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Traditional Rice Farming Ritual Practices of the Banjar Tribe Farmers in South Kalimantan

Authors:
Traditional Rice Farming Ritual Practices
Of The Banjar Tribe Farmers in South Kalimantan
Karunia Puji Hastuti
Student of Doctoral Program, Department of Geography
Education, Universitas Negeri Malang
Malang, Indonesia
karunia_pujihastuti@yahoo.com
Sumarmi, Dwiyono Hari Utomo, Budijanto
Faculty of Social Science
Universitas Negeri Malang
Malang, Indonesia
AbstractThe majority of Banjar tribe communities work as
farmers and convert to Islam. Banjar tribal society called the rice
farming system in terms bahuma. Ritual activities in bahuma
intended to ask to God in order to harvest abundant and avoided
from crop failures. This study aims to describe ritual performed
in the Banjar tribe farmers bahuma activities. The method used
in this research is descriptive qualitative. Data collection was
done by observation, interview, documentation and literature
study. Data were analyzed using Miles and Huberman interactive
model. The research findings indicate that farmers Banjarese
perform rituals during the process: manaradak (seeding rice),
batanam (planting rice in paddy), mangatam (harvest), and
imbah katam (after the harvest).
Keywords ritual, bahuma, Banjar tribe
I. INTRODUCTION
Banjarese farming systems in South Kalimantan [1]
referred to as system urang banjar (Banjarese System). In
addition to the term system urang banjar/ banjarese system,
Banjar tribe farmers also familiar with the term bahuma for
farming activities. Bahuma even more familiar term among
the Banjar tribe. Bahuma activities (farming) conducted by
Banjar tribe farmers generally still managed traditionally,
ranging from seed rice seedlings, planting, harvesting, post-
harvest up. Bahuma activity has been hailed by the Banjar
tribe for generations, they form a system of traditional
knowledge through experience and experiments, it is a process
that is adaptive to the surrounding environment. Adaptability
makes activities bahuma able to survive until now.
As with other tribes in Indonesia which has a variety of
unique rituals, Banjar tribe in South Kalimantan also has a
unique ritual, especially in bahuma activities. According [2],
the ritual always identified with the habit (habit) or routines.
Furthermore Rothenbuhler explained that, "The ritual is the
voluntary performance of appropriately patterned behavior to
symbolically effect Participate in the serious or life".
Meanwhile, [3] to understand the ritual as a habitual action
(action hereditary), formal action and also contain
transcendental values. The same thing is also explained
Sitomorang [4] is meant a ritual is related to spiritual beliefs
and beliefs with a certain purpose. Rituals are often
understood as a system of cultural construction of symbolic
communication. Rituals are often practiced through verbal and
non verbal as well as actions expressed in various media.
Grimes [5] proposes models of rituals: ceremony, liturgy,
magic and celebration.
Traditional rituals are social activities that involve the
community in working together to achieve common safety
goals. This is in line with the opinion [6] traditional ritual is
one form of realization of a form of culture in the form of a
pattern of patterned behavior activities of humans in the
community or often called the social system. Furthermore [7]
describes "rituals that are basic to the social act of humanity".
This social system consists of human activities that interact
from time to time and always follow certain patterns based on
customary behavior [8]. In essence, the traditional ritual
contains not only human activities that are symbolically
oriented with nature and supernatural powers, but behind that
every ceremony is the embodiment of ideas and aspirations
(the will). The idea and the will contain knowledge, values,
beliefs, rules that relate human relationships to others, human
relationships with their natural environment, and to the
supernatural world [9].
Observing these views, it is understood that rituals are
associated with voluntary performances with community-
organized patterns of patterned behavior (based on custom).
