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Resilience, Female Altruism, and Bodily Autonomy: Disaster-Induced Displacement in Post-Haiyan Philippines
Abstract
Natural disasters are increasingly causing displacements globally, and such negative impacts of climate change are expected to increase exponentially. Women and girls in particular distinctly endure long-term or gradual harms while in displacement, such as heightened risks of sexual and gender-based violence, including exposure to sexually transmitted infections and HIV/AIDS, maternal mortality, and forced or unwanted pregnancies. This article examines the Philippines as a case study to unveil the growing gendered security threats embodied by disaster-induced displacements. In the aftermath of the disaster caused by supertyphoon Haiyan, which struck in November 2013, the mantra of developing a “disaster-resilient nation” has gained currency among national and international actors in the country. Building on critical feminist political economy analysis, this article argues that the Haiyan postdisaster relief and reconstruction efforts constitute gendered processes that intimately rely on and mobilize women’s unremunerated social reproductive labor, particularly through their role as primary caregivers. Data for this research is drawn from twenty-six interviews with key informants and from secondary sources such as official reports of governmental, nongovernmental, and international humanitarian organizations. The findings underscore the importance of deploying a feminist lens to critique the material and discursive power of “resilience” through which norms of female altruism are harnessed at household and community levels while postdisaster responsibilities are increasingly diverted away from the state. In so doing, resilience discourses may serve to reinforce the structural roots of gendered vulnerability, including political, cultural, and economic barriers to accessing sexual and reproductive health services and supplies-thereby undermining bodily autonomy.
... The focus on systemic change in this literature reflects a shift in understanding of socialecological resilience towards one that is inclusive of transformation, allowing for the ''recombination of evolved structures and processes, renewal of the system and emergence of new trajectories" (Folke, 2006, p. 259). These insights build on a substantial body of work from within feminist political ecology that has identified the effects of multiple social characteristics that overlap in the generation of differentiated and distinct vulnerabilities (Carr & Thompson, 2014;Sultana, 2010Sultana, , 2014, including in recovery and reconstruction processes (Tanyag, 2018), drawing attention to how ''complex subjects are formed, how they are perpetuated through various layers of inequality and oppression, and how they act in the context of exercised power" (Tschakert, 2012, p. 149). Attention to the persistence of inequalities and the underlying role of power and authority have renewed focus on transformations that go beyond material or technical change, located in the circumstances under which marginalized groups are able to be included in decision-making (Few, Morchain, Spear, Mensah, & Bendapudi, 2017;Jon, 2018;. ...
... The present study seeks to shed new light on long-term recovery and redevelopment processes and outcomes, once the international assistance has ended and the local governments must transition from recovery to development. As such, this paper contributes to a growing literature on the impacts of Typhoon Haiyan and the responses of different stakeholders, including those focused on the effects of gender norms on young Filipino women informal settlers (Espina & Canoy, 2019) and women widows and survivors (Lim Mangada, 2016;Mangada & Su, 2019;Su & Mangada, 2020;Tanyag, 2018;Valerio, 2014); and the politics of disaster response (Bankoff & Borrinaga, 2016;Blanco, 2015;Salazar, 2015). By focusing on differentiated resilience outcomes and framing the recovery and resettlement process as a deliberate transformation, our findings contribute into a wider literature concerned with whether and how such processes can address the effects of social, cultural and political conditions on vulnerability, thereby expanding on these earlier studies. ...
... There was particularly limited consultation with the resettled residents about their livelihood needs (Atienza et al., 2019). Simultaneously, pre-existing gender roles were manifest in the exclusion of women from planning processes (Mangada, 2016), the lack of recognition for womens' and girls' societal contributions in the recovery phases (Tanyag, 2018), and the neglect of widowed women after the disaster (Mangada & Su, 2019). It is against this background that our study is situated. ...
There are increasing calls for transformation to be considered as a means to address the effects of social, cultural and political conditions on vulnerability when resilience is applied in practice. Yet transformation does not necessarily lead to more equitable social conditions. Here, we draw on the analytical framework of political capabilities to reveal aspects of the underlying politics of transformation. Our focus is on the relocation of communities in Tacloban, Philippines following Typhoon Haiyan, as an example of a deliberate transformation enacted as part of an integrated development and disaster risk reduction plan. A household survey, focus group discussions and individual interviews are applied to rank households in terms of their perception of household resilience four years after the disaster. Analysis of the drivers and consequences of differentiation reveals an uneven distribution of resilience among residents, with many facing difficulties despite a focus on livelihoods embedded in the relocation plan. While some were able to leverage pre-existing human and social capital, others found that the shift from coastal livelihoods left them struggling to find a valued role. Relocation reinforced underlying subjectivities with new layers of meaning, reflecting experiences of success and failure in adjusting to a more commercial culture and cash economy. The plan sought improvement through commercial opportunities, reflecting the authority and worldview of dominant city and international stakeholders. While the deliberate transformation that followed sought to be just in the distribution of risk and opportunity, poorer residents lacked the political capability to influence the relocation narrative, which in turn overlooked histories of marginalization and the lived experience of the poor. The case highlights the significance of engaging political capabilities if transformations are to support those in vulnerable communities to make valued life choices.
... Attention and resources prioritise emergency response and mitigation, rather than investing in development and capacity-building programmes to address Ramalho -Engendering disaster risk management and resilience-building: the significance of the everyday in evaluations of the exceptional the pre-existing inequalities and exclusions that create conditions of vulnerability and limit the ability of some more than others to 'bounce back better'. Traditional epistemologies of disasters and associated masculinist preoccupations with economic rather than social recovery also inhibit efforts to engender DRRM, by neglecting the multiple affective and material embodiments of risk [3,[13][14][15] and the extensive (feminised) labours that contribute to local resilience [16][17][18][19][20][21]. ...
... practices of everyday life and of social reproduction, and the insights they offer us into gendered political economies [18][19][20][30][31][32][33][34][35][36] where the government requires external support and declares a state of emergency [38]. ...
... Lindio-McGovern [60] similarly notes 'that poor Filipino women, who generally are the ones to attend Ramalho -Engendering disaster risk management and resilience-building: the significance of the everyday in evaluations of the exceptional to the daily needs of the family, are the first to suffer the social psychological impact of the price escalation of food and of other basic daily needs'. The everyday political economy of maintaining social reproduction and related 'feminisation of responsibility and obligation' [4] extends to disaster and post-disaster contexts, in which the reproductive responsibilities associated with care and survival are intensified alongside pre-existing inequalities [20,[61][62][63], furthering the depletion and deterioration of women's bodies, health, and wellbeing more generally [36]. ...
This article argues for greater consideration of ‘the everyday’ within evaluations of ‘the exceptional’ and presents this as a practical means of engendering disaster risk reduction and management (DRRM) and resilience-building. Building on scholarship from feminist geography, gender and development and feminist political ecology, it charts a new way of theorising disaster risk and resilience from a gendered perspective through the analytic of the everyday, and substantiates this with findings from ethnographic research conducted between 2016 and 2017 in disaster-prone informal settlements in the Philippines. As this case reveals, a focus on the everyday helps to uncover the multiple subjective embodiments of risk and insecurity and the structural systems that underpin related inequalities and exclusions. Crucially, the lens of ‘the everyday’ also exposes the social reproductive labours and power hierarchies embedded in community-based DRRM and resilience-building programmes; insights which are vital to advancing more inclusive, sustainable and socially just approaches to disaster risk governance and climate change adaptation.
... Haiyan-affected communities were subsequently inundated by a motley collection of government assistance and humanitarian aid, as well as military contingents that responded to the disaster. The Haiyan response mobilised aid from fifty-seven countries, twenty-nine foreign military contingents, United Nations agencies, and local and international non-governmental organisations (NGOs) Tanyag 2018). Moreover, according to Oxfam (2013, 7), '[w]ithin the first three weeks of the response, $391 m in humanitarian assistance was given, with the largest contributions from the UK, the US, Japan, Australia, Canada, Sweden, the United Arab Emirates, the Netherlands and Saudi Arabia'. ...
... Feminist research has shown that disasters are gendered because they occur within geographies of unequal resource allocation between men and women, gender-differentiated institutional and political responses, and cultural and religious expectations that influence experiences in the immediate aftermath and long-term recovery phases (Enarson 1998;Bradshaw 2015;Tanyag 2018). In addition, how gender is incorporated and translated in the practice of disaster governance needs to be scrutinised because 'there is a danger of oversimplifying how gender shapes responses to disaster or is responsible for generating certain kinds of vulnerabilities or strengths' (Cupples 2007, 155). ...
... A feminisation of responsibility and obligation results when the distinct long-term harms, such as the multiple care burdens borne distinctly by women and girls, are obscured in disaster response (Tanyag 2018). Global and national development programs have been critiqued for reproducing assumptions regarding women's innate selflessness resulting from their biological and social roles as mothers (Brickell and Chant 2010). ...
Disasters, as forms of crisis, offer opportunities to place in sharper focus historical and ongoing inequalities in the production and reproduction of everyday life. The opportunity for transformative change, however, risks being lost when representations of disaster increasingly obscure and silence the full costs and complexity of post-disaster recovery. This article identifies the construction and subsequent proliferation of survival myths in the context of the Philippines after the 2013 Typhoon Haiyan disaster from a feminist perspective. Using data from in-depth interviews and surveys, we examine the experiences of middle and lower-class households in three heavily affected communities in Tacloban City to challenge three dominant survival myths: the local culture of mutual assistance (bayanihan), the endless resourcefulness of Filipinos in times of crisis, and the positive contributions of overseas migrant remittances. We argue that these myths have served as tools for reinforcing gendered inequalities during and after the disaster because they render invisible the feminisation of care burdens, and contribute to gender gaps in ensuring accountability for post-disaster governance. The evidence from this research underscores the importance of interrogating how similar survival myths are being globalised in disaster governance at the expense of forging substantive gender equality in post-disaster settings.
