ArticlePDF Available

Reduce conflicts in traditional merariq traditions through the long tradition of the tribal people of sasak lombok

Authors:

Abstract

Marriage is a container for framing the inner-to-heart relationship, the bond of love and affection between a man and woman to nurture a joy of happiness. This study aims to find out how the process and stages in traditional merariq traditions in the Sasak people, conflicts arising from merariq traditions, and reduce conflict through the tradition of selabar. The method used in this research is qualitative analysis method. In the process, merariq tradition is done by kidnapping the bride without the knowledge of the parents or the family of the women. There are several stages that must be passed by the bride and groom in the tradition merariq, namely: besejati, nyelabar, bait wali, sorong serah dan nyongkolang. Conflict that often arises, for internal family, merariq often become a place of coercion against the female family. For society, merariq impact on disruption of harmony of social life. In order to reduce the conflicts done selabar tradition, the tragedy is regarded as an alternative problem solving in the form of negotiations between the bride and groom's family and the bride-to-be relating to ajikrame and pisuke transactions.
Journal of Physics: Conference Series
PAPER • OPEN ACCESS
Reduce conflicts in traditional merariq traditions through the long
tradition of the tribal people of sasak lombok
To cite this article: Sarmini et al 2018 J. Phys.: Conf. Ser. 953 012186
View the article online for updates and enhancements.
This content was downloaded from IP address 139.81.60.201 on 06/02/2018 at 12:18
1
Content from this work may be used under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution 3.0 licence. Any further distribution
of this work must maintain attribution to the author(s) and the title of the work, journal citation and DOI.
Published under licence by IOP Publishing Ltd
1234567890
The 2nd International Joint Conference on Science and Technology (IJCST) 2017 IOP Publishing
IOP Conf. Series: Journal of Physics: Conf. Series 953 (2017) 012186 doi :10.1088/1742-6596/953/1/012186
Reduce conflicts in traditional merariq traditions through the
long tradition of the tribal people of sasak lombok
Sarmini1*, Ulin Nadiroh2 and Muhammad Saeun Fahmi3
1 Department of Pancasila and Citizenship Education, Faculty of Social Sciences and
Law, Universitas Negeri Surabaya, Ketintang, Surabaya 60231, Indonesia
2 Departement of Social Studies, Universitas Negeri Surabaya, Ketintang, Surabaya
60231, Indonesia
3 SMP Negeri 1 Praya Timur, Kab. Lombok Tengah, 83581, Indonesia
*E-mail: sarmini@unesa.ac.id
Abstract. Marriage is a container for framing the inner-to-heart relationship, the bond of love
and affection between a man and woman to nurture a joy of happiness. This study aims to find
out how the process and stages in traditional merariq traditions in the Sasak people, conflicts
arising from merariq traditions, and reduce conflict through the tradition of selabar. The
method used in this research is qualitative analysis method. In the process, merariq tradition is
done by kidnapping the bride without the knowledge of the parents or the family of the women.
There are several stages that must be passed by the bride and groom in the tradition merariq,
namely: besejati, nyelabar, bait wali, sorong serah dan nyongkolang. Conflict that often arises,
for internal family, merariq often become a place of coercion against the female family. For
society, merariq impact on disruption of harmony of social life. In order to reduce the conflicts
done selabar tradition, the tragedy is regarded as an alternative problem solving in the form of
negotiations between the bride and groom's family and the bride-to-be relating to ajikrame and
pisuke transactions.
1. Introduction
Indonesia consists of many islands and tribes that have various forms of culture. Many rituals and
traditions are carried out as a form of cultural preservation. One is culture in terms of marriage rituals.
Every society in the world has a marriage tradition in accordance with the context of the community.
In Java for example who started marriage by applying or kinanthi. Marriage is a sacred ceremony
performed by a man from generation to generation to continue the life and continue the offspring.