Ritual is one way to communicate. Realizing that the ritual as
one way in communicating, then the term ritual
communication emerged. The term of ritual communication
was first proposed [10]. He mentioned that, "In a ritual
definition, communication is linked to terms such as" sharing
"," participation "," association "," fellowship ", and" the
possession of a common faith ". Furthermore, [10] added in
the ritual view, communication is not directly directed to
disseminate the message in a space, but rather the maintenance
of a community at a time. Communication patterns built in
view of the ritual is sacred ceremony (ceremonial sacred/holy)
where everyone together and assembled (fellowship and
commonality). In line with [3] explains the pattern of
communication in ritual perspective is not that the sender
sends a message to the recipient, but as a sacred ceremony in
which everyone shares a common part in fellowship and
assembly as well as performing the banquet. In the view of
ritual, the more important is the community togetherness in
"Multicultural Transformation in Education, Social Sciences and Wetland Environment" (ICSSE 2017)
1st International Conference on Social Sciences Education
Advances in Social Science, Education and Humanities Research (ASSEHR), volume 147
170
Copyright © 2018, the Authors. Published by Atlantis Press.
This is an open access article under the CC BY-NC license (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/).
doing prayer and ceremonial. Furthermore, [11] describes
communication with the unseen world can not be implemented
by means of communication in the form of everyday language
but with symbols that serve as a medium of communication
believed to have magical or magical values with the aim can
be established communication that can be interconnected.
Banjar tribe community life generally believe the presence
of the fine (supernatural beings), both evil and good.
Similarly, people in the village of Dalam Pagar (Kabupaten
Banjar), they believe in the existence of the occult life.
Therefore, they often hold rituals associated with various
aspects of life of which are conducted in the bahuma. Ritual
activities undertaken bahuma Banjar tribe farmers steeped in
the nuances of Islamic, in view of the majority of farmers
Banjar tribe embraced Islam. This can be seen from the use of
readings taken from the Qur'an. Ritual performed Banjar tribe
farmers in activities ranging from manaradak (seed), batanam
(growing rice), mangatam (harvest), and imbah katam (after
the harvest).
II. METHOD
The method used in this research is descriptive qualitative,
where the result of this research try to explain in detail the
situation in the field. In research, theories and data sources can
develop in the field. The location of this research is in Dalam
Pagar village (Kabupaten Banjar). Farmers Banjarese
generally being subjects in this study. Key informants in this
research is the traditional leaders/community and kapala
padang. Objects that were observed in this study is the ritual
of tribal farmers of Banjar bahuma activities ranging from
manaradak activities (seed), batanam (growing rice),
mangatam (harvest), and imbah katam (after the harvest). The
data collection is done by observation, interviews,
documentation and review of relevant literature on the
agricultural system Banjar tribe. The observation technique is
a structured observation in which the researcher has prepared
the observation guideline. Documentation methods are used to
supplement data and other information obtained from relevant
agencies or other reference sources. The process of face to
face interviews were conducted in person (face to face) with
key informants. Interview guidelines used as an instrument to
facilitate the interviews with sources or key informants. The
validity of the data used in this research is to use triangulation
techniques. Data analysis techniques performed by data
reduction, data presentation, and withdrawal of conclusions /
verification [12].
III. RESULT
The life of the Banjar people in Desa Dalam Pagar
(Kabupaten Banjar) is colored by religious life based on
Islamic teachings. In fact almost can be said, the whole life of
society is based on religious sentiments derived from the
teachings of Islam. The majority of Banjar tribe people in
Desa Dalam Pagar work as traditional rice farmers.
Agricultural systems by farmers Banjar tribe consists of four
main activities, namely: manaradak (seed), batanam (growing
rice), mangatam (harvest), and imbah katam (after the
harvest). Here ritual at every activity bahuma Banjar tribe
farmers in South Kalimantan.
Manaradak (Seed)
Banjar tribe farmers have several terms for the activities of
sowing rice. The first term is mamalai grain is sprinkled over
the muddy ground, which deliberately prepared and covered
with straw. The second term is manaradak which include
grain into the drill hole/crab (hole where planting rice). The
next term is maampak/malacak to plant while grain rice that
grow into saplings, and then after some time the child was
lifted for planting rice back in the actual fields (fields).
