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Bodies, doings, and gendered ideals in Swedish graffiti
Abstract
Drawing from extensive fieldwork among graffiti writers in Sweden this article investigates gendered identity work and its consequences. It points to how potentially inclusive aspects of disembodied subcultural Performances-that identities are negotiated through the material representation of the writer rather than on basis of the physical body-nevertheless work exclu-dingly, especially so in terms of gender. This is so because identity work in graffiti revolves around a re-embodiment of identities through normative notions of the able, male and invisible body.
... Graffiti and street art practices may be understood as embodied experiences where both scholars and research participants are part of the embodied process, accumulating fieldrelevant knowledge. Some graffiti and street art researchers have considered how their creators' agency, identities, cultures, bodies, thoughts and emotions are embodied in artefacts (Hannerz, 2017;Schacter, 2014). Other researchers have emphasised the joint mind-body actions in generating and perceiving graffiti and street art products through embodied experiences (Myllylä, 2018;Halsey and Young, 2006;Nomeikaite, 2017). ...
... Cultural artefacts and concepts may convey social, symbolic meanings; for example, expressing one's membership within a peer group or identity within a subculture (Macdonald, 2002). Bodies can be perceived as cultural objects, where a person's symbolic identity is distinguished, evaluated and communicated through bodily practices (Hannerz, 2017;Ignatow, 2007;Noland, 2010). Within graffiti and street art, cultural artefacts may embody the creators' individual and culturally idealised forms (Hannerz, 2017). ...
... Bodies can be perceived as cultural objects, where a person's symbolic identity is distinguished, evaluated and communicated through bodily practices (Hannerz, 2017;Ignatow, 2007;Noland, 2010). Within graffiti and street art, cultural artefacts may embody the creators' individual and culturally idealised forms (Hannerz, 2017). ...
Graffiti and street art research (GSAR) has become more acknowledged within the academic discourse; however, it has much to gain from theorising its methodological aspects. As a multidisciplinary field, GSAR has mostly used qualitative research methods, exploring urban space through methods that range from visual recordings to ethnography, emphasising the researchers’ reflexivity. This qualitative approach has, however, paid little attention to the role of embodied practices. In this paper we discuss how embodied methodologies provide multisensory research results where the experienced moments, the participant’s and researcher’s senses, cognition and mobility in urban spaces are connected. Our discussion draws on the authors’ fieldwork experiences of walking and edge working, and on the literature concerning embodiment and embodied methodology related to the context of GSAR.
... We begin with a discussion of the existing literature on subcultures, arguing that parts of this literature lack thorough consideration of sampling strategies and that this may hinder in-depth understanding of the plurality that characterises any subcultural formation. Drawing on the first author's ethnographic fieldwork among punks in Sweden and Indonesia (Hannerz 2015) and Swedish graffiti writers (Hannerz 2017;Hannerz and Kimvall 2019), we then proceed to present a new type of sampling design, that of 'negative chain referral sampling', hereafter referred to as 'NCRS'. This is a design that inverts the logic of conventional chain referral sampling: rather than approaching individuals that we have been advised to approach, the target is individuals that our research subjects have designated as unworthy of research attention, for instance due to a perceived lack of authenticity, status, or insider knowledge. ...
... At this point, it is worth noting that the motivation for writing this paper comes from the first author's long-lasting struggle with understanding subcultural diversity (Hannerz 2015(Hannerz , 2016a(Hannerz , 2016b(Hannerz , 2017. I (Hannerz) began studying the subculture of punks as a graduate student. ...
... Often, punks would readily direct me to other punks and provide me with their definitions of punk, different kinds of punk, as well as bands, venues, and places connected with punk (Hannerz 2015). Given the secrecy of graffiti, and given that graffiti writers tend to focus on tags more than taggers, it was often difficult for writers to put me in contact with other writers not belonging to their group of friends (Hannerz 2017). Even if a specific place was pointed out to me as being popular among certain writers, this information alone rarely enabled me to find or get into contact with these writers. ...
This paper calls for renewed consideration of the way research subjects are selected in the study of subcultures. All too often, subcultural researchers limit themselves to the use of one or two of the orthodox sampling designs, such as ‘convenience sampling’ (selecting subjects who are readily available) or ‘chain referral sampling’ (selecting a readily available subject who refers the researcher to other subjects). While these designs certainly have their merits, especially in the early research phase of negotiating access and acceptance, they may impede insight into the diversity that exists within subcultural groups. Based on ethnographic fieldwork among punks and graffiti writers, this paper introduces a supplementary design, that of ‘negative chain referral sampling’, which consists of using group members’ categorisations of subcultural anomalies as an opening to explore subcultural variation and tensions. This design is one that flips the logic of conventional chain referral sampling: if we are encouraged not to speak to certain subjects, for instance, due to their lack of authenticity or status, this forms the motivation for doing exactly that. Closer examination of subcultural anomalies may deepen our understanding of the boundary work, identity-making and social exclusion that occurs in all subcultural groups.
... Jag hade inga pengar och hängde vid tunnelbanan. Det var det texterna hämtade näring ur.(Joakim Thåström i:Carlsson & Johansson 2004:114) Medlemmarna i Ebba Grön var med och bildade kulturföreningen Oasen 1977 som var det första lokala initiativet för punkscenen i Sverige(Hannerz 2017). 1979 blev Oasen utslängda vilket ledde till att de ockuperade lokalerna tills de till sist blev utkörda av polisen. ...
Antikvarisk undersökning av graffitimålningen Highway i Rågsved, Stockholm.