Marriage is closely related to cultural values. Every tribe and nation has different ways and
processions in terms of marriage. Different from the Javanese people, the Sasak Lombok people
started marriage by kidnapping the woman from her house (mirariq). Sasak tribe society is ethnic
native of Lombok island. The area of Lombok is like a "social laboratory" that provides many stories,
evokes intellectual curiosity of many observers, and is endless to explore and to be educated.
Langko Village, Janapria District, Central Lombok Regency is one of the villages in Lombok
Island, which until now still maintain the culture and customs of Sasak people. The whole community
of Langko village still apply a unique tradition in terms of a still-strong marriage that is merariq or
eloping. This tradition is one of the most popular cultures for the sasak people who need local wisdom
for local people.
2
1234567890
The 2nd International Joint Conference on Science and Technology (IJCST) 2017 IOP Publishing
IOP Conf. Series: Journal of Physics: Conf. Series 953 (2017) 012186 doi :10.1088/1742-6596/953/1/012186
Various studies have been conducted related to marriage in communities in various places, among
others: studies that examine the migration of marriage [1–4]. From the transition aspect of marriage
there is research about choosing between marriage and school [5]. Similar research on the transition to
marriage in Jakarta is greater the influence of parents or their own choice [6]. Another study on
marriage is seen from a Gender perspective, namely the existence of an interactive effect research of
female ideology [7], marriage effect for noble women in tudor era [8], goodness in marriage from the
aspect of gender [9], Male power over women [10]. From the aspect of Characteristics and satisfaction
of marriage [11]. Heterogeneity in contemporary marriage [12].
Other researchers focused their writing in terms of marriage age, namely: early marriage
experience [13], married proportions and marriage age [14], early marriage is ngetrend in turki [15],
wedding age preference [16], prussia and sex differences between marital quality and risk [17]. The
concept of a happy marriage in the early nineteenth century [18]. Privatization of marriage in an era of
socialist post [19]. The history of demography in people who are late married [20].
Research on marriage as a culture has been widely practiced, among other things, the
transformation of the dowry from the bride to the man [21], forced marriage: whether a religious,
cultural, economic or criminal crime [22], new cross-cultural views on marriage transactions [23],
forms of marriage cultural feminism [24], sociological and historical culture of marriage [25], the
social consequences of marriage [26], tradition of religious marriage and law [27], changes in the
culture of marriage [28].
There are two prominent views related to the history of the emergence of merariq, namely: First,
the originality of elopement. Merariq is considered a culture of local products and is a genuine custom
of the ancestors of the Sasak community that had been practiced by the people before the arrival of
colonial Bali and the Dutch colonial. This view is reinforced by Nieuwenhuyzen's opinion that many
Sasak customs have similarities with Balinese customs, but merariq tradition is a true Sasak custom.
Second, merariq tradition is considered as acculturation of Balinese culture. According to
Bartholomew [29] the practice of eloping is borrowed from Balinese culture. Furthermore,
Bartholomew explains the historical anthropological analysis by Clifford Geertz in his book Internal
Convention in Bali (1973), Hildred Geertz in An Anthropology of Religion and Magic (1975), and
James Boon in his book The Anthropological Romance of Bali (1977) acculturation of Balinese and
Lombok cultures in the merariq tradition [29].
Based on the two arguments about the history of merariq above, in this case the authors hold that
the acculturation of merariq tradition has a higher level of accuracy. In the Sasak tribe is known the
existence of a social strata called triwangsa. This social stratum is clearly the same as the Hindu-
Balinese pattern. This merariq tradition is part of the culture. Culture and social life of Lombok people
can not be separated from the cultural dichotomy of the archipelago [30]. Merariq as a tradition
commonly applied to the Sasak tribe in Lombok has its own unique logic. For the Sasak community,
merariq means maintaining self-esteem and describing the virility of a Sasak man, for he succeeded in
taking (escaping) a woman of her heart.
