Contemporary Debates on Nationalism: A Critical Engagement
... Different terminologies have been used when considering normative membership criteria. The most frequently cited idea refers to civic and ethnic national identity (Kohn, 1944;Smith, 1991, 9-12;Özkirimli, 2005). A person with an ethnic national identity view sees the nation as a web of common roots. ...
... Relying on Kohn's seminal work (1944) and his distinction of ethnic versus civic keeps one in dialogue with a large share of sociological research. However, as several commentators have pointed out (e.g., Özkirimli, 2005;Smith, 1971Smith, /1983, the ethnic/civic approach has its drawbacks. First, the criteria for these categories vary globally, leading to inconsistencies. ...
Background: National identity, the sense of belonging to a nation, significantly influences both unity and division within societies. It can be voluntary, based on shared beliefs, or non- voluntary, tied to ancestry. These aspects affect democracy in distinct ways. Further, national identity encompasses the attitudes and emotions that people hold towards their nation. This dissertation examines how national identity impacts democracy at both the individual and the societal level. Although the theoretical links between national identity and democracy are well-established, empirical research on these relationships remains scarce. This study seeks to address the gap by exploring the effects that various forms of national identity have on individual support for democracy and the level of formal democracy across different countries.
Data and Methods: This dissertation primarily uses cross-sectional data and employs a range of analytical techniques that include multilevel models, mediation analysis, and ordinary least squares regression. Data are sourced mainly from the European Values Study (EVS), the International Social Survey Programme (ISSP), the Varieties of Democracy (V- Dem), and the Project Manifesto. The datasets offer comprehensive coverage of national identity and democracy, enabling a robust analysis of their interrelationships across various contexts and time periods.
Results: At the societal level, top-down nationalism driven by political elites and non-voluntary collective national identity among the populace negatively affect formal democracy. When top-down nationalism and non-voluntary national identity coexist, there is an interaction effect that further diminishes the level of formal democracy. At the individual level, a stronger emphasis on non-voluntary features of national identity correlates with lower support for democracy. Additionally, there is an interaction effect between the societal and individual levels, whereby higher levels of formal democracy amplify the negative relationship between non-voluntary identity and support for democracy. The negative impact of non-voluntary national identity on civic beliefs and participation largely explains its negative correlation with support for democracy. Taken together, the analyses underscore the detrimental impact of non- voluntary national identity on democracy, suggesting that fostering a democratic ethos requires promoting inclusive, voluntary aspects of national identity. No relationship was found between national attachment and the level of formal democracy.iConclusion
These results challenge classical and liberal nationalist views. They suggest that strong, shared national identities do not necessarily lead to positive democratic outcomes. Promoting inclusive, voluntary aspects of national identity aligns with core democratic values, such as political equality, whereas non-voluntary aspects of national identity do not. Thus, non-voluntary national identity seems to be an obstacle to democratic trajectories.
... Szczególnie że dostępne są liczne opracowania oferujące przegląd koncepcji nacjonalistycznych (zob. chociażby Lawrence 2007;Smith 1999Smith , 2007Özkirimli 2005Hobsbawm 2010;Billig 2008;Gellner 1991;Anderson 1997;Kohn 1965;Edensor 2004). Dość bogata jest również literatura prezentująca aspekty polskiego nacjonalizmu. ...
Images of the world in the communications of the Polish far right
The book examines the values of the extreme right based on an analysis of numerous zines from 1990-2010. Using corpus analysis, the author attempts to show the values common and unique to Polish radical nationalist, skinhead subculture, neo-fascist and nationalist neo-pagan circles.
... There also is a chance for a global culture or one world society. However, these cultures are of a hybrid nature (Ozkirimli, 2005;Von-Campe, 2008). Developments into the direction of multiculturalist states pose a big threat to nationalist ideology, as continuous migration erodes the belief in a nation-state and challenges the importance of a common cultural heritage. ...
The configuration of the world into institutions of International Organisations such as the United Nations (UN), World Trade Organisation (WTO), African Union (AU), Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) and the internet community took away some degree of decision-making from nation-states. Even the global market has also eroded nationalist thinking in myriads of ways. The paper examines globalisation and economic nationalism and stresses that the world economic system is a system based on interdependencies, cooperation and multilateralism, but globalisation has over the years appeared not to be fully encapsulating, hence globalisation and economic nationalism are not mutually exclusive. Anchoring our analysis on the Decision-making theory, and data drawn from documentary sources, with a qualitative descriptive method of analysis, findings amongst others revealed that States, in order to protect their national interest, in different proportions, depending on the situations and of the socioeconomic cum political milieu/interests, adopt different forms of the economic nationalism. Economic nationalism and globalization, from an economic point of view, are not antagonistic policies; they coexist and influence each other, both generating contradictory effects, in terms of provided opportunities and risks. The paper brings to the fore variant perspectives to the concepts. The study recommends amongst others that nation-states should see economic nationalism and economic globalization as veritable tools for foreign policy formulation and implementation, as the concepts though, antithetical, walk hand-in-hand depending on the national milieu/interests of the states at any point in time. Introduction The idea of nation-state was as fallout of the Westphalia treaty/peace of 1684. Since then nation-states became increasingly sovereign in decision making, policy formulation, implementation, foreign relations, diplomacy, and the right to protect the territorial integrity and social existence of the citizens, geographical entity and every sector of the state including the economy. Amidst the purview of the study of nationalism, there has been very less reference to the economic matters in the writings over the last few decades. Many recent authors who have been writing about the past, present and future of nationalism foresee a transformation of classic notion of 'nation-state under the globalisation. Many commentators believe that there will be a rapid decrease in nationalist sentiments in the coming years (Aggarwal, 2016).
... The 'spell of globalisation' as an epistemological delusion has led to scant attention being paid to the question of national reproduction in and through education (Tröhler, 2022, but see Millei and Imre, 2021;Sautereau and Faas, 2022). Instead of being a passing historical anomaly, nationalism constitutes an underlying cognitive frame that shapes how people see and structure their worlds (Ozkirimli, 2005). In other words, it is a dominant form of modern subjectivity (Malešević, 2019). ...
This article analyses discussions in the Russian media of the proposal to introduce the Unified State Exam (USE) in English as a mandatory test in the last year of (high) school education in the 2010s. The decision not to implement the mandatory USE in English was taken in August 2020. In the aftermath of the decision, we investigate the decade-long media debates. Building methodologically on frame analysis, we examine the frames used in the online media to present the pros and cons of English testing, and the qualitative modifications of these frames over time. We argue that media coverage of English as a compulsory test parallelled changes in the politics of nation-building and language policies. First it reflected the idea of Russia as a global economic actor, striving to reap the benefits of a global economy, and framed the acquisition of English as partaking of the global economic and political community. However, as the state’s prerogatives changed, English began to be discussed as a threat to national unity, national security and the mastery of Russian. Moreover, the ‘national’ became associated with separation from the rest of the world and its perceived threat.
