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»Po sledovih korenin«: Transnacionalne migracije med Argentino in Evropo
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Temeljni namen pričujoče monografije je v prvi vrsti prikazati kompleksnost transnacionalnih povezav med Argentino in Evropo ter raziskati povezavo med migracijskimi procesi ter oblikovanjem transnacionalnih skupnosti in identifikacij pri argentinskih priseljencih v Evropi in slovenskih priseljencih v Argentini. V raziskavi me je zanimalo, kako migracijske izkušnje mobilnih posameznikov, ki so se v svojem življenju
preselili iz Slovenije v Argentini ali iz Argentine v Evropo, in njihov odnos do izhodiščne domovine, porekla in drugih migrantov, ki so doživeli podobne izkušnje, vplivajo na (pre)oblikovanje njihovih temeljnih identifikacij. Pri transnacionalnih migracijah med Evropo in Argentino so me zanimali različni vidiki migracijskih procesov – simultana vpetost migrantov v več družbah, pomen političnih in ekonomskih dejavnikov ter migracijskih politik v državah emigracije in imigracije, zlasti pa prepletenost globalnih procesov z vlogo posameznikov, socialnih mrež ter večplastnih osebnih in skupinskih identifikacij. Migracija je navsezadnje vedno odločitev in osebno dejanje vsakega posameznika, za njeno razumevanje pa moramo upoštevati večplastne kontekste, saj so migracijski procesi odvisni od historičnih, lokalnih, (trans)nacionalnih, političnih in zlasti kulturnih dejavnikov.
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... je izvajala bolj ali manj le okvirno, saj sta sodeč po medijskih objavah in arhivskih virih obe tekmovalni obdobji pogosto trajali tudi manj časa oziroma sta se začenjali in zaključevali ob drugih dnevih. 19 Organizatorji so bili rezultate tekmovanj dolžni analizirati in o njih poročati, kljub navodilom, po katerih tekmovalnost ni smela posegati v kakovost opravljenega dela, 20 pa so kvantitativno vrednotili predvsem raznolikost, množičnost in hitrost. 21 Slika št. ...
... -s čimer je praznovanje poleg slavljenja nacionalne identitete in tradicionalnih vrednot pridobilo tudi bistveno bolj globalno potrošniški in trgovski značaj. 19 Lokalne in priložnostno pripravljene kavarnice, okoliške gostilne in kmečki turizmi ponujajo posebna »praznična kosila« 20 po »praznični ceni«, verniki, ki prihajajo iz različnih krajev Slovenije, pa po sveti maši praznovanje nadaljujejo z obiskom bližnjih turističnih znamenitosti ali sorodnikov. Čeprav romanja potekajo vse leto, romarji pa obiskujejo tudi Marijina svetišča v tujini, se številna končajo s čaščenjem Marije 15. avgusta. ...
... Velika boginja 136, 138 Vetrinje 157, 162 Vidov dan 8,[17][18][19][20][21]23,24,[26][27][28][29][30][31][32][33][34][35][36][37][38][39]35,40 volitve 60,63,[99][100][101]123 Vošnjak,Bogumil 19,24,46 vstaja 11,74,112 Tito, Josip Broz 9,48,56,59,72,81,111,112,115,121,129,131 Titov rojstni dan,25. maj 70,74,81,127,80,111,117,131 totalitarizem 60,102,111,123,106,114,130 Trg republike 58,104,45 Türk,103 Turner,Victor 96,103,110 Š T U V ...