Therefore, merariq traditions practiced by these people often lead to conflict between families. The
disapproval of one of the family because her daughter was taken away could lead to an open conflict
between them. To prevent the occurrence of conflicts over such events, custom is provided by
alternative means of problem solving through the implementation of negotiations or selabar between
the family of the bridegroom with the family of the bride with respect to their wishes and wishes to
marry. Selabar has the intention to inform the family of the bride who is followed up with the talk of
her custom in the form of Pisuke amount of money or goods which is given voluntarily from the side
of the man to the female family for the cost of doing the fun on the bride's side, even sometimes this
event is coupled with a guardian request at once.
The acceptance of the tradition of pulling as a way of marriage of this society is inseparable from
the kinship system adopted by the people of this nation who embrace patriarchal system. According to
Parsons, the male patriarchal system acts as the Chairman of The Board (instrumental leader)
responsible for the maintenance of his family and because the woman considers the man as the leader
3
1234567890
The 2nd International Joint Conference on Science and Technology (IJCST) 2017 IOP Publishing
IOP Conf. Series: Journal of Physics: Conf. Series 953 (2017) 012186 doi :10.1088/1742-6596/953/1/012186
in his family, so that in the male- male (husband) has a higher honor and is very decisive in taking a
family decision.
In this study the authors want to discuss marriage from the point of view of local culture that
occurred in the village of Langko, Central Lombok regency, Indonesia is merariq tradition. This
research is focused on three things, namely: first stage and process of merariq tradition in tribal
society sasak, both function or philosophical meaning what is contained in practice merariq at society
of tribe sasak, third process of regeneration of ritual merariq society of sasak.
2. Method
This research uses qualitative method with case study approach [31]. Case study as the approach used
to study, explain and interpret a case in its natural context without any outside intervention. Yin
further said, as a research effort, case studies can add value to the unique knowledge about various
phenomena [31]. This paper will be focused in Langko Village, Kec. Janapria, Kab. Central Lombok.
The data collection technique is done by mengiventarisasi various materials related to research studies
through journals, articles, books, sources from the internet and interviews. Primary data were obtained
directly from religious leaders and community leaders, while secondary data from documents and
records related to this study. Data analysis method used is qualitative analysis method with the
following stages: data reduction, data presentation, and draw conclusions [32].
3. Results and discussions
In the past, drawing refers to the early process of marriage that is by bringing a running bride to be
married. Today the word drawing is more often understood as the marriage itself. To distinguish
between the two, in this paper it will be interpreted to mean the extent of the whole system of
traditional marriage Sasak, while elopement will be used to show the meaning of carrying a run or
kidnap girl to marry.
3.1. The process and stages are fascinating according to Lombok's cultural outlook
The process of merariq is done by kidnapping a woman from her home without the
knowledge of her parents or her family. One or two days later one of the men's family will be
sent to inform the family of the woman that her child has been rushed by the groom to marry.
The stage or series of customs that must be carried out by both the bride and his family in the
tradition of merariq are as follows. 1) Midang, is a visit of male to female house at step process
approach (ngapel). 2) merariq, the process of abducting the woman from the power of her parents.
After being kidnapped, the woman is entrusted or hidden, usually at the man's relative's home. 3)
Besejati, interpreted as the party of men sent some local community leaders or traditional leaders to
report to kliang (head of the hamlet) to inform about the marriage about the identity of the bridegroom
and then to report to the female family. 4) Nyelabar, containing the intention to notify the family of
the bride followed by the conversation of custom in the form of pisuke in the form of money or goods
given voluntarily by the groom to the family of the bride. Pisuke is a sum of money or goods that is
voluntarily given from the side of the men to the female family for the cost of implementing the
gratitude on the bride's side. Usually this selabar event drangkaikan with bait wali (Take Guardian). 5)
Bait Wali is taking the guardian of the bride family can be directly at the time nyelabar or can a few
days after nyelabar, this depends on the agreement kedau sides. Furthermore, the marriage contract
between the bride and groom is determined by the ability of the guardian. 6) Srong Serah, the core of
the implementation of this srong deliver is the official announcement of the wedding ceremony
between the bridegroom and the bride. 6) Nyongkolan, the bridegroom and the bride and his family
visited the home of parents and families of the bride by using traditional clothing accompanied by
drum beleq (gendang beleq), kecimol or gamelan.