... The 'spell of globalisation' as an epistemological delusion has led to scant attention being paid to the question of national reproduction in and through education (Tröhler, 2022, but see Millei and Imre, 2021;Sautereau and Faas, 2022). Instead of being a passing historical anomaly, nationalism constitutes an underlying cognitive frame that shapes how people see and structure their worlds (Ozkirimli, 2005). In other words, it is a dominant form of modern subjectivity (Malešević, 2019). ...
This article analyses discussions in the Russian media of the proposal to introduce the Unified State Exam (USE) in English as a mandatory test in the last year of (high) school education in the 2010s. The decision not to implement the mandatory USE in English was taken in August 2020. In the aftermath of the decision, we investigate the decade-long media debates. Building methodologically on frame analysis, we examine the frames used in the online media to present the pros and cons of English testing, and the qualitative modifications of these frames over time. We argue that media coverage of English as a compulsory test paralleled changes in the politics of nation-building and language policies. First it reflected the idea of Russia as a global economic actor, striving to reap the benefits of a global economy, and framed the acquisition of English as partaking of the global economic and political community. However, as the state's prerogatives changed, English began to be discussed as a threat to national unity, national security and the mastery of Russian. Moreover, the 'national' became associated with separation from the rest of the world and its perceived threat.
... This was the case in the United States under the leadership of Donald Trump, but has also been evident in the rise of nationalist populism elsewhere. If the national form is here to stay, attention must turn toward the viability of making nations "good" (civic, inclusive, democratic) (Ozkirimli, 2005). For opponents of Trump's exclusionary nationalist rhetoric, reforming nationalism was the solution. ...
Globalization has transformed local contexts through increasing intercultural and intergroup contact across geographical distance. Such transformations have disrupted the traditional sociocultural order and made people’s sense of self and belonging more uncertain and negotiable. In contemporary societies, people are reacting to the growing sociocultural uncertainty and diversity, as well as to new cultural interactions and negotiations. While such reactions to globalization can initiate positive outcomes such as creativity and global unification, they can also challenge the individual’s sense of self and belonging. That is, accelerating intercultural and intergroup contact can cause exclusionary reactions to globalization in various sociocultural contexts. Moreover, the globalized disruption of the existing social hierarchy and belief system can lead to political polarization and intergroup conflict, motivating extremism as a defensive reaction to preserve one’s religious, cultural, and ethnic purity. Most defensive reactions to globalization are characterized by an essentialist understanding of a prescriptive ideal life and society. Such perceptions are evolving around an ethnic-centered point of view, among both majority and minority groups, and driven by experiences of globalization-based fear and contextual insecurity. Overall, globalization can initiate radicalized defensive reactions to perceived threats to one’s privileges as well as to ethnic, religious, and cultural identity.
... National identities are not given and fixed, but come into view and are experienced through rhetorical work that defines associations and dissociations (Hall, 1992;Özkırımlı, 2005). This understanding calls for a broad view of nation-building that moves beyond institutional and official bodies, such as the state (Edensor, 2002). ...
This study draws on a specific hashtag campaign (#AliErbaşYalnızDeğildir), a concerted activity of tweeting supporting the chair of the Directorate of Religious Affairs in Turkey Ali Erbaş, who had criticized sexual practices outside of monogamous, heterosexual marriage. I read the archives of tweets as a performative site for imagining a Muslim self that forms affective publics. This research is built on two complementary layers of analysis. First, I dissect the thematic patterns of the top tweets including the above hashtag and identify three thematic patterns. Second, I scrutinize affective resonances by examining the circulation of the tweets in question. Viewing through this lens, the present study argues that networked discourse is a dynamic site for drawing the symbolic boundaries of Muslim identity. To have a deeper understanding of this dynamism, this study calls us to pay close attention to affective resonances, as they can provide the potential for negotiating networked discourse. Twitter's networked structure of communication is characterized by asymmetrical connections and different ways of interaction (i.e., tweeting, retweeting, mentions, and replies) and facilitates a vivid site for rapidly forming publics on the basis of ad hoc issues (Bruns & Moe, 2014). This dynamic has drawn significant scholarly attention to Twitter's networked discourses. There is an increasing amount of qualitative research seeking to understand how social boundaries are de/constructed across gender, sexuality, race/ethnicity or religion on Twitter. While some studies specifically focus on political elites' discourses on Twitter (e.g.,
... To move away from this misconception of nationalism as a transitory phenomenon, we need to reflect on the way we understand nationalism. There is no scope or need here for a detailed engagement with the long-standing debate on the definition of nationalism (see, e.g., Hearn, 2006;Özkırımlı, 2005, for overviews), but it is important to acknowledge that nationalism can be defined in at least two distinct ways. The first, more conventional understanding (particularly common in popular or political discourse) focuses on clearly evident, often fairly extreme manifestations of nationalism, such as separatist movements, institutionalised forms of exclusion along national lines, or xenophobia and right-wing extremism. ...
While digital technologies were initially seen as harbingers of globalisation and cosmopolitanism, scholars increasingly acknowledge their role in the rise of nationalism and right‐wing populism. Yet this surge of interest leaves at least two important questions unanswered. Where was nationalism before its apparent resurgence? Are contemporary forms of nationalism different from their predecessors, and can these changes be linked to digital technologies? To answer these questions, we argue for the importance of understanding the less visible ways in which digital technologies reproduce our sense of belonging to a world of nations. We discuss three such mechanisms: the architecture of internet domains, the bias of algorithms and the formation of national digital ecosystems. Next, we examine three characteristics of contemporary nationalism that can be partly linked to recent shifts in the global communication ecology: diversification, fragmentation and commodification. We conclude by considering the implications of our arguments for future research in the field.