... The state of gender research has also grown across various disciplines and geographic locations with case studies from the Global North and the Global South where the consequences of climate change and disasters are most apparent and severe. Scholars have contributed to the development of rich and complex analysis of the relationship between gender and climate change ( Arora-Jonsson 2014 ; CEDAW 2018 ; Pearse 2017 ), and gender and disasters ( Bradshaw 2014 ;Enarson 1998 ;True 2013 ;Tanyag 2018 ). ...
... Consequently, climate-induced disasters lead to intensifi ed demands on care provisioning as health and welfare needs increase. In the process, women end up experiencing multiple burdens as they need to provide basic needs as well as attend to the care of others to the point of depleting their own health and wellbeing ( Tanyag 2018 ). Especially in remote areas, where access to state relief assistance may be even more constrained or delayed, women's unpaid care labour serves as the safety net that ensures survival in times of crisis ( Elson 2012 ). ...
... This is exemplifi ed by the incorporation of women's unpaid care labour and the multiple burdens women will increasingly face as climate change unfolds in the future if unequal gender divisions of labour remain unchanged. There is a need to avoid divesting more and more responsibility on women and communities without the matching economic support from the state and global community ( Tanyag 2018 ). Rethinking the very structure of climate governance can begin strategically such that there is gender balance in all major decision-making bodies especially around the allocation of climate fi nancing, the development of climate solutions and who gets to benefi t from climate adaptation projects (for example, Green Climate Fund, n.d.). ...
... Applying an intimate geopolitics lens I read global processes of violence and borders as inextricably linked to the daily intricacies of social, political, and emotional life (Pain & Staeheli, 2014;Smith, 2012;Sundberg, 2017). Drawing upon literature focused on geographies of bodily autonomy (Hall & Wilton, 2017;Loyd et al., 2023;Tanyag, 2018), I rescale linear narratives of the vertical border that commonly expose the able, fast-moving body whose destination is steadfastly the U. S. (Vogt, 2018). First, I introduce Walters et al.'s (2022) geographical concept of viapolitics, which centers on the vehicle and its journey as critical sites of knowledge and struggles in migratory processes. ...
... By analyzing how the halting of the transpacific freight train la Bestia's southern routes in 2020 (Gasparello & Nunez Rodriguez, 2021), along with restrictive policies, have shifted migratory routes and people's (dis)ability to move in Mexico, this section offers an intersectional lens to migratory experiences and vias. I elucidate how material inequalities and exclusions are exacerbated through broader geopolitical projects (Danze, 2023;Loyd et al., 2023;Tanyag, 2018) and illustrate how these changes reveal new temporalities of gender violence and discrimination that follow women across borders. I specifically consider who can access fast-moving vehicles, who cannot, and how, when, and why these exclusions are experienced and felt differently. ...
Focusing on life history narratives produced with Central American women on the move in southern Mexico and engaging an intimate geopolitics lens, this article presents differential gendered, classed, and embodied experiences embedded in the vias (routes) Pa'l Norte. The expression Pa'l Norte, commonly used by those traversing migratory routes in Mexico, is not limited to ‘towards the north’ in a literal or geographical sense. Based on ethnographic and participatory research, the article illustrates how Pa'l Norte is both a tangible and imagined destination that encompasses diverse relational intimacies, including safety, hope, love, fear, and trauma. Assuming a geopolitically produced gender exclusion in crossing borders, it explores how changes in infrastructure and migration policies since 2020, including the halt of la Bestia, a transpacific cargo train frequently used by migrants, along with transnational migration governance aimed at preventing northbound movement, have influenced people's (dis) ability to move in southern Mexico, perpetuating historical exclusions and violence, including the erosion of women's bodily autonomy. By gendering the concept of viapolitics and providing an intimate reading of it, the article unpacks how women's intimate experiences of moving slowly and paying with their bodies, and sometimes their lives, in southern Mexico today relate to other women's experiences in different places and times.
... Several studies noted that storms increased community and/or household stress or exacerbated existing tensions, and this contributed to increased violence both generally (Bermudez et al., 2019;Nguyen, 2019), and specifically related to stressors of food insecurity (Bermudez et al., 2019;Luetke et al., 2020), poverty or financial insecurity (Bermudez et al., 2019;Luetke et al., 2020;Tanyag, 2018;True, 2013), and disruption of law and social order (Nguyen, 2019). GBV and poverty are interlinked, heightening women's vulnerability to GBV before, during, and after disasters (Rezwana & Pain, 2021). ...
... GBV and poverty are interlinked, heightening women's vulnerability to GBV before, during, and after disasters (Rezwana & Pain, 2021). Increased violence among displaced persons was attributed to lack of privacy and security in displacement camps Alburo-Cañete, 2014;Tanyag, 2018). Finally, storms, GBV, physical health, and mental health concerns were interconnected. ...
There is growing attention to the ways in which climate change may affect sexual health, yet key knowledge gaps remain across global contexts and climate issues. In response, we conducted a scoping review to examine the literature on associations between climate change and sexual health. We searched five databases (May 2021, September 2022). We reviewed 3,183 non-duplicate records for inclusion; n = 83 articles met inclusion criteria. Of these articles, n = 30 focused on HIV and other STIs, n = 52 focused on sexual and gender-based violence (GBV), and n = 1 focused on comprehensive sexuality education. Thematic analysis revealed that hurricanes, drought, temperature variation, flooding, and storms may influence HIV outcomes among people with HIV by constraining access to antiretroviral treatment and worsening mental health. Climate change was associated with HIV/STI testing barriers and worsened economic conditions that elevated HIV exposure (e.g. transactional sex). Findings varied regarding associations between GBV with storms and drought, yet most studies examining flooding, extreme temperatures, and bushfires reported positive associations with GBV. Future climate change research can examine understudied sexual health domains and a range of climate-related issues (e.g. heat waves, deforestation) for their relevance to sexual health. Climate-resilient sexual health approaches can integrate extreme weather events into programming.
... Furthermore, in failing to consider hierarchies of power and inequality as they affect different groups and individuals likely to be implicated in these processes (MacKinnon and Derickson, 2012;Matin et al., 2018;Ziervogel et al., 2017), the costs and contributions of those who bear the burdens for 'building back better' are rendered invisible; labours that I among others have argued are gendered and notably feminised (Bradshaw, 2013;Enarson, 2006;Ramalho, 2019a;Tanyag, 2018). These labours of social reproduction extend far beyond the spaces and activities of emergency preparedness and disaster response normatively associated with community-based resilience. ...
... In all bar one of the associations that participated in this research, these 11-12 officers were almost entirely women. Although officers 'volunteer' to offer their time and energy, it is important to recognise the ways in which these labours of hope rely on and reproduce socially ascribed gender norms and feminised practices care (Ramalho, 2019a; see also Tanyag, 2018). ...
This article traces the labours of hope embedded in the everyday social reproductive practices of urban poor homeowner association members in Metro Cebu, the Philippines. It explores how aspirations for housing and land tenure security and the (failed) promises of opportunity bound in the urban materialise in the narratives and activities of women and men living in informal settlements. I argue that the sociality of hope, which propels and sustains homeowner associations, produces gendered labours of resilience amidst everyday circumstances of poverty, uncertainty, risk and displacement. As I reveal, these care-based practices constitute expressions of hope that are driven by moral codes associated with the family, industriousness and service to others. These findings reinforce the utility of hope as an analytical lens in geographical studies; one which broadens conceptualisations of labour beyond economic production to include, in this case, the emotional embodiments and reproductive activities that underpin people’s everyday resilience.
... Consistent with research conducted at other climate-related resettlements in the Philippines, our research also makes apparent the inequalities of resettlement. Tanyag (2018) and Mangada (2016) find such inequalities to be gendered with women taking on an unfair share of the burden of rebuilding homes, securing relief assistance and seeking out economic opportunities on top of their care responsibilities. This accentuates and exacerbates the pre-existing vulnerabilities of women in the Philippines (Mangada, 2016). ...
... Our research identifies that adaptation interventions exacerbate and accentuate other pre-existing vulnerabilities such as power, political connections and socio-economic standing. Just like the studies of Mangada (2016) and Tanyag (2018), the vulnerabilities demonstrated at Iloilo are an expression of preexisting structural inequalities in the Philippines. And, it illustrates that the costs of climate-change interventions are being externalised to those affected by climate change rather than being absorbed by the government (Su and Mangada, 2016). ...
Drawing on the adaptation, justice, and resettlement literatures, this study explores the prospects for procedural (who is involved, how they are selected) and distributive justice (how the outcomes are experienced by different groups) in a resettlement project in the coastal city of Iloilo in the Philippines. This project, which sought to reduce flood risks, required the resettlement of 3500 families. The city was lauded locally and internationally and the government intends to replicate it across the country. This study uses a mixed method approach, including 200 household surveys and interviews with government officials, NGO staff, and community members. It finds that while some households experience notable improvements in their housing quality, incomes and climate resilience, the resettlement process exacerbated intra-community inequality and exclusion. It also finds that the distribution of these benefits was a function of political power and pre-existing wealth discrepancies rather than of need. To avoid these mistakes in the future, governments and resettlement planners must take account of how inequality and asymmetries in power shape resettlement outcomes. To do this, questions of procedural, distributive and contextual justice must be brought to the fore.