4
1234567890
The 2nd International Joint Conference on Science and Technology (IJCST) 2017 IOP Publishing
IOP Conf. Series: Journal of Physics: Conf. Series 953 (2017) 012186 doi :10.1088/1742-6596/953/1/012186
3.2. The function or meaning embodied in the Merariq tradition
There is a philosophical meaning embodied in the tradition of merariq practiced by this society, ie
from the perspective of men, women, parents and society.
3.2.1. Men’s Perspective
One thing that can not be avoided from the practice merariq is a man will look very strong, mastered
and able to tame the psychological social of his future wife. merariq provides a strong legitimacy of
male superiority regardless of whether the marriage has been planned before or on the basis of likes or
unplanned.
Most sasak tribesmen have drawn to women he likes. In many cases, the men who marry when
they want to kidnap women do not immediately express their intentions but by persuading him to go
somewhere with a variety of reasons. Kidnapping of women is sometimes not done directly by the
prospective bridegroom but by sending some messengers, so the woman does not know who will
marry her.
In addition, some are married due to circumstances. There is a rule in the sasak society that when
unmarried men and women travel then back up at 10 pm, usually the man does not dare to take the
woman to his home. In this case men should be responsible for the woman by marrying her though
there is no feeling of love between them. Because it will be a disgrace among the people.
3.2.2. Women's perspective
If in a male perspective, merariq describes the superiority of men, then in the perspective of women
abducting marriage practices illustrate otherwise. In this position, women will appear very inferiority,
ie the powerlessness of women over all the actions they undergo. Merariq's glow contributes greatly to
the attitudes that arise from women in the form of a sense of resignation and even looks like enjoying
the atmosphere of inferiority.
Connecting with many men at the same time is commonplace for some unmarried sasak women.
This can happen because during the phase of midang, they will accept anyone who comes to visit their
home. The problem of who is closest to the heart of the woman is a very personal thing, so as long as
the woman is not married, every man may come to visit or ngapel.
Such circumstances eventually lead to competition among men who crave the same woman.
Because the feelings of fear the woman will be taken away by another man first, then secretly they
race to take the woman run. When the woman has been rushed and marriage has been executed, then
the opportunity for other men to expect the woman. In many cases, women who like men who have
married are willing to wait and no resistance has even been prepared to get their clothes taken during
the process of memaling (running).
But the pull also occurs in women who do not like the men who kidnapped him. There is a difficult
thing to be released from the practice of elopement, namely the use of magic or supernatural powers
when doing the escape action. Before the rush, the woman has been used first to facilitate the escape.
The woman in a certain period of time will be so in love with the man who kidnapped and eventually
married her. As the strength of the witchcraft begins to diminish, it begins to cause discrepancies and
disharmony in the home. This is what eventually became one of the causes of high divorce rates on the
island of Lombok.
3.2.3. Parent’s Perspective
There are two views that arise about merariq when viewed from the perspective of parents are: first,
the prestige of female families. merariq is believed to be a form of honor upon the dignity and dignity
of the female family. On the basis of this belief, a woman taken by a man is not regarded as a one-
sided violation, but this is regarded as the achievement of a female family. Parents feel that their
daughters have a certain privilege to attract men. There is an assumption that is deeply rooted in the
mental and mental structure of this society that by running means its daughter has a high economic
value, otherwise the female family will feel insulted if the marriage of her daughter is done by way of
5
1234567890
The 2nd International Joint Conference on Science and Technology (IJCST) 2017 IOP Publishing
IOP Conf. Series: Journal of Physics: Conf. Series 953 (2017) 012186 doi :10.1088/1742-6596/953/1/012186
application. Second, the emergence of a sense of togetherness (egalitarian) in family of women. Not
only the father, mother, sister and sister of the woman, but all the relatives have a sense of sentiment to
join the merariq sustainability. Even togetherness involves a large community of people in the
neighborhood of the woman living. Concrete proof of the strongness of togetherness between family
and society component is by doing ritual menserah, bait wali and srongserah.