The history curriculum and textbooks are central to nation-building projects, as school history aims to transmit historical knowledge and create a shared desired national identity particularly in newer nation-states. Although the nation is imagined as a community of equals, national identity is constructed through power relations since it structures the representations of the nation around conceptions of masculinityand femininity. The analysis of school history textbooks is important, as they are a key cultural resource that pupils use to learn about “doing gender” and to develop their national consciousness. This chapter analyzes the construction of gender and national identities in the history textbooks, a compulsory subject taught across all secondary schools. Data sources include seven textbooks recommended by Kazakhstan’s Ministry of Education and Science, covering 7th to 11th grades used in Kazakh medium schools. The history textbooks for 9th and 11th grades consist of two volumes each. The study employs quantitative and qualitative methods to analyze the interrelated constructs of gender as category, construction, and deconstruction. The findings reveal four key observations: the prevalence of male dominance and the invisibility of female icons in national historiography, the perpetuation of hegemonic masculinities, the normalization of idealized femininities, and instances of gender transgression.
Anadoluculuk, Türk ulusal kimliği bağlamında Anadolu coğrafyasını merkez alarak, XX. yüzyılın başında Türk milliyetçiliğine ve özelinde Türkçülük düşüncesine bir eleştiri ve yorum olarak ortaya çıkmış bir fikir hareketidir. XIX. yüzyılın sonlarında Osmanlı'nın dağılmasını engellemek ve imparatorluğun çok uluslu yapısına karşı bir çözüm önerisi sunmak amacıyla benimsenen düşüncelerden biri de Türk milliyetçiliği/Türkçülüktür. Anadoluculuk düşüncesi, Anadolu coğrafyasının tarihi ve kültürel zenginliği bağlamında Türk kimliğini açıklayan bir akımdır. Zengin yerel ve ulusal bir mirasa sahip olan Anadolu coğrafyası Türk milli kimliğinin şekillenmesinde önemli bir rol oynamıştır. Bu çalışma, Remzi Oğuz Arık'ın bakış açısından Anadoluculuk ve Türk milliyetçiliği ideolojileri arasındaki ilişkiyi değerlendirmeyi amaçlamaktadır. Çalışmada nitel araştırma yöntemi kullanılmış; Arık'ın eserleri ve söylemleri içerik analizine tabi tutularak incelenmiştir. Anadoluculuk hareketinin önemli isimlerden olan Arık yaptığı çalışmalarda ve ortaya koyduğu eserlerde, kendine has üslubu ve bakış açısı ile Anadoluculuk akımı ile Türk milliyetçiliği hareketinin birbirini nasıl etkilediği görülmektedir. Türk kimliğinin sahip olduğu unsurları Anadolu coğrafyasının tarihi ve kültürel zenginliği ile açıklayan Anadoluculuk düşüncesinin Türk milliyetçiliği hareketi içindeki yeri ve önemi bağlamında bu iki düşünce akımının tarihi ve kültürel olguları noktasında analiz etmeye amaçlayan çalışma, Türk kimliğinin ve milliyetçiliğinin tarihsel temellerini daha iyi anlama noktasında önemli bir katkı sunmayı amaçlamaktadır.
From a constructionist perspective, this study analysed the extent to which sports coverage arouses public identity of belonging to a specific nation, focusing specifically on newspaper coverage of the 2023 World Baseball Classic in Japan, and clarified the type of ‘discourses of nationalism’ were evoked in the coverage. Three types of nationalistic discourse were identified: those centered around ‘us’ (1), discussions concerning the ‘other’ (2), and dialogues involving the ‘internal other’ (3).
First, regarding (1) the ‘us’ discourse, we focused on comments about the style of play of Japanese players and the Japanese national team, which was dominated by the term ‘small baseball’ prior to the WBC 2023. ‘Small baseball’ is an offensive style of play based on the assumption that Japanese players are physically weak and that they score runs by hitting singles and aggressive base running rather than hitting home runs. As the tournament progressed, however, commentary on ‘small baseball’ diminished and the ‘power’ of the Japanese players was emphasised instead. At the same time, ‘togetherness’ was emphasised, and many episodes reinforcing this were reported.
Next, with regard to (2) the ‘other’ discourse, we looked for comments that stereotyped the opposing nation. However, we did not find symbolic boundary-drawing expressions of self and other, or overtly hateful expressions towards the ‘other’, as is the case in British newspapers. However, this does not mean that there was no bias against the ‘other’ in the Japanese press. Japanese coverage of the WBC 2023 easily stereotyped certain nations by bringing in characteristics of other sports, and naively stereotyped nations such as Italy and Mexico based on the very broad regional characteristics of Latin culture. Such stereotypical commentary was more common in the sports press than in the general press.
Finally, with regard to (3) the ‘inner other’ discourse, we focused on the representation of Lars Nootbaar, who was selected for the Japanese national team for the WBC 2023. Before and during the tournament, his dedication, courage and ‘uniquely Japanese’ style of play, as well as his attempts to assimilate into Japanese culture in various aspects, were positively reported. Such commentary was intended to underline his moral qualifications for the national team, and the term ‘samurai’ was used to bestow upon him a symbol of approval.
There is an increasing nationalism endemic globally that needs profound consideration in education research. Through this paper, we aim to landscape discourses in citizenship education within the context of nationalism and diversity in Türkiye as a developing country subjected to dramatic in-migration of displaced people within a decade, let alone the internal migration trends inter-regionally. Therefore, the narratives and discourses in the official curriculum documents (n = 12) and the 4th-grade textbooks (n = 12) are analysed regarding the Vienna school’s discourse-historical approach (DHA) to make a historical comparison based on the previous research in a global context where democracies are deteriorating globally and conflicts or wars grounded on ethnic, racial, religious, or cultural differences increasing sharply. Eventually, most of the findings revealed that the content, discursive strategies, and linguistic means are apt to reproduce the mono-cultural national identity and ignore the diversity within the official discourses.
This is the final draft of the entry "Nation-State" for the "Encyclopedia of Human Geography edited by Barney L. Warf (Springer)
Bu çalışmanın amacı, spor ve milliyetçilik ilişkisi çerçevesinde, basında sporcu temsiliyle, millî kimliğin yeniden üretiminde kullanılan milliyetçi söylemleri analiz etmektir. Bu kapsamda halter sporcusu Naim Süleymanoğlu’nun Türkiye’ye ilticası, Türkiye adına katıldığı 1988 Güney Kore Seul Yaz Olimpiyatları öncesinde, olimpiyatlar sırasında ve sonrasında, basındaki milliyetçi söylemlere odaklanıldı. Araştırmanın kuramsal çerçevesi spor, milliyetçilik ve medya ilişkisi temelindeki literatür ekseninde oluşturuldu. Nitel araştırma tasarımıyla yürütülen araştırmada, nitel içerik analiz tekniği kullanıldı. Çalışmanın örneklemi, 1984-2000 yılları arasında Milliyet gazetesi çevrim içi arşivinde yer alan haber ve köşe yazılarıdır. İçerik analizi sonucunda, bulgular üç ana temayı ortaya çıkardı: Birincisi, sporcunun Türkiye’ye ilticasının ilk döneminde öne çıkan “Bulgar zulmü” temasıdır. Bu tema, “antikomünizm” ve “olumsuz/düşman/öteki” söylemiyle öne çıkmaktadır. İkinci tema, Türk milliyetçiliğindeki nirengi noktalarından “güçlü devlet” “olumlu/biz/Türk” söylemi doğrultusundadır. Üçüncü tema ise sporcunun olimpiyatlardaki performans başarısının ardından medya söyleminde belirginleşen “olumlu/millî gurur” temasıdır. Araştırma sonuçları, basındaki milliyetçi söylemin, “Türk-İslam sentezi” ile uyumlu bir içerik taşıdığını ve bu içerik çerçevesinde millî kimliğin yeniden üretildiğini göstermektedir.