... Moreover, this literature relies heavily on single natural disaster events, such as Hurricane Katrina in the USA (2006) [15][16][17][18] and Typhoon Haiyan in the Philippines (2013). [19][20][21] While such studies have helped elucidate the negative effects of such events on IPV, they fail to capture the effects of an increased frequency of severe events, which is widely predicted for the 21st century. 1 Despite extensive international research on IPV risk factors, 22 to our knowledge, only one peer-reviewed study has quantitatively assessed exposure to climate-related events and IPV in the Pacific region. This study from Australia 23 compared rates of IPV against women across communities that had been affected by the 2009 bushfires in Victoria at low, medium and high levels, and associations between violence and other negative postdisaster experiences for a subgroup of individuals reporting the highest rates of violence. ...
Background
There is growing evidence that climate-related disasters increase rates of intimate partner violence (IPV) against women. However, there are only limited understandings of the size and nature of such associations needed to inform appropriate programming. Gaps in evidence are particularly pronounced in the Pacific—one of the regions most at risk of increased disasters from climate change.
Methods
We analysed data from 450 men and 707 women collected as part of cross-sectional study of IPV experience, risk and protective factors in rural Samoan villages. Data were analysed using multivariable logistic regression models to assess associations between (1) men’s and women’s exposure to climate-related disasters and their mental health and (2) women’s exposure to climate-related disasters and their risk of IPV in the previous 12 months.
Findings
Reported symptoms of depression and anxiety were associated with having experienced a disaster. Those who reported experiencing a disaster 2–3 times had 61% greater odds of reporting depression (OR 1.61; 95% CI 1.00 to 2.58) and 88% greater odds of reporting anxiety (OR 1.88; 95% CI 1.01 to 3.49), in comparison to those who reported never experiencing a disaster. Women who reported experiencing 2–3 disasters had more than twice the odds of experiencing recent IPV (adjusted OR, aOR 2.37, 95% CI 1.77 to 3.19), while those who reported experiencing 4+ disasters had over 8 times the odds (aOR 8.12; 95% CI 2.02 to 32.61).
Interpretation
This is one of the first studies in the Pacific region to provide quantitative evidence of associations between exposure to climate-related events and women’s experiences of IPV. We identify a clear dose–response relationship between higher exposure to climate-related events and an increased risk of IPV for women. This points to the role of cumulative stress from experiencing repeat disasters in driving higher rates of IPV in climate-affected regions.
... A further limitation concerns the predominantly female sample, reflecting the gendered division of the labour force at selected school sites and the disproportionate negative impacts of disasters on women (see Neumayer and Plümper, 2007;Tanyag, 2018bTanyag, , 2018a. However, future studies may benefit from recruiting a gender-representative sample. ...
... These factors lead to a lack of comprehensiveness in the RH services, and suggest that even those young people who seek out RH services may encounter challenges such as long wait times, lack of confidentiality, and insufficient information about service availability. In addition to the stigma surrounding premarital sex, these cultural beliefs and practices may discourage individuals from seeking family planning services or using contraceptives 45) . ...
Objective: To review the implementation of essential reproductive health services in Eastern Visayas, Philippines. Materials and Methods: We reviewed four national policies through a qualitative research design using a series of key informant interviews conducted with service providers and focus group discussions with service beneficiaries. Results: There was a gap between the policies and the implementation of reproductive health services in the Eastern Visayas region. This gap is mainly due to the refusal of service providers to cater to teenagers' needs regarding reproductive health services. This has resulted in teenagers hesitating to seek reproductive health services and related support from primary healthcare facilities. Service beneficiaries have also reported on the unavailability of several reproductive health services in primary healthcare facilities. Conclusion: The gap between national policies and program implementation must be bridged. This can be achieved by creating culturally-specific policies that can improve the implementation of reproductive health programs in the study areas.
... These factors lead to a lack of comprehensiveness in the RH services, and suggest that even those young people who seek out RH services may encounter challenges such as long wait times, lack of confidentiality, and insufficient information about service availability. In addition to the stigma surrounding premarital sex, these cultural beliefs and practices may discourage individuals from seeking family planning services or using contraceptives 45) . ...
Objective: To review the implementation of essential reproductive health services in Eastern Visayas, Philippines.
Materials and Methods: We reviewed four national policies through a qualitative research design using a series of key informant interviews conducted with service providers and focus group discussions with service beneficiaries.
Results: There was a gap between the policies and the implementation of reproductive health services in the Eastern Visayas region. This gap is mainly due to the refusal of service providers to cater to teenagers' needs regarding reproductive health services. This has resulted in teenagers hesitating to seek reproductive health services and related support from primary healthcare facilities. Service beneficiaries have also reported on the unavailability of several reproductive health services in primary healthcare facilities.
Conclusion: The gap between national policies and program implementation must be bridged. This can be achieved by creating culturally-specific policies that can improve the implementation of reproductive health programs in the study areas.
... 12 Resilience and its potential to influence workers' stress levels have yet to be explored in contact centre settings. In the Philippines, resilience had been examined in the context of disasters 13,14 but not in the perspective of promoting health in the workplace. While the value of resilience training in the workplace had become increasingly evident, 15 there is a gap in our understanding of how individual resilience interacts with work-related stress in Philippine contact centres. ...
Issue addressed:
Philippine contact centres are rife with factors that contribute to work-related stress; health promotion strategies are needed to mitigate the impacts. With a transactional framework with the environment, this study examined the relationship of stress with resilience and the presence of urban green spaces (UGS) in the environment, whilst accounting for individual characteristics (i.e., age, household income, exercise frequency).
Methods:
Participants include employees (Stage 1 N = 186; Stage 2 N = 89) from six contact centres in the capital region of the Philippines. A two-stage online survey included standardised instruments to measure stress (10-item Perceived Stress Scale) and resilience (Connor-Davidson Resilience Scale), customised questions to gather demographic information and probe on participants' insights. Google Earth Pro was used for satellite mapping of UGS, followed by on-site ocular inspection.
Results:
Participants' average stress level was categorised as high; primary stressors included client demands and workload. The objectively measured percentages of UGS in the study sites' vicinity were categorised as low. Participants found UGS visible after careful observation, and majority were aware of UGS in their workplace vicinity. Resilience, household income, and awareness of UGS in the vicinity significantly predicted stress levels.
Conclusion:
Contact centre workers experienced high stress levels and their workplaces had little accessible UGS. Resilience, household income, and awareness of UGS are significant contributors to stress levels.
So what:
Health promotion in Philippine contact centres could consider strategies that include building resilience, enhancing income security, and promoting the awareness of UGS within the workplace vicinity.
... IDMC (2021b) data presented in Table 1 show that climate-induced disasters are displacing millions of people every year, but surprisingly none of the reviewed publications appeared under the subject category of disaster management in the database. This reflects the emergent nature of the academic discourse on climate migration and disaster management, which includes recent studies by Ye et al. (2012), Tanyag (2018), and Hamza et al. (2017). In addition, politics and policy SN Soc Sci (2022) 2: 47 47 Page 16 of 22 ...
Climatic disasters are displacing millions of people every year across the world. Growing academic attention in recent decades has addressed different dimensions of the nexus between climatic events and human migration. Based on a systematic review approach, this study investigates how climate-induced migration studies are framed in the published literature and identifies key gaps in existing studies. 161 journal articles were systematically selected and reviewed (published between 1990 and 2019). Result shows diverse academic discourses on policies, climate vulnerabilities, adaptation, resilience, conflict, security, and environmental issues across a range of disciplines. It identifies Asia as the most studied area followed by Oceania, illustrating that the greatest focus of research to date has been tropical and subtropical climatic regions. Moreover, this study identifies the impact of climate-induced migration on livelihoods, socio-economic conditions, culture, security, and health of climate-induced migrants. Specifically, this review demonstrates that very little is known about the livelihood outcomes of climate migrants in their international destination and their impacts on host communities. The study offers a research agenda to guide academic endeavors toward addressing current gaps in knowledge, including a pressing need for global and national policies to address climate migration as a significant global challenge.
... The extant literature reveals that typhoon Haiyan and its impacts in Tacloban City are well-studied (e.g., [4,5,11,12,14,[19][20][21][22]28,29,34,35,37,41,[43][44][45][46]49,52]). There are also studies published about the impacts of the pandemic on frontline healthcare workers [18], higher education institutions [10,31], students' psychological health [47], and Indigenous Peoples [15] in the Philippines which exposed Dialogues in Health 1 (2022) 100005 the local and national government's dismal investments in public health. ...
More than 15 thousand households have been relocated in Tacloban North, Philippines, after typhoon Haiyan devastated the city in November 2013. While still recovering from the longer-term impacts of the typhoon, these households are currently enduring the impacts of the Covid-19 pandemic. This paper reports the contemporary realities and challenges Haiyan survivors face at the resettlement sites based on the inputs of 19 key informants we interviewed from September to November 2020. Our data reveal that the current pandemic exacerbated survivors' access to essential social services such as water, education/learning, and health care. The inadequate shelter space also forces survivors to apply non-engineered house repairs or stay out of the house despite quarantine, lockdown, and physical distancing protocols. The pandemic has also increased survivors' livelihood insecurity resulting in a surging incidence of hunger, petty crimes, and neighborhood conflicts. This paper brings to the fore typhoon survivors' contemporary, precarious, and challenging conditions in resettlement sites. Almost ten years since Haiyan, this paper explores the extended pathways of Haiyan survivors' strained and uneven recovery hampered by the contemporary public health crisis that is the Covid-19 pandemic.