Research into state holidays and celebrations presented in this book largely follows the perspective of holiday formation on the level of their socially cohesive agenda, their significance as settings for the expression and reproduction of national belonging, and their potential to embody a material representation of the people/nation – those who celebrate them and their ancestry. Holidays attribute to the nation-state a narrative depth, legitimacy and authenticity by appealing to the revived and continuously reproducing national/state past, even when constructed, perhaps, on a myth. A look across the holiday calendars of nation-states emerging on the territory of former Yugoslavia sheds light primarily on the reasons, ways and circumstances of the above phenomena – the strategies used to conceptualize national and state holidays so as to deliberately create
and recreate collective experiences of belonging. In this context the research joins, in general, the dominant discourse of nationalism exploration (in the sense of nation-state belonging , consciousness and association), which notes that state holidays may facilitate the emergence of national sentiment and sense of belonging, but so far lacks understanding on the precise mechanisms employed by the forces behind their implementation, though these appear to be rather detailed and intricate in nature. The production and reception of holidays are complementary or reciprocal processes, which certainly merits a deeper look at their communication and reception, meaning some of the ways the people become, are made, and remain citizens in mind and body.
The concept of this volume was guided by comparative interests. Certain focuses of existing research of political and other holidays in Slovenia were bundled with parallel readings of related research findings in the wider region, to which Slovenia has been closely historically tied – formally since the beginnings of the first Yugoslav nation-state that introduced, alongside traditional folk holidays, also the common trend of public national holidays. We were especially interested in finding out which of the holidays played a constitutive role within the examined nations in the 19th century already, which and how brought the population of the first Yugoslav state closer together – or tore it further apart –, and also their relations to the other national holidays of the era. In the federal Yugoslav state formed after the Second World War, the calendar was filled with many new "socialist" holidays which, in tandem with current economic and social changes, propagated new zeitgeist rhythms and specific new existential and value horizons, while nevertheless failing to erase practices maintained on the grounds of the people's own traditions. What were their state, social and national ramifications, and what happened to them after the collapse of the common socialist endeavour? Which holidays replaced them, and to what purpose? Likewise, we were interested in the reception of old and new holidays across a time span encompassing over a hundred and fifty years, not only on the political agendas of the authorities, but also among various groups of the people (national, religious, professional, social, generational).
... La República Argentina, país histórico de inmigración, cuenta con diversos fl ujos inmigratorios eslovenos (Mislej, 1994) 1 . Se estima que el primer desplazamiento signifi cativo (1878-1888) contó con 200 individuos atraídos por un acuerdo celebrado entre el Imperio Austrohúngaro y el Estado argentino (Repič, 2006). Estuvo conformado por familias provenientes de la región eslovena litoral denominada Primorska (Kalc, 1995), que optaron por la movilidad transoceánica a fi n de mejorar su condición social ante un panorama de crisis y estancamiento. ...
... Estuvo compuesta por aproximadamente 6.500 emigrantes políticos que abandonaron Eslovenia a finales de la Segunda Guerra Mundial por miedo a una revolución comunista (Repič, 2016). Previo al exilio definitivo se movilizaron temporariamente hacia los campos de refugiados de la Cruz Roja en países vecinos como Austria e Italia (Žigon, 2001;Repič, 2006), donde comenzaron el complejo proceso de organización diaspórica orientada a la resistencia política y la preservación cultural e identitaria a través de la construcción de una memoria colectiva nacionalista, anticomunista y antiyugoslavista que les permitiera elaborar el destierro (Molek, 2013). ...
... Los eslovenos de entreguerras establecieron diversos centros culturales, servicios religiosos y organizaciones comunales (ver: Mislej, 1994;Repič, 2006;Molek, 2012). Entre las principales actividades colectivas de conservación del esloveno podemos mencionar grupos de teatro que se abocaron al estudio, ensayo y representación de obras de teatro -eslovenas y no eslovenas-, coros que incluían en su repertorio canciones populares eslovenas, y una amplia variedad de publicaciones primeramente en idioma esloveno y luego bilingües, entre las que podemos destacar «Delavski list» El origen regional de los inmigrantes se ha manifestado en el uso de lengua. ...
This article presents part of the results of the research carried out for the author's doctoral thesis in Anthropological Sciences about the migratory and identity processes of the Slovenians in Argentina. My aim is to problematise the culturalist perspective by comparing the linguistic practices of three groups of Slovenian immigrants and their descendants in Argentina: the first wave of immigration (1878-1888), that between the World Wars, and the one after the Second World War. First, the article offers a panoramic view of the historical linguistic practices of the Slovene speakers in Argentina. In then demonstrates that the Slovenian language is still partially conserved, fulfilling diverse functions in this context.