The Estonian Folklore Archives (EFA) has intertwined with the basis of reasoning about folk and nation in many ways. The article discusses opposing concepts that affected the foundation of the institution and the development of its collections while altering according to prevailing ideologies. Traditionality and modernity, and unification and segregation were interlaced while constructing the Estonian nation during the period of national awakening (starting in the 1850s). In this modernist process the history of Estonians had to be (re)created. Country-wide folklore collection campaigns were organised, during which young people were gathering material from old people about culturally outdated genres and obsolete knowledge. These large collections became the basis of the EFA in independent Estonia and, according to erstwhile principles, the collection of folklore and filling in the white spots on the Estonian map continued. However, since there was no longer any threat to nationality, folklorists also began to experiment with new methods and study the genres, or social/national groups, which so far had been regarded as marginal or insignificant. The Soviet occupation was accompanied by major ideological changes. As a result of constant external pressure, folklorists enclosed themselves into ethno-centrist conservatism – folklore of Estonians and kindred peoples, archaic genres of peasants’ tradition – were preferred to be recorded and studied once again. Authenticity – the set of qualities of texts such as archaic, traditional, oral, or reliable – became the supreme principle for collecting and publishing. Interest in ethnic minorities and contemporary topics arose only at the end of the Soviet era, experiencing an explosive success in the re-independent Estonia.
The concept of national literacy proposed by Daniel Tröhler sheds light on how schooling has enabled people to live a significant life within a certain national context by transferring specific skills and knowledge that he defines as ideologically nationalist. A sense of collective identity derives from this formation of nationally minded citizens through the modern school.
This chapter analyzes this thesis based on the case of the colegios nacionales (national schools) in Argentina. National schools were created in the second half of the nineteenth century and were meant to educate an elite that would lead the budding nation and run the State under the nation-state form. Drawing on Tröhler’s conceptualizations, the chapter explores the changes in the conception of national identity education and the construction of a national literacy in its interweaving with the institutional model of the national school. The case of national schools could indicate a more situated notion of national literacy, one in tune with the different rhythms of articulation between schooling, nationalism, and the construction of nation-states across diverse territories.
Digital technologies are increasingly engrained in education policies and practices. This chapter develops some initial ideas on (the question of) how the historical role of educational institutions as conduits of national socialization is enacted through digital policies and practices constituting contemporary education. These ideas are illustrated with examples from existing research and the author’s ongoing study of Estonia as a self-proclaimed ‘digital nation’ based on the analyses of textual and visual sources such as media articles, policies and promotional materials. First the chapter delves into the onto-epistemological assumptions that might explain the sparse interest in the link between educational digitalization and nationalism. It then moves to the role of commercial, non-state actors and questions the assumption of their disinterestedness in the prerogatives of nation-building. It shows how commercial actors involved in the digitalization of education capitalize on and reiterate national narratives on the one hand and offer material means for (re)producing the nation on the other. Finally the chapter proposes three intertwined ways in which the digitalization of education reproduces nationhood.
From a constructionist perspective, this study analysed the extent to which sports coverage arouses public identity of belonging to a specific nation, focusing specifically on newspaper coverage of the 2023 World Baseball Classic in Japan, and clarified the type of ‘discourses of nationalism’ were evoked in the coverage. Three types of nationalistic discourse were identified: those centered around ‘us’ (1), discussions concerning the ‘other’ (2), and dialogues involving the ‘internal other’ (3).
First, regarding (1) the ‘us’ discourse, we focused on comments about the style of play of Japanese players and the Japanese national team, which was dominated by the term ‘small baseball’ prior to the WBC 2023. ‘Small baseball’ is an offensive style of play based on the assumption that Japanese players are physically weak and that they score runs by hitting singles and aggressive base running rather than hitting home runs. As the tournament progressed, however, commentary on ‘small baseball’ diminished and the ‘power’ of the Japanese players was emphasised instead. At the same time, ‘togetherness’ was emphasised, and many episodes reinforcing this were reported.
Next, with regard to (2) the ‘other’ discourse, we looked for comments that stereotyped the opposing nation. However, we did not find symbolic boundary-drawing expressions of self and other, or overtly hateful expressions towards the ‘other’, as is the case in British newspapers. However, this does not mean that there was no bias against the ‘other’ in the Japanese press. Japanese coverage of the WBC 2023 easily stereotyped certain nations by bringing in characteristics of other sports, and naively stereotyped nations such as Italy and Mexico based on the very broad regional characteristics of Latin culture. Such stereotypical commentary was more common in the sports press than in the general press.
Finally, with regard to (3) the ‘inner other’ discourse, we focused on the representation of Lars Nootbaar, who was selected for the Japanese national team for the WBC 2023. Before and during the tournament, his dedication, courage and ‘uniquely Japanese’ style of play, as well as his attempts to assimilate into Japanese culture in various aspects, were positively reported. Such commentary was intended to underline his moral qualifications for the national team, and the term ‘samurai’ was used to bestow upon him a symbol of approval.