3.2.4. People's perspective
The occurrence of merariq almost always continues into the process of bargaining pisuke. Negotiable
process related to the magnitude of pisuke usually done in the bait wali event is very thick with the
nuances of business. Whatever the reason, considerations of the most powerful and dominant aspects
of the economy are in the ritual bait wali procession. There are strong indications that parents have
raised their daughters from childhood to adulthood. For all these businesses have spent a lot of money.
As a result the attitude of parents who want to expect the cost of raising the daughter is getting a
change from the prospective daughter-in-law. The higher the education level of the woman and the
higher the social level of the parents, the higher the bargaining power of the woman. Conversely, the
lower the educational and social levels of children and parents, the lower the economic value offered.
Commercialization of merariq rituals appears to be very strong and is always required to be
implemented if men and women are both from sasak tribe. If one of the prospective husbands or wives
comes from outside my sushi there is a tendency that the demands for commercialization are
somewhat weakened. This happens because there is a dialogue of civilization between customs,
culture and values held by this community with the values held by people outside this tribe.
3.3. Regeneration merariq
One of the normative doctrines contained in merariq rituals is the pride felt by the indivudu and the
female family which is marked by the desire that the daughter married by a man must go through the
process of diverting (memaling). Pride has a contribution to the existence of family in the community.
Regardless whether the turn will end with marriage or not, but the process of turning itself (memaling)
is already an important stage that is quite monumental in the order of the procession of marriage.
It is this social pride that then raises the image and social legitimacy that merariq is not a criminal
act in the cultural view of this society. Whereas in positive law there is a provision that fleeing other
people's children included in the category of major criminals who are in the criminal family abduction
and forcing one's will to another party and the elimination of independence that must be owned by
citizens.
Heroic or heroic attitudes is one of the reasons why this tradition of merariq is maintained as a
marriage culture in this society. According to this society, heroic attitude is absolutely necessary if you
want to foster a household with a prospective bride who has been in idam-idamkan. Today, the
growing view in the community is that elopement even though without the consent of parents is a
hereditary tradition that must be preserved.
4. Conclusion
In the process, merariq tradition is done by kidnapping the bride without the knowledge of the parents
or the family of the women. There are several stages that must be passed by the bride and groom in the
tradition merariq, namely: besejati, nyelabar, bait wali, sorong serah and nyongkolang. Conflict that
often arises, for internal family, merariq often become a place of coercion against the female family.
For society, merariq impact on disruption of harmony of social life. In order to reduce the conflicts,
the selabar is regarded as an alternative problem solving in the form of negotiations between the bride
and groom's family and the bride-to-be relating to ajikrame and pisuke transactions.
6
1234567890
The 2nd International Joint Conference on Science and Technology (IJCST) 2017 IOP Publishing
IOP Conf. Series: Journal of Physics: Conf. Series 953 (2017) 012186 doi :10.1088/1742-6596/953/1/012186
Ucknowledgment
I thank many people of Langko Village, Janapria Sub-district, Central Lombok Regency who have
been willing to provide information and data needed in this research and my friends Unesa class
graduate Social Studies P2TK 2015 for its cooperation, moral assistance, suggestions and criticisms
that build.