... Historically, there have been several periods of relatively large-scale migration of Slovenians to Argentina, particularly following the First and the Second World Wars, characterised by economic and political emigration from Slovenia (see Žigon 2001;Repič 2006;Molek 2012). In the aftermath of the First World War, a large part of western ethnic Slovenian territory was annexed to Italy, which, combined with poverty and the assimilationist politics of the Italian fascist regime, resulted in the emigration of tens of thousands of Slovenians, around 30,000 of whom settled in Argentina. ...
... The refugees were initially settled in refugee camps in southern Austria and northern Italy, from where they eventually resettled to several European countries, but also to Argentina, Canada and other countries (see Žigon 1998Sjekloča 2004;Repič 2006Repič , Švent 2007. The British Army, which managed these refugee camps in Carinthia, initially separated the soldiers from the civilians and repatriated more than 10,000 Slovenians (mostly Home Guard soldiers) to Yugoslavia, where a large majority of them were executed (see Corselis 1997;Ferenc 2005). ...
... Depictions of the homeland, the war and exile also appear in the visual arts (Toplak 2008;Repič 2006Repič , 2012. Art and cultural production was strongly encouraged as it represented the creativity and rich cultural life in/of the community. ...
The article addresses the impact of experiences of mobilities on visual arts in the Slovenian dias-pora in Argentina. It aims to explore the question of how artistic creativity is related to individual and collective experiences of migration, life in diaspora and return mobilities. It approaches art as processual, relational and embedded in broader social, political and cultural contexts. Hence, such an analysis facilitates not only an understanding of individual experiences and worldviews, but also of the broader conceptualisation of art within particular socio-historical contexts. It explores how artists in diaspora imagine, express and constitute their relations with the homeland and their understanding of the past. By juxtaposing their art production with their life histories and trajectories as well as broader socio-historical contexts, the article explores intersections and correspondences between mobility and visual art, and raises the question of how diasporic sociality influences artists and their works as well as how artworks in turn create sociality.
KEY WORDS: Slovenian diaspora, Argentina, visual art, mobility, anthropology of art
... La República Argentina, país histórico de inmigración, cuenta con diversos fl ujos inmigratorios eslovenos (Mislej, 1994) 1 . Se estima que el primer desplazamiento signifi cativo (1878-1888) contó con 200 individuos atraídos por un acuerdo celebrado entre el Imperio Austrohúngaro y el Estado argentino (Repič, 2006). Estuvo conformado por familias provenientes de la región eslovena litoral denominada Primorska (Kalc, 1995), que optaron por la movilidad transoceánica a fi n de mejorar su condición social ante un panorama de crisis y estancamiento. ...
... Estuvo compuesta por aproximadamente 6.500 emigrantes políticos que abandonaron Eslovenia a finales de la Segunda Guerra Mundial por miedo a una revolución comunista (Repič, 2016). Previo al exilio definitivo se movilizaron temporariamente hacia los campos de refugiados de la Cruz Roja en países vecinos como Austria e Italia (Žigon, 2001;Repič, 2006), donde comenzaron el complejo proceso de organización diaspórica orientada a la resistencia política y la preservación cultural e identitaria a través de la construcción de una memoria colectiva nacionalista, anticomunista y antiyugoslavista que les permitiera elaborar el destierro (Molek, 2013). ...
... Los eslovenos de entreguerras establecieron diversos centros culturales, servicios religiosos y organizaciones comunales (ver: Mislej, 1994;Repič, 2006;Molek, 2012). Entre las principales actividades colectivas de conservación del esloveno podemos mencionar grupos de teatro que se abocaron al estudio, ensayo y representación de obras de teatro -eslovenas y no eslovenas-, coros que incluían en su repertorio canciones populares eslovenas, y una amplia variedad de publicaciones primeramente en idioma esloveno y luego bilingües, entre las que podemos destacar «Delavski list» El origen regional de los inmigrantes se ha manifestado en el uso de lengua. ...