Modernitenin en yaygın politik yapılanma biçimi olan ulus-devletler, imparatorlukların hâkim olduğu geleneksel dünyayı yeniden şekillendirdiler. Milliyetçilik ve ulus-devlet fenomeni, küreselleşme olarak tanımlanan çok-yönlü ve birbiri ile bağlantılı hale gelme süreçleri karşısında, hala etkinliğini sürdürmektedir (Held ve McGrew, 2008). Örneğin, 1994’te dünyadaki 23 savaşın 18’i etnik-ulusal çatışmalardan çıktı. Ülkelerini terk etmek zorunda kalan sığınmacıların 4’te 3’ü bu tarz çatışmalardan ötürü yurtlarını terk etti. Birleşmiş Milletler’in (BM) 13 barış sürdürme misyonundan 8’i etno-milli düşmanlıkları önlemeye çalışmaktadır (Cox, 2021). Brubaker (2020: 47) milliyetçiliği “evrensel dönüştürücü güç” olarak niteleyerek, milliyetçiliğin devam eden bu etkisine işaret etmektedir. Hâkim politik yapı olan ulus-devletler ve onların birbiri ile ilişkileri ile şekillenen modern dünyada, eğitim gibi politika alanlarını, milliyetçiliği hesaba katmadan anlamak oldukça zor gözükmektedir. Nitekim, modern dünyanın belirgin yapılarından birisi olan kitlesel eğitim sistemlerinin yaygınlaşması da ulus-devletlerle birlikte gerçekleşmiştir (Ramirez ve Boli, 1987; Soysal ve Strang, 1989). Bu tarihsel kesişimin devamında, hâkim politik yapı olan ulus-devlet modeli, kitlesel eğitim sistemlerinin neredeyse bütün bileşenleri üzerinde belirgin izler bırakmıştır. İmparatorluktan ulus-devlete geçişte, ulusal vatandaş yetiştirme amacına hizmet eden kitlesel eğitim sistemleri, sonraki dönemlerde de ulusal gelişime, sosyal kalkınmaya ve demokratikleşmeye hizmet etme işlevlerini sürdürmeye devam etmiştirler (Green, 1990; Lawton ve Gordon, 2002). Günümüzde, özellikle popülist milliyetçiliğin yükselişi ve küresel eşitsizliklerin artması ile eğitim-milliyetçilik ilişkisi yeniden ilgi çekmeye
başlamıştır (Lall ve Saeed, 2020; Neumann, 2022; Weigele ve Brandt, 2022; Westheimer, 2019). Bu kitap bölümünde, kitlesel eğitim ve milliyetçilik arasında belli değişikliklerle süregelen ilişki ele alınacak, milliyetçiliğin ne olduğu ve günümüzde nasıl değişmekte olduğuna ilişkin perspektifler özetlenecek, milliyetçilik ile kitlesel eğitim arasındaki ilişki tarihsel bir perspektiften irdelenecektir. Milliyetçilik-eğitim ilişkisine dair eski sorulara yeni yanıtlar bulmaya çalışan bu bölüm, günümüzde milliyetçiliğin eğitime etkilerine ilişkin bir değerlendirme ile sonlandırılacaktır.
Batı ülkelerinde ulus-devlet yapılarının ortaya çıkışı ile yaygınlaşan cumhuriyet, hürriyet, vatan ve millet gibi kavramların karşılıklarının bulunması ve yaygınlaşmasına, Kavalalı Mehmet Ali Paşa’nın Fransa’ya eğitim almak için gönderdiği öğrencilerden olan Rifa’a at-Tahtavi önemli katkılar sağlamıştır. Tahtavi nation kavramına karşılık vatan, republic kavramına karşılık cumhuriyet, freedom kavramına karşılık hürriyet kavramını kullanarak bu kavramları Müslüman bir ülkenin düşünce dünyasına taşımıştır (De Bellaigue, 2017). Tanzimat entelektüellerinden Şinasi nation karşılığı olarak eski bir terim olan millet kavramını modern politik anlamıyla kullanmaya başlarken, millet ve vatan gibi kavramlara daha yaygın bir görünürlüğü Namık Kemal vermiştir. Namık Kemal’in 33 yaşında yazdığı ve Gedik Paşa Tiyatrosu’nda sahnelenen Vatan yahut Silistre oyununun halkta yarattığı heyecan ve coşku, bu kavramın yaygınlaşmasında önemli bir aşamayı temsil eder. Millet kavramını etimolojik olarak inceleyen Lewis’e (1988) göre, millet, Aramca kökenli Kuran Arapçası terimidir ve söz anlamına gelmektedir. Klasik dönemde, bir ilahi kelama inanan insan topluluklarını nitelemek için kullanılan bu terim ile “kendi yöneticileri altında özerk olmanın belli haklarını kullanan, organize olmuş ve kabul görmüş dinsel-politik topluluklar” ifade edilmekteydi (Lewis, 1988: 39). Şinasi ve Namık Kemal’in nation kavramına karşılık olarak millet terimini kullanmaları, bu kavramın anlamını dönüşüme uğratmıştır. Cumhuriyet döneminde ise, dilde sadeleşme çabaları millet kavramı yerine ulus kavramını dolaşıma sokmuştur (Bora, 2017). Genellikle seküler dünya görüşüne sahip kesimler ulus, yurt ve yurttaş gibi kavramları tercih ederken, vatan, millet ve vatandaş gibi terimler dindar milliyetçi söylemlerde daha çok yer almaktadır. Örneğin, 1999 yılında Türkiye’de seküler milliyetçi grupların hakim olduğu bir dönemde hazırlanan Demokrasi ve İnsan Hakları dersinin öğretim programında vatan, millet ve milli gibi terimlere yer verilmemiş, vatandaş yerine yurttaş kavramı kullanılmıştır (Milli Eğitim Bakanlığı, 1999). 2005’te Avrupa Birliği üyelik reformlarının yoğun olduğu bir dönemde gerçekleştirilen 2005 müfredat reformu sonrası hazırlanan ders kitaplarında da vatan ve millet gibi kavramlar yerine ülke ve toplum gibi kavramların kullanıldığı tespit edilmiştir (Keyman & Kanci, 2011). Bu kavramların ideolojik kullanımlarını dikkate almayan bu kitap bölümünde, belirtilen kavramların eski ve yeni versiyonları eş anlamlı olarak kullanılacaktır. Örneğin, nation kavramının karşılığı olarak millet ve ulus, nationalism karşılığı olarak milliyetçilik ve ulusçuluk, citizenship karşılığı olarak vatandaşlık ve yurttaşlık kavramları eş anlamlı bir biçimde kullanılacaktır.