... An important aspect of this is the unequal burden of the social reproductive labor which is central for the proliferation and the survival of household members. While social reproduction has not yet been fully considered in the climate-conflict nexus (for an exception, see Tanyag, 2018), there is recent research in the separate fields of climate change and conflict which can be built upon when considering gender in the climate-conflict nexus. ...
The literature on the security implications of climate change, and in particular on potential climate-conflict linkages, is burgeoning. Up until now, gender considerations have only played a marginal role in this research area. This is despite growing awareness of intersections between protecting women's rights, building peace and security, and addressing environmental changes. This article advances the claim that adopting a gender perspective is integral for understanding the conflict implications of climate change. We substantiate this claim via three main points. First, gender is an essential, yet insufficiently considered intervening variable between climate change and conflict. Gender roles and identities as well as gendered power structures are important in facilitating or preventing climate-related conflicts. Second, climate change does affect armed conflicts and social unrest, but a gender perspective alters and expands the notion of what conflict can look like, and whose security is at stake. Such a perspective supports research inquiries that are grounded in everyday risks and that document alternative experiences of insecurity. Third, gender-differentiated vulnerabilities to both climate change and conflict stem from inequities within local power structures and socio-cultural norms and practices, including those related to social reproductive labor. Recognition of these power dynamics is key to understanding and promoting resilience to conflict and climate change. The overall lessons drawn for these three arguments is that gender concerns need to move center stage in future research and policy on climate change and conflicts.
... Regarding disaster mitigation differences amongst gender, women tend to be more prepared than men, which could be since women tend to perceive disaster or threats much more seriously than men (Cutter et al., 1992;Fothergill, 1996;Witvorapong et al., 2015). Also, certain studies explain that disaster impacts affect women more than men (Hamidazada et al., 2019;Nguyen, 2018;Tanyag, 2018;Teo et al., 2018). Consequences range from lower opportunities to learn about disaster mitigation measures to women exploitation post-disaster (Fujii & Kanbara, 2019;Hamidazada et al., 2019). ...
Community participation has grown in prominence in mitigating disasters globally. It involves the active involvement in search and rescue to reconstruction that people affected by disasters undertake unsolicited. Predictive power in disaster recovery has further increased its relevance. However, quantitative analysis that community participation has on disaster mitigation measures is scant.
The study analyses community participation’s impact on disaster mitigation measures following the Kochi flood of 2018 and 2019 in India. We use a Multivariate Probit Regression model with a sample size of 750 to analyse the relationship between disaster mitigation measures (namely, disaster event planning, previous experience, following disaster-related news closely, and neighbourhood relationship) and community participation. Results show participants who were active in community events were 23% more likely to adopt all the disaster mitigation measures than those who did not. In addition, households with special-needs members were more likely to be prepared for an unanticipated event. Results also showed higher education levels directly correlated to implementing more significant disaster mitigation measures. Implications for government policy formation include schemes to enhance community rehabilitation and promote social participation to mitigate future disaster events.
... Regarding disaster mitigation differences amongst gender, women tend to be more prepared than men, which could be since women tend to perceive disaster or threats much more seriously than men (Cutter et al. 1992;Fothergill 1996;Witvorapong et al. 2015). Also, certain studies explain that disaster impacts affect women more than men (Hamidazada et al. 2019;Nguyen 2018;Tanyag 2018;Teo et al. 2018). Consequences range from lower opportunities to learn about disaster mitigation measures to women exploitation post-disaster (Fujii & Kanbara 2019;Hamidazada et al. 2019). ...
Community participation has grown in prominence in mitigating disasters globally. It involves the active involvement in search and rescue to reconstruction that people affected by disasters undertake unsolicited. Predictive power in disaster recovery has further increased its relevance. However, quantitative analysis that community participation has on disaster mitigation measures is scant. The study analyses community participation’s impact on disaster mitigation measures following the Kochi flood of 2018 and 2019 in India. We use a Multivariate Probit Regression model with a sample size of 750 to analyse the relationship between disaster mitigation measures (namely, disaster event planning, previous experience, following disaster-related news closely, and neighbourhood relationship) and community participation. The results show participants who were active in community events were 23% more likely to adopt all the disaster mitigation measures than those who did not. In addition, households with special needs members were more likely to be prepared for an unanticipated event. The results also showed higher education levels directly correlated to implementing more significant disaster mitigation measures. Implications for government policy formation include schemes to enhance community rehabilitation and promote social participation to mitigate future disaster events.
... Education was also added to the framework after member-checking with participants. This is in line with current understandings of how the labor of women, particularly in regards to labor associated with reproductive contributions, has been established to be "undervalued, uncounted, and unpaid" (Tanyag, 2018) in the recovery of disaster and displacement. ...
Background: High rates of unintended and unplanned pregnancies in the United States result in challenges to quality of life, negative maternal and neonatal outcomes, and increased federal spending. While several socioeconomic and environmental factors have been associated with increased risks of unintended pregnancy, limited research has been conducted to evaluate the relationship between life stressors and reproductive outcomes such as unintended and unplanned pregnancies. Additionally, fertility intentions and reproductive decision-making are understudied in relation to stressors experienced by vulnerable populations in the United States. Specifically, the stressors associated with uprooting and flight experienced by Syrian refugees who have resettled in the United States, and the impact of these stressors on reproductive decision-making, has yet to be studied. Purpose: The purpose of this dissertation is to deepen the scientific understanding of the dynamic process of pregnancy intention and planning in women experiencing major life stressors, both in the United States and in the context of forced migration. Paper One: A secondary analysis of longitudinal data from 1,730 women following their first birth was conducted. A total of 1,552 pregnancies were experienced in the 36-month follow-up period. An Andersen-Gill survival analysis was used to assess how changes in stress over time relate to risk of pregnancies that are unintended, unplanned, or both unintended and unplanned. Minor (HR 1.66 and HR 1.68) and major (HR 2.34 and HR 1.90) decreases in stress, as well as minor increases (HR 1.60 and HR 1.40) in stress, were associated with an increased risk of unintended and unplanned pregnancies respectively. Increases in risk were not seen in major increases in stress over time. Major increases in stress may be associated with improved vigilance in contraceptive use, or stress-related decreases in intercourse. Clinical and policy interventions to reduce unintended pregnancy should take into consideration the impact that changes in stress may have on reproductive outcomes. Paper Two: A mixed-methods evaluation of reproductive decision-making with 36 women from Syria who resettled in southeast Michigan was conducted. Women completed a quantitative survey for every pregnancy experienced since the start of the Syrian Civil War, followed by a qualitative interview structured around a timeline. Participants described factors influencing fertility intentions over time including the facilitators and barriers to accessing reproductive healthcare and contraception. Findings will be used to improve reproductive healthcare access and uptake for women that are refugees in the United States and globally. Paper Three: Interviews with women from Syria were utilized to reconstruct a gender-informed migrant theory using extended case methodology. These interviews enabled deeper theorization of the work of women and the temporality of the refugee. This theory will be used to guide future research, policy, and clinical interventions for women who are refugees, specifically with the goal of improving reproductive healthcare access and uptake. Future Directions: The results of this dissertation aim to improve understanding of the relationship between life stressors and pregnancy intention and planning, and to identify barriers to providing quality reproductive healthcare to vulnerable populations. Results will be used to inform future work to develop policy and healthcare interventions aimed at assisting women in seeking congruence between their reproductive intentions and outcomes both in the United States and globally.
... Coming from a frequently devastated country by climate-induced hazards, there has been a consistent interest in Filipino women and understanding the conditions they experience in critical issues, such as attaining sexual and reproductive health (SRH) vital to their holistic well-being. While studies have been made about the impacts of Typhoon Yolanda and the responses of different stakeholders, including those focused on the effects of gender norms on young Filipino women informal settlers (Espina and Canoy forthcoming), widows and survivors (Lim Mangada 2016;Mangada and Su 2019;Mangada 2018, 2020;Tanyag 2018;Valerio 2014), Indigenous peoples (Cuaton and Su 2020), handicraft weaving and enterprising communities (Cuaton 2019a;2019b), and the politics of disaster response (Blanco 2015;Ensor et al. forthcoming;Salazar 2015;Tuhkanen et al. 2018;Yee 2018), little is known on how Typhoon Yolanda affected fertility rates in Tacloban City as well as the sexual activities of couples and women's access to reproductive healthcare products and services post-disaster. We seek to address this research gap by empirically exploring fertility in Tacloban City after Typhoon Yolanda and by documenting and critically analyzing the sexual experiences of couples, along with the post-disaster RH dynamics of women in select permanent resettlement sites in Tacloban North, to understand the disaster as a social phenomenon. ...