References
[1] Chiu T Y 2016 Marriage Migration as a Multifaceted System: The Intersectionality of Intimate
Partner Violence in Cross-Border Marriages Violence Against Women
[2] Pellander S 2015 An Acceptable Marriage J. Fam. Issues 36(11) 1472–89
[3] Davin D 2005 Marriage Migration in China: The Enlargement of Marriage Markets in the Era
of Market Reforms Indian J. Gend. Stud. 12(2–3) 173–88
[4] Lu M CW 2005 Commercially Arranged Marriage Migration. Case Studies of Cross-border
Marriages in Taiwan Indian J. Gend. Stud. 12(2–3) 275–303
[5] JI Y 2013 Negotiating Marriage and Schooling: Nepalese Women’s Transition to Adulthood
Ann. Am. Acad. Pol. Soc. Sci. 646(3) 194–213
[6] Utomo A J, Reimondos A, Utomo I D, McDonald P F and Hull T H 2016 Transition into
marriage in Greater Jakarta: Courtship, parental influence, and self-choice marriage South East
Asia Res. 24(4) 492–509
[7] Davis S N and Greenstein T N 2004 Interactive Effects of Gender Ideology and Age at First
Marriage on Women’s Marital Disruption. J Fam Issues 25(5) 658–82
[8] Schutte K 2013 Marrying Out in the Sixteenth Century: Subsequent Marriages of Aristocratic
Women in the Tudor Era J. Fam. Hist. 38(1) 3–16
[9] Wilcox W B and Dew J 2016 The Social and Cultural Predictors of Generosity in Marriage J
Fam Issues 37(1) 97–118
[10] Pyke K and Adams M 2010 What’s Age Got to Do With It? A Case Study Analysis of Power
and Gender in Husband-Older Marriages J. Fam. Issues 31(6) 748–77
[11] Madathil J and Benshoff J M 2008 Importance of Marital Characteristics and Marital
Satisfaction: A Comparison of Asian Indians in Arranged Marriages and Americans in
Marriages of Choice. Fam. J. 16(3) 222–30
[12] Ji Y, Yeung W J J 2014 Heterogeneity in Contemporary Chinese Marriage J. Fam. Issues
35(12) 1662–82
[13] Segal-Engelchin D, Huss E, Massry N 2016 The Experience of Early Marriage. J Adolesc Res
31(6) 725–49
[14] Hayami A 1987 Another Fossa Magna: proportion marrying and age at marriage in late
nineteenth-century Japan J. Fam. Hist. 12 57–72.
[15] Yüksel-Kaptanoğlu İ and Ergöçmen B A 2014 Early Marriage J Fam Issues 35(12) 1707–24.
[16] Kamal N 2016 Age at Marriage 1–15.
[17] Liu H and Waite L 2014 Bad Marriage, Broken Heart? Age and Gender Differences in the Link
between Marital Quality and Cardiovascular Risks among Older Adults J. Health Soc. Behav.
55(4) 403–23
[18] Davidson D 2012 Happy Marriages in Early Nineteenth-Century France J. Fam. Hist.
37(1):23–35.
[19] Davis D S 2014 Privatization of Marriage in Post-Socialist China Mod China.
[20] Guo C, Pang L, Zhang L and Zheng X 2014 Historical Demography for Late Marriage in
China: A Verification Study J. Fam. Hist. 40(1) 111–25
[21] Bradford N 1985 From bridewealth to groom-fee: Transformed marriage customs and socio-
economic polarisation amongst lingayats Contributions to Indian Sociology
[22] Chantler K, Gangoli G and Hester M 2009 Forced marriage in the UK: Religious, cultural,
economic or state violence? Crit. Soc. Policy 29(4) 587–612
[23] Huber B R, Danaher W F and Breedlove W L 2011 New Cross-Cultural Perspectives on
7
1234567890
The 2nd International Joint Conference on Science and Technology (IJCST) 2017 IOP Publishing
IOP Conf. Series: Journal of Physics: Conf. Series 953 (2017) 012186 doi :10.1088/1742-6596/953/1/012186
Marriage Transactions Cross-Cultural Res. 45(4) 339–75
[24] Moore E 2015 Forms of Femininity at the End of a Customary Marriage Gend. Soc. 29(6) 817–
40
[25] Toth O, Robert P 1994 Sociological and historical aspects of entry into marriage J. Fam. Hist..