Bu çalışmada öncelikle, milliyetçilik, devlet altı milliyetçilik ve self determinasyon kavramları ampirik örneklerle desteklenerek analiz edilmektedir. Daha sonra İskoç ve Katalan bağımsızlık hareketlerinin tarihsel gelişimine, iç dinamiklerine ve güncel bir karşılaştırmasına yer verilmektedir. Çalışmada devlet altı milliyetçilik konusunda uzman düşünürlerin çalışmaları ve konunun güncelliğini koruması sebebiyle bağımsız düşünce ve yayın kuruluşlarının haberleri nitel olarak analiz edilmektedir. Bu bölgelerin bağımsızlık taleplerinin kamuoyunda güçlenmesinin en önemli nedenleri; emperyal gücün kaybı, güçlü devlet altı kurumsallaşma, kamu diplomasisi faaliyetleri, ekonomik talepler ve anayasal krizler olarak belirlenmiştir. Katalonya’da daha güçlü ekonomik motivasyon ve kamu diplomasisi bulunsa da son kamuoyu yoklamaları ve bölgesel seçim sonuçları, bağımsızlıktan çok özerklik haklarının genişletilmesi yönünde desteğin artışta olduğunu göstermektedir. İskoçya ise İngiltere’ye fazlasıyla bağımlı bir ekonomik yapılanma ve kamu diplomasisine sahiptir. Fakat İskoç Ulusal Partisi (SNP) liderliğindeki güçlü siyasi yapılanmasıyla özellikle Brexit sürecinde, kamuoyu yoklamalarından da anlaşılacağı üzere, bağımsızlık hareketleri konusunda uluslararası kamuoyunda ciddi bir baskı yaratabilmektedir.
Drawing on an Inductive Thematic Analysis and Critical Discourse Analysis of British newspaper coverage of migration policy (Rwanda initiative and Homes for Ukraine scheme) and the refugee ‘crisis’ in the UK, this dissertation uncovers the ways in which newspapers function to establish narratives of deservingness. Overall, this dissertation explores both the Rwanda initiative and the Homes for Ukraine scheme within the phenomena of humanitarian securitisation, symbolic constructions of the figure of the refugee and constructions of paranoid nationalism. Throughout the research, this dissertation found the theme of compassion to be extensively dominant in the coverage of both the policies. While right-wing newspapers, such as The Telegraph and The Sun, perpetuated the need for securitisation amidst the signalling of threatening ‘illegal’ migration, left-wing newspapers, such as The Guardian and The Mirror focused more on a humanitarian discourse, offering fierce criticism of the Rwanda initiative and continually giving voice to marginalised and often silenced refugees. A consensus of ecstatic compassion was found in the coverage of the Homes for Ukraine scheme, while right-wing newspapers cited cultural proximity as a fundamental contribution towards their constructions of differing levels of deservingness of support and compassion. Ultimately, the issue of deservingness of support and compassion is inextricably intertwined with the justification of externalisation and integration policy.
Six members of the Republican Party have presented and supported a House Bill in the Texas House of Representatives proposing a referendum to decide whether Texas should leave the United States. This initiative has been seen as a success by the Texas Nationalist Movement, who has been advocating for Texit for years. Applying frame analysis on an extended corpus of Texas nationalist sympathisers' statements, this article empirically explores the discourse of the Texas Nationalist Movement. The analysis contributes to recent literature on new nationalist movements and shows that Texas nationalism articulates its discourse around a homogeneous and exclusionary national conception based on the need to achieve independence as a solution to the country's problems.
The purpose of this article is to lay out the debates and arguments around three key broader issues that dominate nationalism studies: (a) the meaning of a nation and nationalism and the relationship between political and cultural nationalism; (b) the origins and character of nations and nationalism; and (c) the civic-ethnic dichotomy and the relationship between nationalism and liberalism. It does not aim to provide definitive answers to the complex problems associated with nations and nationalism but rather to provide an overview of these debates by examining the existing literature on nations and nationalism. The final section discusses the position of new approaches to nations and nationalism and how they have problematised the key assumptions of the mainstream understanding of nationalism. The article, in light of an overview of the literature, draws four important conclusions. First, the academic journey of nationalism has reached a stage where the current consensus is that nations are socially constructed and historically contingent phenomena, and the current focus of the scholarship is on looking at the intersection between the cultural and political aspects of nationalism. Second, nations and nationalism possess a multifaceted character with particularity, subjectivity, and relativity as their defining features, representing that a single, universal explanation of nationalism is neither feasible nor morally desirable. Third, to understand the multiplicity and diversity of nations and nationalism and the ways in which elements of this multidimensionality intersect, it is necessary to treat them as open-ended, unstable, dispersed, protean, particular, and contingent phenomena. Finally, deep contestation constitutes a source of power and strength for nations and nationalism.
This chapter investigates normative concerns related to food in reference to nationalism making the most of the highly symbolic nature of food. It focuses on the question of who decides what is appropriate to grow, produce and eat in the international arena. The chapter opens with an examination of the case of whale meat eating to review how the question about resource management has developed into a contestation of values with nationalist tinge. It then introduces a comparative context in reference to dog meat and foie gras consumption, and the growing international debate over the use of technology in food, with a specific reference to genetic modification and the fears it raises about food safety but also about the ‘contamination’ of national food, tradition and heritage.
In 2018, U.S. President Donald Trump proudly declared himself a nationalist, setting off a firestorm of debate over the meaning and implications of that term. Trump’s proclamation was not surprising, given the former president’s politics, but was intriguing in that: (1) “nationalism” as an unapologetic rallying cry had heretofore been largely absent from mainstream political discourse in the United States; and (2) heightened attention to national borders and boundaries seemed anachronistic in a world characterized by movement, mixing, and the unprecedented worldwide compression of time and space. This chapter examines American nationhood in the context of twenty-first century globalization to reveal contestation over both the form and the nature of national belonging. Global interconnectedness has challenged the efficacy of the national form, but as of yet offers no widely compelling alternative to it. The consequent uncertainty fuels exclusionary versions of American identity and undermines more inclusionary ones. Ultimately, the reminder that national identification and attachment are malleable offers some hope for future forms of belonging that eschew violent exclusion.
This paper will discuss recent developments in the field of digital nationalism, presenting some of the more recent scholarship in this emergent subfield of nation studies, as well as discussing key issues and potential research questions for future research. Following introductory remarks on the study of nations and nationalisms in their offline forms, I will proceed to the discussion of the most recent studies in the new subfield of digital nationalism. Drawing from the work of digital nationalism scholars, I will also offer several research questions for further study in the field.
Abstract
The project of European colonialism found intellectual support and legitimisation
in Cartesian dualism, through which the environment came to be seen as a
commodifiable and manipulable entity ready for economic exploitation.
Indigenous populations and their worldviews were rendered primitive and
backward as dispossession advanced relentlessly. Consequently, Indigenous sense
of belonging was disrupted whilst their lands suffered unprecedented
environmental damage in the name of techno-scientific modernity and progress.