This exploratory research aims to contribute to the growing body of critical
literature investigating the 2013 Typhoon Yolanda disaster as a social
phenomenon. Anchored on a convergent mixed methods research design, we
gathered official government statistical data and primary data obtained through
qualitative interviews with 20 couple-informants in two permanent resettlement
sites in Tacloban North from 2016–2018. We also collected inputs from other
stakeholders, such as local government workers, public physicians, and community
and humanitarian workers, to explore the impacts of Yolanda on couples’ sexual
experiences and women’s reproductive health (RH). The first section examined
fertility rates in Tacloban City using demographic data, i.e., vital registry data
and official population census data from the Philippine Statistics Authority (PSA)
for 1990–2019. Results indicate no evidence of a “fertility spike” or peculiar and
irregular fertility increase a few years after Typhoon Yolanda. The second and
third sections respectively analyzed the sexual experiences of couples and women’s
experiences related to reproductive healthcare products and services during and
after the typhoon in Tacloban North. We argue that understanding and addressing
the sources of challenges related to sexual and reproductive health (SRH)—along
with the other social, physical, psychological, and economic aspirations and
needs of resettled residents in Tacloban North—is the first step to improve their
overall standard of living. We encourage other social science researchers in and
beyond Eastern Visayas to expound on the narratives and analyses offered in this
exploratory paper to better document and interrogate the specific dynamics among
and beyond the identified themes of couples’ sexual experiences and women’s RH
in the communities affected by Typhoon Yolanda.
KEYWORDS: Yolanda, disaster, Tacloban, sexual and reproductive health, women, couples
... Tanyag, 2019). Feminist research has demonstrated that disasters are gendered because of the unequal resource allocation between men and women and how the gender-differentiated institutional and political responses influence experiences in emergency and long-term recovery phases of disasters (Enarson, 1998;Bradshaw, 2015;Tanyag, 2018;Su & Tanyag, 2019). In the case of the widows' experiences with burial assistance after Haiyan, it shows another situation where the burden of care, or in this case, the burden of proof, falls disproportionately on women. ...
When Typhoon Haiyan struck the Philippines on November 8th, 2013, it took the lives of over 6300 people. Many of those who died were men who did not evacuate to protect their homes. As a result, widowhood was a significant and devastating consequence of Haiyan, but widows were also one of the most underserved vulnerable populations in the aftermath. Drawing on interviews with 15 widows who lost their husbands during Haiyan, this case report argues that the burial assistance program did not prioritize the dignity of those who have died and the widows who must claim the assistance. Our fieldwork uncovered three main issues with the burial assistance program: 1) mass graves resulted in the burial of many unidentified bodies, 2) bureaucratic challenges complicated the process, and 3) widows felt like they were “selling the dead” when claiming the funds. Overall, many of the widows felt the program did not consider their vulnerability and severe needs. In the end, despite this being the only form of humanitarian assistance targeted at widows, the majority of the widows we interviewed were unable to access it. We argue that these issues stem from the absence of a survivor-centered approach to decision-making and program design. We recommend the creation of a streamlined one-stop shop for burial assistance applications and claims at the local barangay level. In addition, we argue that more dignified options are needed to assist widows in post-disaster recovery so they do not feel like they are “selling the dead” in the case of Haiyan’s burial assistance program.
... A look back into the 2004 Indian Ocean Tsunami: concerns were raised on issues of sexual and gender-based violence; discrimination in access to assistance on ethnic, caste and religious grounds; recruitment of children into fighting forces; lack of safety in areas of displacement and return areas; and inequities in dealing with property and compensation (Cohen, 2009). The 2013 Cyclone Phailin relief and reconstruction efforts in Odisha, India, highlight the mobilization of women's unremunerated social reproductive labor, particularly through their role as primary caregivers (Tanyag, 2018). ...
India in the recent years has faced an array of severe disasters which have left their footprints on lives, livelihood and the wellbeing of the ecosystem services. In the aftermath of a disaster, millions of people are on the move to urban areas to improve their lives and livelihood or better their direct living environment. While disaster recovery planning considers building back better in principle in the disaster affected area, it fails to acknowledge increasing stress on the ecosystem services at a distant location not directly impacted by a disaster. This chapter studies the disaster-induced rural to urban mobility and its impact on the urban ecology in the last few decades in India. Based on the findings, the chapter lists out various stressors that impact urban ecosystem service in the long term.
... Similarly, when ecological, life-giving systems are envisioned to be resilient to external shocks, the activities mentioned above, and the people who perform them, are not normally counted. When households and communities are expected to bounce back from calamities or civil strife, putting lives back together means relying on women's unremunerated care work (Elson 2012;Drolet et al. 2015;Krause 2018;Tanyag 2018). That the concept of resilience has migrated from psychology to governance discourse risks accepting social catastrophes as a natural feature of social life, or worse, as a technique of government (McFalls and Pandolfi 2017, 228). ...
Resilience is a concept in world politics that emerged as a way to respond to the impossibility of guaranteeing security in an era of complexity. Without a central authority to provide security, risk is devolved to the individual. Those who cannot secure themselves are enjoined to constantly adapt to the unknown. Where control over complex systems is now thought to be impossible, the path to managing risks is through self-control. This paper demonstrates how such a subject is produced, and indeed whose production, I argue, is crucial to the functioning of a global labor market that is governed “without government.” Migrant domestic workers acutely instantiate the kind of human subjectivity called forth by neoliberalism—a “resilient subject.” The paper describes how this ideal worker is produced through resilience training in various stages of the migration trajectory—during recruitment, training prior to deployment, and while on their overseas residency. This paper demonstrates how managing the insecurities of migrant domestic work means working on the “self” rather than addressing gaps in legal or regulatory mechanisms. In resilience training, the worker becomes the necessary component of neoliberalism as a governmental rationality, one that is enjoined to transform risk into opportunity.
... The four stylised discourses distinguished in this study (Table 1) -themselves simplifications -serve to illustrate how representations of women and men are a product of social factors and power relations, and how these can have intended and inadvertent consequences for empowerment. In livelihood security discourses, for example, it is common to praise women's heroic efforts to hold households together in times of adversity, as also observed after a cyclone disaster in the Philippines (Tanyag, 2018). This argument is then used to lessen the responsibilities of the state. ...
'Gender in development' discourses are used to justify interventions into, or opposition to, projects
and policies; they may also influence perceptions, practices, or key decisions. Four discursive threads are globally
prominent: livelihoods and poverty; natural resources and the environment; rights-based; and managerial. Civil
society organisations (CSOs) have been vocal in raising awareness about the adverse impacts of large-scale
hydropower developments on the environment, on local livelihoods, and on vulnerable groups including women.
This discourse analysis first examines how CSOs engaging in hydropower processes in the Mekong Region frame
and use gender in development discourses, and then evaluates the potential of these discourses to empower both
women and men. Documents authored by CSOs are examined in detail for how gender is represented, as are
media reports on CSO activities, interview transcripts, and images. The findings underline how CSOs depend on
discursive legitimacy for influence. Their discursive strategies depend on three factors: the organizations’ goals
with respect to development, gender, and the environment; whether the situation is pre- or post-construction;
and, on their relationships with the state, project developers and dam-affected communities. The implications of
these strategies for empowerment are often not straightforward; inadvertent and indirect effects, positive and
negative, are common. The findings of this study are of practical value to CSOs wishing to be more reflexive in
their work and more responsive to how it is talked about, as it shows the ways that language and images may
enhance or inadvertently work against efforts to empower women.
... This is especially critical in contexts where there are vulnerable populations, as is often the case in research on gender and politics. Studying these populations usually involves studying intersecting inequalities, such as minority status, poverty or environmental degradation, as well as the effects of conflict or postconflict settings (Pruitt et al, 2018;Tanyag, 2018). It may be an additional burden to some research subjects to be interviewed and, in some instances, collecting data may do further harm without providing services to these participants, who may have experienced significant violence and discrimination. ...
Studying politics and gender without feminism is akin to institutionalising democracy without women. We argue that it is not possible to understand the gender dynamics of politics without feminism. We show the benefits of doing ‘Politics and Gender’ with feminist analysis and of analysing gender and doing feminism grounded in the study of politics. The article is organised around a series of critical questions that researchers investigating the relationship between politics and gender should ask to improve both the rigour and the transformative impact of their research. Our answers illustrate the essential role of feminism to gendered inquiry.
Küresel iklim değişikliği bağlamında kadınlara ve kız çocuklarına yönelik toplumsal cinsiyet eşitsizliği dönemin acilen çözülmesi gereken en ciddi küresel sorunlarından biri olup sürdürülebilir kalkınmanın önünde büyük bir engel oluşturmaktadır. Kadınlara ve kız çocuklarına yönelik şiddet, yaşamları boyunca tahminen her 3 kadından 1’ini etkileyen, dünya genelinde en yaygın ve en sık görülen insan hakları ihlalidir. Küresel iklim değişikliği aynı zamanda, kadınlara ve kız çocuklarına yönelik farklı cinsel istismar, sömürü, tecavüz, insan kaçakçılığı vakalarının ciddi şekilde artmasına yol açan etmenlerden biridir. Küresel iklim değişikliği; toplum, kültür, ekonomi, sağlık ve insan hakları alanlarındaki yıkıcı etkileriyle gezegenimizin sürdürülebilirliğini tehdit etmeye, en çok savunmasız ve kırılgan gruplar başta olmak üzere, kadınları ve kız çocuklarını orantısız bir şekilde etkilemeye devam etmektedir. Bu derleme kapsamında; küresel iklim değişikliğinin neden olduğu afet ve doğa olaylarında birçok kadın ve kız çocuğunun sessiz bir şekilde mücadele içerisinde olduğu belirlenmiştir. Bu alanda yapılan çalışmaların sayısının sınırlı olduğu ve dolayısıyla kadın ve kız çocuklarının yaşadığı olumsuz durumlar ile ilgili kanıtların artırılması gerektiği düşünülmektedir. Bu nedenle kadın sağlığı hemşirelerinin bu alanda farkındalığı ve kanıtları artırmak için gerekli çalışmalarda öncü olması önemlidir
Despite the potentially catastrophic nature of disasters, survivors can be highly resilient. Resilience, the capacity to successfully adapt to adversity, is both individual and collective. Policymakers and academics have recently emphasised the importance of community resilience, but with little consideration of local survivors’ perspectives, particularly young survivors within low- and middle-income countries. Therefore, this exploratory study aims to give voice to disaster-affected caregivers, teachers and female adolescent students by examining their conceptualisations of community coping and priorities for resilient recovery following the 2018 Central Sulawesi earthquake and tsunami. A total of 127 survivors of the devastating disaster, including 47 adolescents, answered open-ended survey questions related to post-disaster resilience. A content analysis identified key constituents of community resilience. The results indicate that survivors highly value community cohesion and participation, drawing on the community’s intra-personal strengths to overcome post-disaster stressors. Student conceptualisations of and recommendations for a resilient recovery often differ from the views of important adults in their lives, for example, regarding the role played by the built environment, “trauma healing” and religiosity in the recovery process. These findings have implications for the design of disaster resilience interventions.