Pričujoči prispevek ponazarja rezultate raziskave, izvedene za avtoričino doktorsko disertacijo s področja antropoloških ved o migracijskih in identitetnih procesih Slovencev v Argentini. Članek obravnava kulturološki vidik ter primerja jezikovne prakse treh skupin slovenskih priseljencev in njihovih potomcev v Argentini, in sicer potomcev prve imigracije (1878–1888), medvojnih priseljencev in priseljencev po drugi svetovni vojni. V prvem delu je z zgodovinskega vidika prikazana raba slovenščine v Argentini, v drugem pa avtorica dokazuje, da se slovenščina delno ohranja in ima različne sporočanjske funkcije.
... Antropológicas en la Universidad de Buenos Aires. Durante la misma he observado que varios estudios académicos focalizaron su interés en el tema de los procesos migratorios eslovenos a la Argentina (Mislej, 1994;Žigon, 1998y 2001Repič, 2006, Molek, 2012. Los eslovenos comenzaron a migrar a la Argentina a finales del siglo XIX por razones económicas. ...
... El primer desplazamiento formal desde territorio esloveno a Argentina se realizó (1878-1888) en el marco de un acuerdo entre el Estado Argentino y el Imperio Austrohúngaro (Mislej, 1994;Repič, 2006). Estuvo conformado por familias provenientes de la región eslovena litoral denominada Primorska (Kalc, 1995) que optaron por la movilidad transoceánica a fin de mejorar su condición social ante un panorama de crisis y estancamiento. ...
... dio sobre la problemática de retorno y reintegración de los eslovenos y descendientes en la República de Eslovenia tras la independencia en 1991.Mlekuž (2004) aboca su investigación al análisis de instituciones y normativas establecidas por Eslovenia vinculadas con la regulación y solución de los problemas concretos de a las migraciones de retorno.Repič (2006;2016) ha indagado, a partir de una perspectiva transnacional, otros tipos de retorno y movilidades más complejas y temporarias de los exiliados. ...
Resumen El presente trabajo busca explorar los primeros resultados de la investigación realizada para mi tesis de doctorado en Ciencias Antropológicas sobre las movilidades de retorno de los eslovenos de Argentina a Eslovenia. Me interesa indagar el tema en el marco de procesos de etnogénesis entre descendientes vinculados a la primera y segunda migración que no han tenido una continuidad adscriptiva y colectiva con lo esloveno. Para estas personas, los viajes a "la tierra de origen" conforman una estrategia de acercamiento y de refuerzo de su identidad, tanto étnica como personal. Palabras clave: Eslovenos en Argentina-procesos identitarios-procesos migraotorios-movilidades de retorno-generaciones de migrantes. Abstract This paper seeks to explore some of the first results of my Phd research in Anthropological Sciences. I focus on return mobilities of the Slovenians from Argentina to Slovenia. I am interested in exploring the problem within processes of ethnogenesis among descendants linked to the first and second migration flows, who in the past have not had an ascriptive and collective continuity with the Slovenianess. For these people, to travel to "the land of origin" conforms a strategy of approaching and reinforcing their identity, both ethnic and personal.
... El relato hegemónico sobre el proceso migratorio sostiene que previo al exilio definitivo "los emigrantes políticos" se movilizaron temporariamente hacia los campos de refugiados de la Cruz Roja en países vecinos como Austria e Italia (Žigon, 2001;Repič, 2006), donde comenzaron el complejo proceso de organización diaspórica orientada a la resistencia política y la preservación cultural e identitaria a través de la construcción de una memoria colectiva nacionalista, católica, anticomunista y antiyugoslavista que les permitiera elaborar las experiencias traumáticas y el destierro (Molek, 2013). La estructura organizacional del grupo, luego replicada en Argentina, ya daba cuenta de una distinción de género, que ubicaba a la mujer "a la sombra del hombre". ...