Recent advances in neuroscience shed new light on the interrelation between the
brain, the body, the environment and other human beings. In this light, the
principles of Cartesian dualism, on which our modern world is still founded, can be
seen from a more organicist and integrative perspective and thus closer to
Indigenous epistemologies. This chapter explores interrelations of mind, body and
environment as they are elaborated in cognitive poetics and cultural geography
(which draw inspiration from neuroscience) in the Anglophone poetry of one
Palestinian (Sharif Elmusa), one South African (Mzi Mahola) and one indigenous
Australian poet (Romaine Moreton). The metaphors emerging in the work of these
poets show shared yet distinctive concerns in relation to the trauma of colonial
dispossession, the disruptive interventions of industrial capitalism and their impact
on Indigenous worldviews in a globalised world. Reading this poetry with the
resources of cognitive theories can thus improve our understanding of Indigenous
sense of oneness with the land because both cognitive theories and Indigenous
perspectives share an interest in the body’s engagement with the environment.
The leading elites of the ethnonationalist movements that developed in the aftermath of World War I in Western Europe usually refused to see their nations and territories as ‘national minorities’. In their view, they were stateless nations or nationalities. However, in the aftermath of World War I, the prior international discussion on the nationality principle was increasingly replaced with the notion of ‘minority rights’, enhanced by the implementation of the Minorities Treaties by the League of Nations. Thus, the term ‘national minority’ emerged as a label that permitted ethnonationalist activist to present their claims on the international stage. This became evident in the participation of some Western European national movements in the activities of some transnational non‐governmental organisations, such as the Congress of European Nationalities (1925–1939). However, the general programme advocated by the most influential leaders of East‐Central ethnic minorities, based on the extension of the personal principle and the implementation of non‐territorial autonomy all over Europe, was hard to accept for ethnonationalist elites from Western Europe, which were interested in territorial home‐rule and believed that their homelands did not fit in the category of ‘minority’. This article explores the modalities and limits of that cultural and political dialogue.
The process of nation-building can be seen as a never-ending attempt for a considerable number of nation-states. Education has been one of the primary tools in this process. It can be argued that nation-building policies should be seen as aspects of an attempt rather than a project that can be realized successfully in all terms. Following this argument, this study has two main objectives: to draw a detailed literature review addressing the dynamics, actors and stages of the nation-building process and nationalism and to critically analyze how Turkish academia has dealt with nationalism education. This study will proceed via the following sections: Firstly, the main theoretical discussions concerning nationalism will be covered. In this regard, ethnic/civic nationalism and other types of nationalism, including the concept of "banal nationalism" coined by Michael Billig (1995) will be under scrutiny. Secondly, the state-formation process from a cultural viewpoint will be analyzed. In this part, the works of thinkers such as Pierre Bourdieu, Michel Foucault and Antonio Gramsci will be referred to. Next, 'the nation-building process as a never-ending attempt' will be addressed. Finally, the teaching of nationalism in Turkish academia will be discussed from a historical viewpoint.
Delo, ki je pred vami, je druga knjiga Mirovnega inštituta o izbrisu13 in je poskus umestitve izbrisa v različne družbenopolitične kontekste; knjiga hoče prispevati k razumevanju izbrisa v širšem smislu in to vprašanje približati tudi vsem tistim, ki so jih medijsko odmevne javne debate o izbrisu do sedaj morda odvračale od tega, da bi ga sploh skušali zares razumetiin premišljevati o okoliščinah v zvezi z njim.
Prvo poglavje, ki ga je napisala Jelka Zorn, je namenjeno umestitvi izbrisa
v družbeni kontekst prehoda iz socialističnega dogovornega gospodarstva v neo-
liberalni tržni sistem. Položaj izbrisanih je analiziran z vidika delavstva, ki je imelo
v času socializma povsem drugačen status, kot ga ima danes, ta sprememba pa
je vplivala tudi na položaj izbrisanih. Ti se v slabšem položaju kot prej niso znašli
le zaradi izgube statusa, ampak tudi zaradi oslabljenega dejanskega in simbol-
nega položaja delavstva, ki se je v tranziciji začelo srečevati z oteženim dostopom
do temeljnih socialnih in ekonomskih pravic. Naslednje poglavje opozarja na dejstvo, da so ob osamosvojitvi sočasno s spremembo sistema ter pridruževanjem
evropskim integracijam slovenske oblasti začele privzemati tudi režim urejanja
klasifikacije tujcev, ki ga poznamo pod imenom evropske migracijske politike. Iz-
brisani so bili zaradi položaja, v katerem so se znašli, med prvimi, ki so jih te za-
jele. O novem nedokumentiranem položaju izbrisanih, primerljivem položaju
drugih oseb, ki so brez statusa iz drugih razlogov, formalnih in neformalnih ovirah,
na katere so izbrisani ob urejanju svojega statusa trčili, in preživetvenih strategi-
jah, ki so jih izbrisani uporabljali, piše Sara Pistotnik.
Vzpostavitev novega nedokumentiranega položaja je povzročila množično kršitev pravic izbrisanim; to je osrednja tema poglavja Neže Kogovšek, ki poskuša predstaviti logiko kršenja človekovih pravic z odvzemom statusa, nekatere argumente, ki se uporabljajo za
opravičevanje takšnih kršitev človekovih pravic, ter nasprotne argumente, s kate-
rimi opravičevanje izbrisa kot kršitve človekovih pravic lahko zavrnemo. Predsta-
vljene so pravice iz vseh sfer življenja izbrisanih, kršitve pa so ilustrirane z
njihovimi besedami. Ko so ostali brez statusa, so začeli deliti usodo drugih nedo-
kumentiranih migrantov.
Enemu od področij življenja izbrisanih, ki jih je izbris bistveno prizadel na več ravneh, kjer so bile pravice izbrisanih množično kršene in kjer so preživetvene strategije dobesedno ljudem pomagale preživeti, je zdravje, o katerem piše Uršula Lipovec Čebron. V analizi se ukvarja z razširjenostjo posameznih bolezni med izbrisanimi ter vzroki zanje, ugotavlja dostop do zdravstvenega zavarovanja in izkušnje, ki jo imajo zdravstveno nezavarovani izbrisani z iskanjem zdravstvene pomoči. Med drugim zdravstvena tveganja izbrisanih pri-
merja z zdravstvenimi »koordinatami« brezdomcev in delavcev – migrantov v Slo-
veniji ter tako izbris znova postavi v širši družbeni kontekst.
Še en družbeni kontekst, v okviru katerega je mogoče razmišljati o izbrisu, je vzpostavljanje in konsolidacija nacionalne države. Ta vidik poglobljeno analizira Veronika Bajt, ki z njim razloži ne le proces konstrukcije nacionalnih identitet, temveč v okvir nacio-
nalizma postavi tudi sam izbris in njegovo opravičevanje.