19(4) 351
[26] Vergati, A. 1982. Social consequences of marrying Visnu Narayan: primary marriage among
the Newars of Kathmandu valley. Contributions to Indian Sociology, 16(2)
[27] Young P D 2001 Traditions , marriage and the law Same-sex science religieusses 29(4) 465-
480
[28] Cuber F 2015 Changing Courtship The annals of the american academy
[29] Bartholemew J R 2001 Alif lam mim: kearifan masyarakat Sasak Yogyakarta 66 105–9
[30] Bustami Saladin 2013 Tradisi Merari’ Suku Sasak Di Lombok Dalam Perspektif Hukum Islam.
al-Kalam Jurnal Al-Ihkam 8(1) 21-39
[31] Yin R K 2009 Case study research: design and methods/Robert K. Yin Applied social research
methods series 5 p. 282
[32] Miles M A and Huberman 1994 Qualitative Data Analysis: An Expanded Sourcebook Sage
publications p. 50–72
ResearchGate has not been able to resolve any citations for this publication.
Article
Full-text available
The negative impact of early marriage on girls’ psychosocial well-being is well documented in the literature, but little is known about the girls’ motivations and experiences within marriage. A phenomenological case study approach, combining artwork and semi-structured interviews, was used to investigate the motivations and experiences of early marriage among 10 engaged and married young Muslim women who married young in Israel. The findings regarding the engaged women point to their decision to use marriage as a way to fulfill their need for freedom, their wish to experience love in a culturally respectable frame, and to escape from poverty and from difficult family. Conversely, the married women’s narratives point to the heavy price and limited benefits of early marriage, in creating intense new problems and not providing relief from former problems. The regret over having not studied, intense loneliness, lack of money, and the search for a more respect-based marriage are predominant themes. The financial and social motivations for marriage found among the women studied suggest that in their decision to marry young, they were not passive victims of love or society but were rather taking an active pragmatic decision within the very limited options open to them.
Article
Full-text available
This article analyses trends in early marriage in Turkey over a period of 30 years from 1978 to 2008, and factors associated with early marriage, based on data from the 1978 Turkish Fertility Survey and 2008 Turkey Demographic and Health Survey. The proportion of all women aged 20 to 24 who married before age 18 declined from 38% in 1978 to 14% in 2008. For ever-married women aged 20 to 24 years, the article examines risk factors for the common explanatory variables such as educational level of women, childhood place of residence, type of place of residence, region and spousal age gap, using logistic regression analysis. For women, early marriage is associated with all the explanatory variables in both surveys. Increasing women’s education and achievement of gender equality in all spheres of life emerge as essential steps to cope with the problem of early marriage and to eliminate child marriage.
Article
This article addresses the question of whether a shift to a self-chosen marriage partner means that traditional cultural norms stressing family influence on spouse selection have been weakened by inroads of modern norms of greater individual autonomy in the marriage process. Using a representative sample of 1552 married young adults (aged 20–34) in Greater Jakarta, we explore the courtship processes and the degree of parental role involved in spouse selection. Although only 4% of the respondents cited that their marriage was arranged by others, over half of the respondents reported their parents or in-laws played a major role in their marriage decision. Our multivariate analysis suggests that tertiary educated respondents are those most likely to report their parents playing a major role. We reflect on the prevailing cultural norms to discuss the centrality of family in studying the interactions between marriage, education, and social mobility in modern Indonesia.