The articl is dedicated to the study of 58 stone box graves found in the village of Chovdar, Dashkesan region in 2021. Based on the results of preliminary research, determined that the necropolis belonged to the Khojaly-Gadabay culture tribes inhabiting the territory of Azerbaijan.
Characteristics, structure and research method of the monument : In 2021, monument was identified and involved in archeological research in the gold ore processing area near Chovdar village, located in a high mountainous area of Dashkesan region . It should be noted that archeological excavations in the necropolis began in 2019 . In the same year, 156 stone box graves were excavated. The stone box grave is made of megalithic, large rocks and stones. Some of the stones used are hewn and some are not hewn. Small stones were used to cover the gaps between the large stones . Examples of this type of archeological culture are widespread in Ganja-Gazakh, Karabakh, around Lake Goycha, Nakhchivan, and South Azerbaijan.
The entrance to all the grave's chambers is felt. Thus, after the side and top stones of the grave chamber were laid and after the implementation of burial in the chamber, the entrance door is installed and the back was reinforced with relatively small stones . The fact that the ends of some of the entrance stones of the camera were visible on the surface caused them to be robbed. Interestingly, although the directions of the graves are different, their entrance is , the entrance door is to the south, in east-west graves the entrance is from the west , and in north-east-southwest graves, the entrance is from the south-west .
Another interesting aspect of the necropolis is that the graves are found in separate groups in the area. Among the group graves, no graves were found in the empty area of more than 20 meters. In our opinion, each family has created its own cemetery in its own area.Another indication that the graves belong to the same family is the discovery of specific materials in a group of several graves.
Although the tomb chambers studied in the necropolis are structurally similar, one of the distinguishing features is their size. The length of the largest burial chamber examined was 330 cm and the length of the smallest burial chamber was 90 cm. In addition, we can note that a specially designed stone structure was found near only one of the graves .
Another distinctive feature of grave chambers is their floor. Thus, although the floors of most graves were smooth, the floors of some graves were shaped like a ridge with clay soil along the chamber. Burial in this type of chamber was carried out in a depression near the side walls, grave gifts were placed on yellow clay soil. The burial process carried out on yellow clay is found in some graves of Tovuzchay necropolis. Yellow clay soil is the top layer of the lithosphere, which has a lot of humidity, mainly rich in iron oxides . One of the main features of this soil is its waterproofing. One of the main features of this soil is its water tightness. Therefore, in such graves there is a sharp decay of skeletons and high oxidation of metals. There were completely looted graves in the necropolis.
Except for two graves, all the graves examined have a single burial. Most likely due to looting, in many graves, the anatomical position of the skeletons had changed dramatically. According to anthropological research in the Chovdar excavations, it was determined that the women were buried on her left side and the men on his right side.Interestingly, such burials were recorded in many monuments of the region, such as Tovuzchay , Zayamchay ), Munjuglutepe necropolises and in other monuments of Dashkasan. Apparently, during the Late Bronze-Early Iron Age, people living here buried their dead with the same belief.
During the last 10 years, the mobile phone and the emergence of websites, such as Youtube, which facilitate user-generated content, have enabled an explosion of pictures and video clips posted on the internet by civilians documenting the activities of authority figures. This “sousveillance” is a kind of inverse surveillance, reciprocal to surveillance, where members of the grassroots monitor those in power. Initially, sousveillance was primarily seen as an inverse form of surveillance in which citizens monitor their surveillors in order to challenge the surveillance state. The individuals filmed were originally thought to be aware of being sousveilled by others, and it was assumed that every watcher would voluntarily give free access to all information recorded. This article, drawing from an analysis of selfdocumented graffiti videos, aims to further the understanding of sousveillance through showing how graffiti writers—the supposed target of surveillance—use documentation of surveillance in order to present themselves as superior in terms of control and knowledge. Through analyzing the narrative structure and composition of these videos, I will demonstrate that sousveillance, for the graffiti writer, becomes less a matter of resistance and more a means for the symbolic representation of subcultural emotions, activities, and identities. The documentation and dissemination of the movements and activities of anti-graffiti officers, as well as the graffiti writers’ successful attempts to outsmart them, are analyzed as a part of a subcultural play, centered on the establishment of an equilibrium or a dance where key roles and rules are assigned.
The impact of social media use on youth subcultures, such as graffiti writers, has been rapid and dramatic, bringing with it a number of significant transformations that present both opportunities and challenges. This paper explores the impact of the Internet and social media on a community of graffiti practitioners. I argue that the rise and uptake of online social networking platforms such as Instagram and You Tube have offered a range of affordances to the practice of graffiti writing. These affordances include: greater accessibility to graffiti culture; learning opportunities; and opportunities for wider distribution and curation of graffiti pieces. Simultaneously, social media challenges the significance of ‘community’, that is, the physical social interaction afforded by participation in real world graffiti crews. The findings suggest that while there are tangible benefits from the use of the Internet and uptake of social media by the graffiti writing community, it is the physical communal bonds experienced within a graffiti crew that are vital to the wellbeing and continuity of the culture. This paper contributes to our understanding of how social media affects youth more broadly and specifically how social media platforms are transforming the experience of youth subcultural practice.
This article studies illicit street art and graffiti subculture among women in Helsinki, taking feminist subcultural theory into account. In previous studies of illicit street art and graffiti, women’s participation has been overlooked partly due to lack of data and through the tendency of seeing them as one unified marginalised group. Through ethnographic fieldwork, using edgework as the methodological approach, and interviews with eight women painting street art and graffiti in Helsinki, this article presents a critical perspective on how these women negotiate their positions in the subcultures from different positions. Particularly, it examines the performed gendered distinctions between street art and graffiti, and the negotiations of subcultural subjectivity.
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