The intensity and frequency of extreme weather and climate events are expected to increase due to anthropogenic climate change. This systematic review explores extreme events and their effect on gender-based violence (GBV) experienced by women, girls, and sexual and gender minorities. We searched ten databases until February, 2022. Grey literature was searched using the websites of key organisations working on GBV and Google. Quantitative studies were described narratively, whereas qualitative studies underwent thematic analysis. We identified 26 381 manuscripts. 41 studies were included exploring several types of extreme events (ie, storms, floods, droughts, heatwaves, and wildfires) and GBV (eg, sexual violence and harassment, physical violence, witch killing, early or forced marriage, and emotional violence). Studies were predominantly cross-sectional. Although most qualitative studies were of reasonable quality, most quantitative studies were of poor quality. Only one study included sexual and gender minorities. Most studies showed an increase in one or several GBV forms during or after extreme events, often related to economic instability, food insecurity, mental stress, disrupted infrastructure, increased exposure to men, tradition, and exacerbated gender inequality. These findings could have important implications for sexual-transformative and gender-transformative interventions, policies, and implementation. High-quality evidence from large, ethnographically diverse cohorts is essential to explore the effects and driving factors of GBV during and after extreme events.
The porosity of our bodies and our planet are palpable in the conjoint crises of climate change and the COVID-19 pandemic. Our shared atmosphere is increasingly toxic for all life with greenhouse gas emissions causing global heating, the rising and acidification of the ocean and the increased frequency and severity of what are no longer ‘natural’ disasters. COVID-19, a novel coronavirus which in late 2019 crossed the porous border of non-human and human life has spread rapidly between permeable human bodies through touch and breath, and animated inanimate surfaces with its fatal potential. Both crises have occasioned resort to borders. But what is ‘home’: the household, the nation, the planet? And is it safe? Asking these questions exposes the fault lines of late capitalism – with tectonic shifts and widening inequalities on the basis of gender, race and class. This essay explores these questions through personal vignettes and analyses of the twin crises, from the perspective of Australia.
As we face new challenges from climate change and the rise of populism in Western politics and beyond, there is little doubt that we are entering a new configuration of world politics. Driven by nostalgia for past certainties or fear of what is coming next, references to normalcy have been creeping into political discourse, with people either vying for a return to a past normalcy or coping with the new normal. This book traces main discourses and practices associated with normalcy in world politics. Visoka and Lemay-Hébert mostly focus on how dominant states and international organizations try to manage global affairs through imposing normalcy over fragile states, restoring normalcy over disaster-affected states, and accepting normalcy over suppressive states. They show how discourses and practices come together in constituting normalization interventions and how in turn they play in shaping the dynamics of continuity and change in world politics.
2020 has been a year of cascading crises for us all. The COVID-19 pandemic threatened to eclipse the longer term crisis of global climate change. Australia's Black Summer of unprecedented bushfires in 2019-20 and Vanuatu's experience of Tropical Cyclone Harold in April 2020 were both signs of the increasing severity of ‘natural' disasters due to anthropogenic climate change. Combining personal and political reflections on these two disasters, this essay analyses how the discourse of ‘resilience' can deflect blame from the ultimate causes of climate change in increased greenhouse gas emissions and from those countries and corporations who are primarily responsible for the climate crisis. In both Australia and Vanuatu, it interrogates where resilience is located: in government and corporate systems of disaster preparedness and infrastructure and/or the communities and people who are suffering disasters of increasing severity and frequency. Per capita, Australia is one of the most polluting countries in the world and its current retrograde policies on climate change and energy perpetuate both climate crisis and injustice, whereby those in the Pacific who contribute the least to climate change suffer the most. Global inequalities are both cause and consequence of climate change. Fighting climate change must entail fighting against inequalities to achieve climate justice.
Interrogating the relation between gender and climate change is a burgeoning transdisciplinary field. Although gender and the environment were intrinsically linked in the scholarship and politics of ecofeminism from the 1970s, early research, policy, and practice on climate change were often gender blind. Researchers and activists predominantly from the global South insisted that gender inequalities alongside class and race were crucial in the divergent experiences of climate change. They revealed how women were more vulnerable to the impacts of climate change, in their daily lives and in extreme weather events. Later analyses qualified the prevalent portrait of women as the most vulnerable victims by highlighting women's agency, resilience, and resistance. Critical studies have analyzed the gendered inequalities in dominant discourses about climate change and challenged the bipolar emphasis on male/female and human/nonhuman. The urgency of the climate crisis has heightened the need to deeply connect gender justice and climate justice.
This article explores the relationships between social reproduction, depletion, and geopolitical processes, drawing on two case studies: Iraq and Palestine. It underlines the importance of social reproduction to geopolitical processes and of particular geopolitical contexts to how states intervene in social reproduction, with differential implications for depletion. It argues that Iraqi state measures targeting social reproduction have sought to organize and instrumentalize the life of Iraqi citizens in the service of postcolonial state building and war-making, whilst, by contrast, Israeli state measures targeting Palestinian social reproduction have largely sought to erase Palestinian life in line with a settler colonial logic.
Gender blindness has been diagnosed and redressed in many social science disciplines as the case studies in this volume show. Many early studies of environment and climate change in the natural and the social sciences were similarly gender blind. But increasingly scholars, policymakers and practitioners are recognising that gender matters in the experience of, and responses to, climate change and in extreme weather events which are rising in frequency and severity. Moreover, women are increasingly prominent in local, regional and global fora in promoting climate justice and this is matched by a fertile, transdisciplinary field on gender, environment and climate change. Forging coalitions between natural and social scientists, between scholars, activists and policymakers is crucial at a time when we are experiencing a climate emergency of global proportions.
Livelihood strategies that are crafted in ‘extra-ordinary’ post-disaster conditions should also be able to function once some semblance of normalcy has resumed. This article aims to show that the vulnerability experienced in relation to Typhoon Yolanda was, and continues to be, directly linked to inadequate livelihood assets and opportunities. We examine the extent to which various livelihood strategies lessened vulnerability post-Typhoon Yolanda and argue that creating conditions under which disaster survivors have the freedom to pursue sustainable livelihood is essential in order to foster resilience and reduce vulnerability against future disasters. We offer suggestions to improve future relief efforts, including suggestions made by the survivors themselves. We caution against rehabilitation strategies that knowingly or unknowingly, resurrect pre-disaster vulnerability. Strategies that foster dependency, fail to appreciate local political or ecological conditions or undermine cooperation and cohesion in already vulnerable communities will be bound to fail. Some of the livelihood strategies that we observed post-Typhoon Yolanda failed on some or all of these points. It is important for future policy that these failings are addressed.
In this article I use the refugee crisis in Syria to open up broader questions of political responsibility for refugees. Drawing on the work of Iris Marion Young, I argue that refugees suffer structural injustice in the international states system, which is organized according to principles of internal and external sovereignty; international society, organized by the social relationships, norms, and practices between states and other actors; and the global political economy, because these structures constrict refugees’ ability to develop and exercise their capacities while enabling relatively privileged states and their citizens and residents to enhance theirs. The implication of privileged actors in structural injustice comes about through such everyday activities that it tends to be invisible. Crises like the one in Syria expose the structures and processes that sustain the structural injustice that refugees suffer. I argue that relatively privileged states, and their citizens and legal residents in particular, bear a political responsibility of hospitality toward refugees because they benefit from the structures that disadvantage the stateless. But our capacity and willingness to assume this responsibility are sometimes short-circuited by anxieties and resentments about our vulnerabilities to displacement under globalization, which refugees can evoke. The cultivation of mindful citizenship can help us to mitigate these anxieties and resentments and to assume our political responsibility of hospitality.
This piece introduces the rationale for the special issue and highlights some of its key features. The authors have identified four broad themes in this issue, including displacement and gendered labor, displacement in art and literature, displacement embodied, and methods and theories to explore displacement. While recognizing that displacement has always been part of the human experience, these articles explore the gendered aspect of displacement as an emerging body of literature.