... 21 Para ampliar sobre las publicaciones étnicas, ver: Molek, 2016. 22 Miles de opositores políticos o eslovenos anticomunistas fueron ejecutados y arrojados en fosas comunes por los vencedores (Repič, 2006). 23 Hacia 1948 algunas comisiones brindaban la posibilidad a los eslovenos de exiliarse en Canadá, Chile o Venezuela, pero en general sólo aceptaban gente joven y soltera, apta para trabajar. ...
p>El presente trabajo problematiza desde la antropología la invisibilización de las mujeres en los abordajes clásicos de las migraciones históricas de ultramar a la Argentina. Me propongo recuperar algunas trayectorias históricas de eslovenas en Argentina de dos períodos específicos (entreguerras mundiales y pos Segunda Guerra Mundial), buscando identificar y comparar algunas especificidades del proceso migratorio. Asimismo, me propongo interpretar en las narrativas las representaciones subyacentes respecto de las mujeres, sus experiencias como migrantes y su inserción sociolaboral en la sociedad de destino.
Sostengo que las experiencias migratorias femeninas en la sociedad de destino se relacionan con relaciones socioeconómicas tanto de la sociedad de emigración, como de destino, puesto que las relaciones de género, como otras instituciones sociales, se configuran cultural e históricamente, asignando atributos y significaciones a lo masculino y lo femenino. Por un lado, se verá que las eslovenas se encuentran interpeladas por el corset patriarcal de su identidad de género, pero que al mismo tiempo hay trayectorias que demuestran el papel de la subjetividad y de la decisión de las mujeres de “emprender una nueva vida”.</p
... The existing studies conducted in the field of Slovenian emigration (for example, cf. Čebulj Sajko, 1999Čebulj Sajko, , 2000Drnovšek, 1991Drnovšek, , 1998Drnovšek, , 2002Koprivec, 2013;Lukšič-Hacin, 1999Mikola, 2005;Repič, 2006Repič, , 2010aRepič, , 2010bRepič, , 2013Žigon, 1998 focused only on Slovenians who emigrated from the Slovenian territory. These and other studies bypassed the (simultaneous) departures of members of other ethnic groups living on the territory of the present-day Slovenia, which included the Germans (as well as Italians, Hungarians, Jews etc.). ...
The article deals with adjectives in Slovak language and their use by native francophone learners.
Because of migration, many people nowadays need to learn Slovak language. The author
recommends to teach it in a contrastive way by comparing Slovak language to a mother tongue –
French language. The author presumes that the main sources of grammar interference within this
group of speakers are fields of declination, gradation and anteposition of adjectives in Slovak
language. A short analysis of authentic texts in Slovak language written by native francophone
learners is offered. This analysis shows that the main problem is declination and the use of adjectives
declined by the pattern “pekný” in all genders and various cases. In addition, native francophone
learners of Slovak language often use adjectives in Slovak instead of using nouns or adverbs.
... The Slovenian refugees fled to Austria and Italy, and later to a range of other European and non-European countries, for political reasons, such as fear of retribution for their wartime collaboration with the occupying German army, anti-communist political struggle, or simply refusal to accept the new communist regime. Particularly in Argentina, Canada and some other countries, they organized themselves in the social, cultural and political sense as closely-knit communities with apparent diasporic characteristics, such as social memories of exile and homeland, aspirations of political changes at home and mythology of return (see Žigon 1998Sjekloča 2004;Repič 2006). ...
... The security service of the Liberation Front executed Ehrlich for his activity in the so-called Home Guard, sending the Bajuks into exile (https://www.wikiwand.com/sl/An-drej_Bajuk). They became representatives of larger dissidents' migratory flow to South America, mainly to Argentina (Repič 2006). After the declaration of Slovenian independence in 1991, their off springs attempted to rehabilitate their image and influence in Slovenian society. ...
Political division, which re-emerged after Slovenian independence and parliamentary democracy in 1991, has strongly influenced Slovenian social life. The article focuses on official and parallel celebrations of statehood day as a political tool in political arena. The author analyses manipulative and discursive techniques used by opposition leader Janez Janša, which were the most evident. Presented taxonomy of his interventions is based on extensive ethnographic work.
