which often overlooks its power dimension. This article aims to explore the role of power in the labor market to offer some theoretical insights for empirical research and public debate. Departing from the worker–employer “contested exchange” at the workplace, the article pivots on the concept of “decommodification” to grasp the institutional arrangements that shape this relationship at the institutional level of power. Furthermore, the article addresses the symbolic dimension of power and how epistemic reflexivity enables us to examine whether social research ideologically depicts or conceals the role of power in the study of labor relations, as illustrated by two subjects in vogue: the insiders–outsiders divide and the activation policy. The article concludes with a discussion of the normative implications of the preceding argument about freedom as nondomination for workers.
The book is a comprehensive study of voluntary and forced migration in Slovenia and the organisation of the Slovenian diaspora around the world in the period 1945-1991. For the first time in one place, the monograph presents the social, economic and cultural aspects of Slovenian emigration from the end of the Second World War to the independence of Slovenia, which are embedded in the more recent historical development in Slovenia and in the broader context of European migration. Slovenian Migration under Socialism draws on existing domestic and international academic literature, with additional examination of those sources, themes and issues that have been left out of previous interests and are essential for situating the issue within broader historical developments. The book situates migration, especially the various forms of emigration, in the history of Slovenian and European space, highlighting the organisation of Slovenian emigrants and the life stories of the actors involved in these processes. In this way, the book aims to bring the subjective experiences and experiences of migration closer to the readers, both of those who left and of those who stayed behind.
El conflicto establecido entre Latam Airlines Brasil y el Sindicato Nacional de los Aeronautas (SNA), ocurrido en el año 2020, en el contexto de la pandemia generada por la Covid-19, tuvo como causa la exigencia empresarial de imponer a pilotos, copilotos y tripulantes de cabina de pasajeros una reducción salarial permanente o por tiempo indefinido, lo que terminó desencadenando una exitosa resistencia sindical, apuntalada en movilizaciones y asambleas en línea, que concluyó con el mantenimiento de los valores salariales y con la posterior recontratación de la mayor parte de los aeronautas despedidos. En los contextos de crisis económicas, deben sostenerse los requisitos de la buena fe y adecuada contención de abusos del poder empresarial, para lograr una negociación colectiva sana y equilibrada. En dichas situaciones, los sindicatos pueden utilizar los nuevos medios tecnológicos de comunicación para desarrollar su contrapoder en favor de la defensa colectiva de los trabajadores representados.
Cuba’s relations with major powers have been a key factor driving the country’s history. Ranging from the colonisation by Spain in its path to becoming the greatest European and world power, to a strategic alliance with the Soviet Union during the 1970s and 1980s, those relations have taken many forms. They have conditioned the island’s inception in the modern world system and have shaped the evolution of its domestic structures.
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