This chapter reconceptualises global violence and security through a feminist political economy framework. Violence and insecurity is intimately related to unequal political and economic power. However, the ‘continuum of violence’ is obscured by masculinist norms of security within gendered structures of political economy especially the division of public/private spheres, of production/reproduction activities, and of war/peace. These divisions are reproduced despite processes of globalisation that increasingly materially displace them. Feminist political economy analysis allows us not only to see the range of forms of violence and insecurity in war and conflict contexts but moreover, to understand how they are structurally connected to violence and insecurity within apparently peaceful societies and households. Applying this framework the chapter challenges the ‘silo-ing’ of the political-military and socioeconomic stabilisation pillars of international security. It reveals the disproportionately negative impact that this dichotomous approach to security has on individuals and communities, particularly on women’s rights to protection and participation in peace and security. Economic and political marginalisation exacerbates experiences of physical and structural violence both in and outside of conflict and hinders the achievement of sustainable peace. Fundamental change in global security governance must involve transforming the underlying structures of political, social, and economic inequality rather than prescribing more ‘good governance’, and ‘gender mainstreaming’ grafted onto security and humanitarian interventions.
In this article we explore the concept of depletion through social reproduction (DSR). We describe depletion, identify its key indicators and suggest different methodologies that could be used to measure it. We discuss issues having to do with gendered harm as well as questions about how depletion might be reversed. We conclude that recognizing DSR in this way can be a powerful tool for understanding the consequences of non-recognition of the value of domestic work to national economies, as well as the harm that might accrue in the doing of this work at both a systemic and individual level.
Dynes, Haas and Quarantelli (1967) once set the agenda for disaster research as follows: high priority is given to those disasters which are quick and unexpected, which affect more than one industrial community, where there is heavy property damage, where the number of casualties exceeds 100 and which elicits the participation of national organizations during the emergency period. (p. 46)
Almost 50 years afterwards, major disasters continue to stir the prime interest of researchers, who often immediately rush to the affected areas to conduct studies of various kinds, from hazards observations to social surveys on the impact of the events and post-traumatic stress disorder research. Stallings (2007:56) actually suggests that 'arriving on site as soon as possible is generally seen by field researchers as key to the success of their work'. Recently, this 'research gold rush' has been observed in the regions hit by the 2004 Indian Ocean tsunami, Hurricane Katrina in the United States of America (USA) in 2005, the 2008 earthquake in China, the 2010 earthquake in Haiti, the 2010-2011 Canterbury earthquakes in New Zealand and the 2011 earthquake and tsunami in Japan.
This article seeks to draw out the ideological nature of discourses of resilience, and traces their rise in international statebuilding approaches. It suggests that this shift to resilience follows disillusionment with liberal internationalist understandings that Western or international actors could resolve problems of development, democracy and peace through the export of liberal institutions. Interventionist discourses have increasingly stressed the importance of local capacities, vulnerabilities and agencies and, in doing so, have facilitated the evasion of Western responsibility for the outcomes of statebuilding interventions through problematising local practices and understandings as productive of risks and threats and as barriers to liberal progress.
Violence against women is a major problem in all countries, affecting women in every socio-economic group and at every life stage. Nowhere in the world do women share equal social and economic rights with men or the same access as men to productive resources. Economic globalization and development are creating new challenges for women's rights as well as some new opportunities for advancing women's economic independence and gender equality. Yet, when women have access to productive resources and they enjoy social and economic rights they are less vulnerable to violence across all societies. The Political Economy of Violence against Women develops a feminist political economy approach to identify the linkages between different forms of violence against women and macro structural processes in strategic local and global sites - from the household to the transnational level. In doing so, it seeks to account for the globally increasing scale and brutality of violence against women. These sites include economic restructuring and men's reaction to the loss of secure employment, the abusive exploitation associated with the transnational migration of women workers, the growth of a sex trade around the creation of free trade zones, the spike in violence against women in financial liberalization and crises, the scourge of sexual violence in armed conflict and post-crisis peacebuilding or reconstruction efforts and the deleterious gendered impacts of natural disasters. Examples are drawn from South Africa, Kenya, the Democratic Republic of Congo, China, Ciudad Juarez in Mexico, the Pacific Islands, Argentina, Eastern Europe, Central Asia, Haiti, Sri Lanka, Indonesia, New Zealand, Ireland, the United Kingdom, the United States and Iceland.
The global migration and trafficking of women is anchored in particular features of the current globalization of economies in both the north and the south. Making this legible requires that we look at globalization in ways that are different from the mainstream view, confined to emphasizing the hypermobility of capital and to the ascendance of information economies. The growing inmiseration of governments and whole economies in the global south has promoted and enabled the proliferation of survival and profit-making activities that involve the migration and trafficking of women. To some extent these are older processes, which used to be national or regional that can today operate at global scales. The same infrastructure that facilitates cross-border flows of capital, information and trade is also making possible a whole range of cross-border flows not intended by the framers and designers of the current globalization of economies. Growing numbers of traffickers and smugglers are making money off the backs of women and many governments are increasingly dependent on their remittances. A key aspect here is that through their work and remittances, women enhance the government revenue of deeply indebted countries and offer new profit making possibilities to `entrepreneurs' who have seen other opportunities vanish as a consequence of global firms and markets entering their countries or to long time criminals who can now operate their illegal trade globally. These survival circuits are often complex, involving multiple locations and sets of actors constituting increasingly global chains of traders and `workers'. A central point of the article is that it is through these supposedly rather value-less economic actors low-wage and poor women that key components of these new economies have been built. Globalization plays a specific role here in a double sense, contributing to the formation of links between sending and receiving countries, and, secondly, enabling local and regional practices to become global in scale.
The Beijing Platform for Action (1995) and its companion documents - those of the Vienna Conference on Human Rights (1993) and the International Conference on Population and Development (1994) - took important steps toward securing recognition for what we might call human rights of the body. These are affirmative rights relating to sexual expression, reproductive choice and access to health care and negative rights pertaining to freedom from violence, torture and abuse. But ten years later, the violated male bodies of Abu Ghraib, Guantánamo, and Gujarat seem to mock certain of Beijing's most basic premises: that women are primarily the victims rather than the perpetrators of bodily abuses; and that, as such, women are, or should be, the privileged beneficiaries of bodily integrity rights. This paper re-examines these premises in the shadow of the "war on terrorism", religious extremism, and practices of racialised, sexual, and often homophobic violence against men that emerge in wars and ethnic conflicts. In particular it looks at the war in Iraq and how that war configures such practices in both old and new ways. My purpose is not to repudiate feminist visions but rather to challenge the exclusive privileging of women as the bearers of sexual rights and to open up discussion of new, more inclusive coalitions of diverse social movements for rights of the body.
The goal of this article is to introduce a new category into international political economy-the global household-and to begin to widen the focus of international political economy to include nonmarket transactions and noncapitalist production. As an economic institution composed of transnational extended families and codwellers (including international migrants and family members left behind in countries of origin), the global household is engaged in coordinating international migration, sending and receiving billions of dollars in remittances, and organizing and conducting market- and non-market-oriented production on an international scale. We first trace the discursive antecedents of the global household concept to theories of the household as a site of noncapitalist production and to feminist ethnographies of transnational families. In order to demonstrate the potential significance and effect of this newly recognized institution, we estimate the aggregate population of global households, the size and distribution of remittances, and the magnitude and sectoral scope of global household production. We then examine the implications of the global household concept for three areas of inquiry: globalization, economic development, and the household politics of economic transformation. Finally, we briefly explore the possibilities for research and activism opened up by a feminist, postcapitalist international political economy centered on the global household.
Natural disasters do not affect people equally. In fact, a vulnerability approach to disasters would suggest that inequalities in exposure and sensitivity to risk as well as inequalities in access to resources, capabilities and opportunities systematically disadvantage certain groups of people, rendering them more vulnerable to the impact of natural disasters. In this article we address the specific vulnerability of girls and women with respect to mortality from natural disasters and their aftermath. Biological and physiological differences between the sexes are unlikely to explain large-scale gender differences in mortality rates. Social norms and role behavior provide some further explanation, but what is likely to matter most is the everyday socio-economic status of women. We analyze the effect of disaster strength and its interaction with the socio-economic status of women on the change in the gender gap in life expectancy in a sample of up to 141 countries over the period 1981 to 2002. We find, first, that natural disasters lower the life expectancy of women more than that of men. In other words, natural disasters (and their subsequent impact) on average kill more women than men or kill women at an earlier age than men. Since female life expectancy is generally higher than that of males, for most countries natural disasters narrow the gender gap in life expectancy. Second, the stronger the disaster (as approximated by the number of people killed relative to population size), the stronger this effect on the gender gap in life expectancy. That is, major calamities lead to more severe impacts on female life expectancy (relative to that of males) than smaller disasters. Third, the higher women’s socio-economic status, the weaker this effect on the gender gap in life expectancy. In other words, taken together our results show that it is the socially constructed gender-specific vulnerability of females built into everyday socio-economic patterns that lead to the relatively higher female disaster mortality rates compared to men.
Feminist scholars have critically demonstrated the links between the global political economy, social reproduction and gender-based violence. This article builds on this scholarship by investigating restrictions to reproductive freedom and their connection to the depletion of women’s bodies in the global political economy. Specifically, I use the Depletion through Social Reproduction (DSR) framework to reveal how the work of social reproduction is harnessed to service economic activity at the cost of rights to bodily integrity with the aid of religious fundamentalist ideologies that (re)inscribe discourses of female altruism such as the “self-sacrificing mother” ideal. Drawing on the case of the Philippines, I argue that the control of women’s bodies is integral to the Philippines’ economic strategy of exporting care workers in a competitive global political economy. This strategy is abetted by local Catholic religious fundamentalists who challenge reproductive rights reform at various levels of policy-making and legitimize the lack of investment to sustain social reproduction in the household, community and country as a whole. This article suggests that the neoliberal global economy is increasingly reproduced through women’s labor at the cost of their bodily integrity and reproductive freedoms.
