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Introduction : Pour une histoire des animaux aquatiques des mers septentrionales : Avant-propos aux Actes du colloque de Cerisy (31 mai-3 juin 2017), Animaux aquatiques et monstres des mers septentrionales. imaginer, connaître, exploiter, de l’Antiquité à 1600
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Basing his study on the greatest treatises in ichthyology of latest medieval times and beginning of Renaissance (Hortus sanitatis and works of Paolo Giovio, Petrus Gyllius, Pierre Belon, Edward Wotton, Ippolito Salviani, Guillaume Rondelet, Olaus Magnus, Conrad Gesner), the author intends to show the great changes that happened between 1491 and 1556. Firstly, the author tries to observe what are the main classes in animal knowledge; based on Aristotle’s works, they are generally mixed up: in Middle Ages, scholars divide the informations between natura and operationes, whereas at the beginning of Renaissance they resort to a list of several distinctive features for each animal (food, housing, reproduction…). Secondly it is noted that each author’s scientific project depends on two main aspects: the way the author considers animal nature and the way he uses his sources. Thirdly, a few methodological changes can be noticed: the main place given to observation (and, consequently, to realistic representations) and the introduction of vernacular terms. Finally, if we can observe a real rupture in this period, we can nevertheless see that Gesner, the youngest ichthyologist, is also, regarding his methods, the most “medieval” scholar.
Walrus-tusk ivory and walrus-hide rope were highly desired goods in Viking Age north-west Europe. New
finds of walrus bone and ivory in early Viking Age contexts in Iceland are concentrated in the south-west,
and suggest extensive exploitation of nearby walrus for meat, hide and ivory during the first century of
settlement. In Greenland, archaeofauna suggest a very different specialized long-distance hunting of the
much larger walrus populations in the Disko Bay area that brought mainly ivory to the settlement areas and
eventually to European markets. New lead isotopic analysis of archaeological walrus ivory and bone from
Greenland and Iceland offers a tool for identifying possible source regions of walrus ivory during the early
Middle Ages. This opens possibilities for assessing the development and relative importance of hunting
grounds from the point of view of exported products.
Olaus Magnus, a highly educated Swedish priest and scholar, published his geographically and ethnographically remarkable map of the Northern countries, the Carta marina, in Venice in 1539. During his travels in southern and central Europe Olaus Magnus had noticed how little people knew about the northern regions. Through the map he wanted to remove this obscurity.The map - which was one of the largest maps of its time (woodcut, 125 x 170 cm) - changed the cartographic representation of the Northern countries profoundly for nearly a hundred years. Due to its numerous illustrations and commentaries, the map was and is a fascinating description of the life in the region during the sixteenth century.The Carta marina was accepted, and it became a model for many cartographers in depicting the Northern countries. Even today the map fascinates the scholars, and many questions are still left unsolved.
RÉSUMÉ
Les sources dont nous disposons tendent à montrer qu'au Moyen Âge, les hommes craignent la mer et les créatures qui y vivent. Le morse, objet d'une ambiguïté terminologique, n'échappe pas à cette règle. Pourtant, le morse et le phoque sont chassés, les chasseurs ayant une vision plus réaliste de ces animaux. Reposant majoritairement sur des textes nordiques, notamment des sagas islandaises, cet article propose d'identifier les caractères principaux de la chasse dont font l'objet ces deux mammifères amphibies dans les mers du Nord. Alors qu'elle est vitale dans certaines régions, elle est ailleurs sujette à des règles très contraignantes, qui débouchent parfois sur des conflits. En effet, les mers du Nord sont le théâtre d'un commerce de plus en plus dynamique au cours du Moyen Âge, dans lequel le morse et ses précieuses défenses en ivoire ont leur place.
Un ours blanc nommé Blanchart apparaît à plusieurs reprises dans
Renart le Nouvel
, la continuation satirique du
Roman de Renart
que Jacquemart Gielée écrivit aux alentours de 1288. Les caractéristiques comportementales que Gielée attribue à son personnage animal, et dont il tire habilement profit tout au long de son récit, frappent par leur vérité zoologique: comme un véritable ours polaire, Blanchart se nourrit principalement de “poisson de mer” et il sait plonger aussi bien que nager sous l’eau. Nous passons en revue les sources qui ont pu être celles de l’auteur de
Renart le Nouvel
. Si l’ours polaire est absent des textes antiques comme des bestiaires médiévaux et qu’il est confiné à la seule Scandinavie jusqu’au XIIe siècle, il fait ensuite une apparition remarquable dans l’Europe du XIIIe siècle: on le retrouve tant dans les encyclopédies d’Alexandre Nequam, de Thomas de Cantimpré, de Barthélémy l’Anglais et d’Albert le Grand que dans les ménageries de l’empereur Frédéric II, d’Henri III d’Angleterre et de Philippe le Bel dont les animaux, probablement d’origine groenlandaise, constituent des cadeaux diplomatiques des souverains norvégiens.