... The existing studies conducted in the field of Slovenian emigration (for example, cf. Čebulj Sajko, 1999Čebulj Sajko, , 2000Drnovšek, 1991Drnovšek, , 1998Drnovšek, , 2002Koprivec, 2013;Lukšič-Hacin, 1999Mikola, 2005;Repič, 2006Repič, , 2010aRepič, , 2010bRepič, , 2013Žigon, 1998 focused only on Slovenians who emigrated from the Slovenian territory. These and other studies bypassed the (simultaneous) departures of members of other ethnic groups living on the territory of the present-day Slovenia, which included the Germans (as well as Italians, Hungarians, Jews etc.). ...
Based on research carried out among Gottscheers (Gottschee Germans) living in the USA, Canada, Austria and Germany, the article presents the social and symbolic meaning of the places the Gottscheers identify with and that influence their life as emigrants. These places are: the old country – Gottschee (the Kočevska region) and the places that are important for the (re)production of their traditions in their new countries. The article also describes the meaning of rituals, including pilgrimages to the old homeland and meetings in their new countries for strengthening their feeling of belonging to a group within the country of residence, and for the transnational connections between the Gottscheers from the mentioned countries and with the old homeland. The article concludes that the survival of the diaspora depends largely on its ability to maintain its culture and traditions through ritual practices at various locations outside the home country.
List of Maps, Illustrations, and Tables Acknowledgments Abbreviations Introduction: Anthropology with an Accent PART ONE: The Talk of Crime 1. Talking of Crime and Ordering the World Crime as a Disorganizing Experience and an Organizing Symbol Violence and Signification From Progress to Economic Crisis, from Authoritarianism to Democracy 2. Crisis, Criminals, and the Spread of Evil Limits to Modernization Going Down Socially and Despising the Poor The Experiences of Violence Dilemmas of Classification and Discrimination Evil and Authority PART TWO: Violent Crime and the Failure of the Rule of Law 3. The Increase in Violent Crime Tailoring the Statistics Crime Trends, 1973-1996 Looking for Explanations 4. The Police: A Long History of Abuses A Critique of the Incomplete Modernity Model Organization of the Police Forces A Tradition of Transgressions 5. Police Violence under Democracy Escalating Police Violence Promoting a "Tough" Police The Massacre at the Casa de Detencao The Police from the Citizens' Point of View Security as a Private Matter The Cycle of Violence PART THREE: Urban Segregation, Fortified Enclaves, and Public Space 6. Sao Paulo: Three Patterns of Spatial Segregation The Concentrated City of Early Industrialization Center-Periphery: The Dispersed City Proximity and Walls in the 198s and 199s 7. Fortified Enclaves: Building Up Walls and Creating a New Private Order Private Worlds for the Elite From Corticos to Luxury Enclaves A Total Way of Life: Advertising Residential Enclaves for the Rich Keeping Order inside the Walls Resisting the Enclaves An Aesthetic of Security 8. The Implosion of Modern Public Life The Modern Ideal of Public Space and City Life Garden City and Modernism: The Lineage of the Fortified Enclave Street Life: Incivility and Aggression Experiencing the Public The Neo-international Style: Sao Paulo and Los Angeles Contradictory Public Space PART FOUR: Violence, Civil Rights, and the Body 9. Violence, the Unbounded Body, and the Disregard for Rights in Brazilian Democracy Human Rights as "Privileges for Bandits" Debating Capital Punishment Punishment as Private and Painful Vengeance Body and Rights Appendix Notes References Index
The addition of the Southern European countries of Italy, Spain, Portugal and Greece to the relatively small pool of immigrant receiving societies constitutes one of the most salient novelties of the contemporary global international migration scene. With minor differences of timing among the four, the transition from labour-exporting to labour-importing countries has taken place in the last quarter of the twentieth century, following by a significant time-lag the larger-scale mass immigrations of labour to the countries of North-West Europe, which occupied the third quarter of the century.