Hkrati pa Brankica Petković izbris pojasnjuje z vidika neurejenega položaja »novih« nepriznanih nacionalnih manjšin, ki jim izbrisani glede na svojo narodnost pripadajo, zlasti z vidika jezikovnih pravic, saj so bili izbrisani tudi zaradi jezika narodov, ki so jim
pripadali – ne glede na to, ali so te jezike tudi dejansko uporabljali ali ne – defi-
nirani kot Drugi.
Knjiga, ki je pred vami, se zaključi v pozitivnem tonu, s poglavjem
Lane Zdravković o emancipaciji izbrisanih, ki so z raznolikimi aktivističnimi akci-
jami prispevali k odpravljanju nelagodja zaradi javnega političnega in družbenega
delovanja, ki je potrebno pri zavzemanju za pravice marginaliziranih skupin.
In this article, I explain and defend the concept of multicultural nationhood. Multicultural nationhood accounts for how a nation can have a cohesive identity despite being internally diverse. In Canada, the challenge of nation-building despite the country’s diversity has prompted reflection on how to conceive of the national identity. The two most influential theories of multiculturalism to come from Canada, those of Charles Taylor and Will Kymlicka, emerged through consideration of Canada’s diversity, particularly the place of Québécois, Indigenous peoples, and immigrants in society. I begin by synthesizing Taylor’s and Kymlicka’s theories. I then propose a new subjective definition of nation, wherein the character of a nation is determined by how its members conceive of themselves. Once these concepts are explained, they are combined in an account of multicultural nationhood. Multicultural nationhood involves the cultivation of a national identity wherein various cultural groups are recognized as constitutive of the nation.
The article seeks to formulate a comparative framework that explains the uneven development of schooling in Cyprus and Singapore during the British colonial rule. It specifically focuses on the moment of transition to independence and on the role played by ideas and the interaction of ideas in the evolution of social institutions. The overall argument put forward is that the divergent ideational and institutional dynamics of schooling in the two settings at the moment of decolonisation were the outcome of the intersections of British colonial education policies, locally-indigenised cultural heritages, and relations with other nation-states in the region. These complex intersections permitted and, at the same time, constrained certain readings and re-readings of the continental European idea of mass schooling over time.
Bu kitap, dünyada ve Türkiye’de suyun özelleştirilmesinin tarihsel arka planını, bunun yarattığı sosyal, ekonomik, ekolojik ve kültürel sorunları, bu sorunların çözülmesine yönelik alternatif arayışlarını geniş bir çerçevede ele alıyor.
"Abstract This theological and philosophical article aims for a solution to the provocation of nationalism and offers a series of interconnected arguments for this purpose. In doing so it makes use of Romanian cultural realities and sources (stances of Dumitru Stăniloae, of Daniil Sandu Tudor and others, as well as dictionary entries). The considerations start from the topic of politics and of what politics consists of – ideology. Turning towards ecclesiology and social theology, the relationship between hate and phyletism is assessed. Considering this relationship, the analysis shows that, from an Orthodox point of view, true nationalism should be understood as a form of love – corruptible but legitimate. Ideological nationalism is identified as its opposite. The Gordian Knot of ideological nationalism is found to be a false understanding of “national interests”. Finally, a second relation is investigated – the one between the national and the universal, seen from Romanian premises. Keywords: nationalism, patriotism, universalism, One Church, identity, love, ideology, phyletism, autocephaly"
This paper explores the nationalist conflict in Catalonia and how it is lived and experienced by actors within it. It focuses on the people mobilised against independence who see themselves primarily as defenders of the Spanish Constitution and not of Spanish nationalism. Critics of civic nationalism in political theory and Nationalism Studies argue that anti‐nationalist rhetoric tends to be the expression of structural or hegemonic nationalism. Drawing on fieldwork carried out in Barcelona, I look at how the conflict has influenced discourse and language used in everyday life, how participants negotiate their identity, why people do (and do not) get involved in organisations that defend their political ideas, how they see themselves within the conflict and their perceptions of public space and its significance in relation to the constitution. An ethnographic approach explores these issues and discovers that although anti‐independence actors base their mobilisation in nationalism, civic nationalism cannot be reduced to just another form of nationalism. I aim to go beyond critics of civic nationalism to explore how my interlocutors act within and against nationalism, reproducing nationalist discourse in some aspect (boundaries of the nation) in order to challenge it in others (content and relevance of nationalism in everyday life).
Textbooks are great artifacts in the hands of governments that help in fostering the sense of nationhood among students. The present study analyses aspects of nationhood as depicted in the Punjab’s secondary curriculum English textbooks of early Ayub Khan’s rule in Pakistan. Adopted as the main focal theme, the concept of nationhood is operationalized into three categories, including modernization,
Pakistan society and culture, and glorious history. The sample textbooks include English textbooks of Short Poem Collection and Secondary Stage English that were published by Punjab University Board during early 1960s. Based on content analysis of textbooks, data findings reveal that the notion of nationhood is taken up through progress-based modernization, promotion of indigenous culture and
society as well as military glorious history and not much on religious ideology as often claimed in scores of analytic writings about textbook contents of Pakistan.
The aim of this thesis is to analyse the in-between perceptions of identity in Cyprus and the relation to the arguments over natural gas and hydrocarbon reserves in the Eastern Mediterranean Sea. In this regard, this thesis looks at the impacts of the natural gas activities and arguments on escalating nationalism and on the Cyprus Problem.
The debates and perspectives on nationalism, identity, the dispute of sovereignty and ownership constitute the main factors for the Cyprus Problem and for the relations between Turkish Cypriot and Greek Cypriot communities on the basis of political power matters. Therefore, this study sheds light on the politics of identity and national narratives/imaginings within ‘Cypriot society’ which rises from the simultaneous existence of similarities and differences between two communities, and the ethnic and territorial discussions on the identification of national identity by focusing on the changing relations and characters of nationalisms in the island – that is the discourse of motherland nationalisms (ethnic nationalism) and of Cypriotism (civic nationalism). Moreover, what kind of impacts external and internal conditions and relations have had on identity formation, and on the perspectives and perceptions of both Cypriot communities, the sense of belongingness and ownership are studied. Considering all these arguments, this thesis focuses upon the reflections of politics of identity over the claims of natural resources since the intertwined relation of identity, nationalism, the Cyprus Problem and geopolitical relations has revealed itself in the arguments and perspectives about natural gas and hydrocarbon reserves in the Eastern Mediterranean Sea.
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