Article
This article addresses the intersectional nature of intimate partner violence (IPV) against female marriage migrants in Mainland China–Hong Kong cross-border marriages. The author analyzes data from 15 battered female marriage migrants who share the same ethnicity as their husbands to illustrate how the immigration of female marriage migrants intricately intersects with gender, class, and culture to form a multifaceted system that traps battered marriage migrants in abusive marriages. It is proposed that marriage migration, as a distinct form of migration, involves certain intrinsic risk factors that make marriage migrants particularly vulnerable to IPV.
Article
This paper explores women’s daily practice of resistance built into the racialized and gendered social structure of customary marriages in South Africa. I argue that women resist, accommodate, adapt, and contest power and authority in the decision to leave the marriage, in negotiating the exit from the marriage, and in their approach to the financial consequences of the separation. By using the myriad of daily practices as evidence for resistance, the study identifies three forms of femininities that emerge from the data: Emphasized femininity characterizes women’s compliance with women’s subordination, ambivalent femininity describes a complex combination of compliance and resistant activities in women practices, and alternative femininities typifies the rejection and resistance with women’s subordination. The paper discusses how these different forms of femininity emerge in their specific cultural, class, and temporal context. The findings reveal that the resistance practices are accompanied by more general ideological awareness of how gender, seniority, and lineage shape the lives of these women at this time of transition.
Article
This article focuses on the role of bureaucrats in Finnish immigration administration and sheds light on how they evaluate family relations of marriage migrants. It is based on interviews with staff at the Finnish immigration office and local police stations who deal with residence permit applications on the ground of marriage. By using the analytical framework of moral gatekeeping, I identify culture, gender, and temporality as central elements of the gatekeeping procedure. The article argues that bureaucrats combine cultural relativism with an essentialist view that expects migrants to adhere to indigenous cultural norms. They expect migrants to prove a belonging to what the bureaucrats perceive of as a certain culture of origin. The article furthermore sheds light on the gendered understandings of spouses in the immigration process. Finally, it explores temporality and the awareness of how the passage of time affects migrants’ marriage credentials and thereby jeopardizes bureaucrats’ decision-making process.
Article
Some phenomena that occur in the present day may have also occurred a long time ago. In this study, we examined the relationship between education attainment and late marriage in modern society as well as in ancient China. To this end, we analyzed demographic data reported by 2010 Census statistics and data recorded by historical documents of Chinese dynasties. We concluded that the current delay in the age at marriage has historical roots, as late marriage in the Song Dynasty era and today’s society have a common cause—namely, education, which impacts the age that people choose to marry.
Article
Over the past three decades, a distinctly post-socialist form of marriage with high rates of divorce as well as rising rates of marriage and remarriage has emerged as the result of a “triple turn” by the party-state in regard to the institution of marriage: a “turn toward” marriage as a voluntary contract, a “turn away” from close surveillance of sexual relationships, and a “turn away” from protection of communal property. The one-child policy runs against these three prevailing “turns” toward privatization, but to date this contradiction has been muted by a de facto distinction between (strong) control over reproduction and (weak) control over sexual relationships. Moreover, as illustrated here through close analysis of three recent interpretations 解释 of the Supreme People’s Court and interviews with ordinary citizens in Guangzhou and Shanghai, by continuing to extend the logic of voluntary contract to intimate relationships, the party-state’s own actions (and inaction) serve to accelerate privatization of marriage in post-socialist China.
Article
This study focuses on the social and cultural sources of an important dimension of solidarity in contemporary marriages: marital generosity. Marital generosity is defined here as freely giving to one’s spouse by regularly engaging in small acts of service, forgiving one’s spouse, and displaying high levels of affection and respect. Using recent data from a national sample, the Survey of Marital Generosity (N = 1,368 couples), we explored the associations between gender egalitarianism, familism, religiosity, and generous behavior among spouses aged 18 to 45. Our results suggest that domestic gender egalitarianism—where spouses reported sharing housework and child care—is linked to greater reports of marital generosity. Religiosity is also positively associated with marital generosity. Finally, the most potent predictor of generosity in this study is commitment, where spouses are personally dedicated to their partner and to continuing the relationship.