Typhoon Haiyan, known locally as Yolanda, lashed the Philippines on November 8, 2013 affecting more than 10 percent of the country?s population. Although exploitation of the environment and unequal distribution of wealth in disaster situations are widely discussed among scholars, activists, humanitarian workers, and public intellectuals, issues pertaining to women and girls must be addressed as important as well. Thus, this paper problematizes the impact of typhoon Haiyan in the lives of women and girl survivors. It sees the effect of this calamity on the sexual and reproductive health and rights (SRHR) of women and girls and how further marginalization of women and girls during disasters increases their vulnerability to sexual and gender-based violence (SGBV). Making such an analysis, this paper responds to the call for solidarity among women, which will enable the demand for the fullest attainment of the SRHR needs of women and girls and the elimination of SGBV.
This article examines the political contestations over sexual and reproductive rights reform in the Philippines from an intersectional perspective. Specifically, it considers the Reproductive Health (RH) Bill which was enacted in 2012 to unpack the various competing interests and identities of coalitions that are mobilised by sexual and reproductive freedom in the Philippines. It demonstrates how the distinct reform agenda contained in the RH Bill is a direct outcome of the power differentials between and within coalitions. This suggests that the bill serves to benefit some at the expense of others based on how different actors are situated within the intersections of class, gender, sexuality, religion and nation. Data for this research comes from the triangulation of various sources including semi-structured interviews, the RH bill text, and official government and non-government publications. The case of the RH Bill in the Philippines highlights the interdependence between the recognition of sexual and reproductive freedom as a human right and the redistribution of power and resources in society.
This short commentary aims to think through the need to return to a more “integrated” feminist IR through a focus on some of the ways in which feminist political economy (FPE) scholars, such as ourselves, might better integrate a focus on gendered forms and practices of violence into our analysis. We do this via an intervention into debates about the nature of the “everyday” political economy. At the same time, we hope that this intervention might also draw attention to the need for a clearer understanding of the gendered structures and practices of the global political economy in feminist security studies (FSS).
Over the last two decades the different impacts of disasters on women and men have been acknowledged, leading to calls to integrate gender into disaster risk reduction and response. This paper explores how evolving understandings of ways of integrating gender into development have influenced this process, critically analysing contemporary initiatives to 'engender' development that see the inclusion of women for both efficiency and equality gains. It has been argued that this has resulted in a 'feminisation of responsibility' that can reinforce rather than challenge gender relations. The construction of women affected by disasters as both an at-risk group and as a means to reduce risk suggests similar processes of feminisation. The paper argues that if disaster risk reduction initiatives are to reduce women's vulnerability, they need to focus explicitly on the root causes of this vulnerability and design programmes that specifically focus on reducing gender inequalities by challenging unequal gendered power relations.
© 2014 The Author(s). Disasters © Overseas Development Institute, 2014.
After the devastating tsunami hit the northern Sumatran coastline in December 2004, the Indonesian province of Aceh found itself at a crossroad. This crossroad intersected the three-decade-long civil war, the move towards peace and the need for post-disaster recovery. This article analyses the gendered politics embedded in Aceh's navigation through this crossroad. First, it argues that both the conflict and the subsequent peace process were marginalised by the international programmes of post-tsunami recovery. Second, it demonstrates that within this marginalisation, women's investments in both war and peace were further neglected throughout the formal peace process. Third, it highlights how the peace process reflected a narrow, masculinist and public sphere agenda that silenced both women and the gendered issues affecting them. In short, this article seeks to unveil the gendered politics of war and peace in post-tsunami Aceh. It does so with the feminist ambition of demonstrating that sustainable and comprehensive peace in Aceh cannot be secured without recognising and accounting for the impact that the conflict has upon gendered identities.
This article introduces the women and international political economy special issue of Signs, tracing its relationship to the crisis of neoliberalism as they developed concurrently and highlighting the key themes elucidated in the articles presented here. Three themes, which are reflected in different ways in these articles, are outlined in this introduction in order to illustrate the importance of gender in analyzing international political economy: first, the benefit of multilayered approaches to governance; second, new insights into debates about social reproduction and work; and, third, pressing concerns of intimacy and sexuality. In particular, the introduction foregrounds transnational and postcolonial approaches to political economy questions, including their application in a national frame. The article then identifies the gaps in the literature, and in the special issue itself, and concludes by reflecting on the Janus‐faced nature of crises. We suggest that discursive and political struggles are already taking place that challenge the power relations entrenched within international political economy.
This paper sets out a framework for thinking about the gender dimensions of the economic crisis. It considers the likely impact of the crisis, as well as the responses to it, on the part of both individuals and collectivities, in three spheres of the economy: finance; production; and reproduction. It identifies the kinds of 'gender numbers' that we need; sex-disaggregated statistics of various kinds. It also argues that we need to pay attention to gender norms - the social practices and ideas that shape the behaviour of people and institutions. The norms may be reinforced in times of crisis; but they may also start to decompose as individuals transgress norms under the pressures of crisis. In addition, there may be opportunities for the transformation of norms, through collective action to institute new, more egalitarian, social practices and ideas.
This article is about how women's organizations constructed “the Filipino woman” as part of the feminist project of addressing prostitution as a women's issue in the Philippines from 1985 to 2006. Despite the radical positions of women's activism, the eternal binary of the woman as victim/agent, martyr/advocate or martyr/activist haunted the discourses about Filipino womanhood. Feminist engagement with these binary categories was fraught, ambivalent and contradictory. In unpacking the grand narrative on women, victimization was raised as the reason for the low status of the ‘second sex’ and therefore the call to reject victim status was important. Thus, women's organizations used oral testimonies and the theatre as advocacy to transform ‘survivors’ into activists. And yet, feminists deployed the victim narrative in the campaign to pass the Anti-Trafficking Act. Material from three women's organizations will be used to provide empirical evidence for the arguments made above.
After almost 500 years of Spanish colonial rule, Canon law and laws of Spanish origin continue to dominate Philippine family, civil and penal law. Most if not all of these laws place serious limitations on the realisation of women's sexual and reproductive rights. Since 2002, the current president, Gloria Mocapagal Arroyo, has increasingly substituted church dogma for state policy, i.e. revoking the reproductive health and family planning policies of her predecessor, rejecting all modern contraceptive methods as forms of abortion, limiting government support for family planning to providing natural methods to married couples, and restricting access to emergency contraception. This article reflects on which advocacy methods will best serve the goals of sexual and reproductive rights when conservative church interests dominate state policy, as is currently the case in the Philippines. Religious fundamentalists, at one and the some time, argue for religious accommodation of their views by the state on the grounds of religious freedom but refuse to entertain, let alone accommodate, a plurality of views on women's sexuality. Thus, it is not enough to base a case in support of sexual and reproductive rights on the separation of church and state since, even though the State claims it is secular, it still manages to impose restrictions and control over women's bodies.
On the Frontline: Catalysing Women's Leadership in Humanitarian Action
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Statement of President Aquino Commemorating the Tragedy of Typhoon Yolanda
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Let Our Voices Be Heard': Report of the Commission on Human Rights Philippines' National Inquiry on Reproductive Health and Rights
- Sylvia Chant
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HPG Working Paper, Humanitarian Policy Group, Overseas Development Institute
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Myanmar, and Haiti." HPG Working Paper, Humanitarian Policy Group, Overseas
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After 'Yolanda,' Tacloban Pregnancies Rise
- Joey Gabieta
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Disaster-Related Displacement Risk: Measuring the Risk and Addressing Its Drivers
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The Evolving Picture of Displacement in the Wake of Typhoon Haiyan: An Evidence-Based Overview
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Welfare and Development), IDMC (Internal Displacement Monitoring Centre)
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Haiyan: An Evidence-Based Overview." Report, International Organization for
Migration, May, Geneva. http://www.iom.int/files/live/sites/iom/files/Country
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Missing: Who Is in Charge?
- Ladylyn Mangada
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Haiyan Gender Snapshot: Leyte, Eastern Samar and Northern Cebu
- Clementine Novales
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Typhoon Haiyan: The Response So Far and Vital Lessons for the Philippines Recovery
- Oxfam
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Gender and Development
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RescuePH: A Detailed List of Government Rescue and Relief Efforts before and Immediately after Yolanda
- Shirin Rai
- Catherine Hoskyns
- Dania Thomas
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Quality Care for Vulnerable Pregnant Teens after Haiyan
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Bayanihan after Typhoon Haiyan: Are We Romanticising an Indigenous Coping Strategy
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Summary of the Inquiry concerning the Philippines under Article 8 of the Optional Protocol to the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women
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Sustaining Human Progress: Reducing Vulnerabilities and Building Resistance
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Analytical Study on the Relationship between Climate Change and the Human Right of Everyone to the Enjoyment of the Highest Attainable Standard of Physical and Mental Health
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The Global Economic Crisis and Gender Equality
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Gender and Nation. London: Sage. QUERY TO THE AUTHOR
- Nira Yuval-Davis
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QUERY TO THE AUTHOR
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According to this journal's style, there must be at least two subsections (or none) following a section head. Please either insert another subsection (2.2), remove this heading as a subsection altogether, or elevate this subsection to a section title
- Au
- Jo
AU/JO: "Linking Bodily Autonomy" is currently shown as a subsection
(2.1) to the section 2 heading "Women's Bodies in the Haiyan Aftermath." According to this journal's style, there must be at least two subsections (or none)
following a section head. Please either insert another subsection (2.2), remove
this heading as a subsection altogether, or elevate this subsection to a section
title (it would be sec. 3). Please advise.