Why did the Norse Icelanders colonize Greenland in the late tenth century A.D., and why did they explore the coasts of Labrador and Newfoundland? Was it a desperate search for farmland at the margins of the known world, or was it a market-driven economic strategy applied to sub-arctic territory? To address these questions, the author gives a brief introduction to the Norse expansion and economic strategies in three regions: the Sami territory in Northern Scandinavia, the Finnish and Russian territories east of Scandinavia, and Greenland and Labrador in the western North Atlantic. The purpose of the expansion north and east of Scandinavia was to buy or extort furs from the hunter-gatherer communities. This strategy is unthinkable without a European and even Middle Eastern demand for furs, and must generally be seen as market-driven. The author suggests that the Norse explorations of Labrador and the colonization of Greenland was equally market driven, with walrus tusks as the most successful export commodity. In the twelfth century, the Norse economy transformed from a Viking Period high-status trade with luxury articles to a low-status bulk trade with foodstuffs. Stockfish from the north was exchanged for grain from the south. Norwegian stockfish export started ca. 1100 A.D., while Iceland commenced almost a century later. This shift caused structural changes to both Norwegian and Icelandic economies, and must also have affected the Norse Greenland economy. The author recommends that the regional and national investigations that have dominated the research be supplemented with North European studies of the Viking and Medieval cash and trade economies, spanning from acquisition to consumption.
When did the market economy come to Europe? Fish might seem an unlikely commodity to throw light on the matter, but the authors use fish bones from English sites to offer a vivid account of the rise and rise of the marketas a factor in European development from the late tenth century.
The German dominican and theologian Albertus Magnus ( † 1280 ) wrote many works, and composed by 1270 a treatise De animalibus which is capital for the history of the zoology. This work consists of 26 books, among which the 19 first ones form a kind of vast paraphrase of Aristoteles' zoological treatises; the 7 others, on the other hand, are rich in informations drawn from personal observations or by inquiries " in the field ", which do not exclude for all the use of auctoritates. Albertus gives in particular some original and precious informations on the whaling in the North Sea, which inform us both about the techniques used at that time and about the presence of this animal in these waters in the XIIIth century. As on occasion of direct contact and confrontation between men and sea fauna, fishing is fundamental to Albertus' eyes; this is what we try to show here, by giving a French translation of two chapters of his book XXIV, "De ceto " and " De delphino ".
Animals from distant lands fired the imaginations of people living in Europe throughout the Middle Ages. This is attested by a considerable wealth of iconographic and written material which has been explored from many perspectives, providing valuable insights into medieval western conceptualizations of the fringes of the known world and the otherness of exotica. However, the physical remains of non-indigenous species - both those recovered from archaeological contexts and extant in private collections - have generally been examined in isolation and rarely incorporated into a broader framework exploring the reception and utility of exotica. This article offers a new perspective on the topic by focusing on the zoological identity of non-indigenous animal body parts as ‘material culture’.
The rather sparse and dubious data about Arctic regions known to Antiquity were taken over, mostly via Pliny, by the middle ages and reinforced and expanded in significant ways. This paper, which was delivered as an Inaugural Lecture at the University of Groningen in November 1982, reviews the activities and reports of medieval explorers, colonists and traders in or about the Arctic and considers the handful of medieval writers who display some real knowledge about Arctic regions. The generality of medieval writers on history and geography knew little or nothing. Even so, it is shown that here and there references are made to many of the features which are thought of as typically Arctic in the modern popular consciousness, with the exception of igloos and muskoxen. Commercial connections with the Arctic through Novgorod and Bergen are examined, and some account given of contacts with Iceland and the disappearance of the Norse settlement in Greenland. Polar bears and white falcons in western Europe, both of nearly indisputable Arctic origin, are discussed, attention is drawn to the very inadequate portrayal of the Arctic on medieval maps, and the paper closes with a glance at Olaus Magnus's account of northern peoples published in 1555.
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