Usually before the ritual performed in pahumaan (rice
fields), at the evening shalat hajat performed in congregation
lavatory. Shalat hajat is held after shalat magrib, followed by
reading Shalawat and surah Yasin. The purpose of shalat
hajat is to ask Allah SWT so that bahuma activities bring
blessings and avoid harvest failure. Previous rice seedlings
will be planted placed near paimaman (the imam). It is time
for shalat isya’ to be continued with the prayer in
congregation. Finished the prayer ritual performed salamatan
to serve food brought by members of the public who would
bahuma (farming).
After completion of the ritual salamatan, paddy seed given
to someone who had the honor to manaradak, then taken home
and stored for one night at his home. The rice seeds should be
brought to the venue in pahumaan (rice field) the next day.
Based on the information society Banjar tribe who lived in
Dalam Pagar village (Banjar District) that the grains of rice to
be sown, dirabun beforehand that grain smoked over a fire
parapen (incense) while saying kur sumangat many times. The
word kur sumangat may connote a blessing. Once smoked,
grains of rice and then put into the water, when entering the
rice into the water was read surah Al-Fatihah (one time) and
Shalawat (three times), the term Banjar tribe farmers in this
activity is mamalai. In addition there is also a term
mamalai/manaradak which includes grain into the tugal
hole/umang. Based on information from informants, when
inserting grains of rice into the tugal hole/umang recited tasbih
(Subhanallah, Alhamdulillah, Allahu Akbar). The reason given
why it should be recited tasbih for paddy supposedly came
from plants in heaven brought to earth to become human food
that humans should be thankful to God for what has been
given. For the purposes of bamula manaradak (beginning
seed) is usually held also salamatan to prepare porridge made
from rice flour called kokoleh and recited prayers survived.
Presentation of kokoleh porridge always been associated by
the public with the term Banjar tribe is bapakoleh (get results).
A. Batanam (Planting Rice in Rice)
For the purposes of bamula batanam (begin planting rice
in paddy), family farmers usually prepare porridge kokoleh be
eaten together in dangau (hut that was in the fields) after the
ritual is complete. For bamula batanam takes three/seven
tugal hole/umang whose position was made in the middle of
rice fields. When will plant tugal hole/umang first, first recited
Syahadat and read Ayat Kursi (Ayat Allahula), then the rice
Advances in Social Science, Education and Humanities Research (ASSEHR), volume 147
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seed is inserted into a pit. Another informant said that he read
Syahadat, Fatiha Four (consisting of surah Al-Fatihah, Al-
Ikhlas, An-Nas, and Al-Falaq) and tasbih before entering the
rice seed. Here there is the term bamamang (spell), the
purpose of bamamang is removing the rice spirit to sail away
and returned with a plentiful harvest.
When finished with the first hole, then move on to the
second hole in the same way and reading, and so on until the
last. Farmers who perform rituals bamula, usually do it alone
without the help of others. Enough for him to prepare kokoleh
porridge and read Bismillah and Fatiha Four when planting
hole first, and read Bismillah when planted next hole (through
hole to seven). Kokoleh porridge was served immediately after
completion bamula, and the farmers who happened to be in
the fields adjacent invited to participate and enjoy. Then the
cultivation of rice fields continued until finished.
When finished planting rice in the fields, farmers in Dalam
Pagar Village (Banjar District) usually surrounds the field
while burning parapen (incense) and whispered mamangan /
mantras to Rice: " wahai Nur hayatullah batanang-tanang
haja di parjalanan imbah tuntung bajalan kami siap haja
manunggui ikam bulik wan kami siapakan kasinggahan ikam
lawan tujuh buting gadung ". Meaning: O Nur Hayatullah
(name of paddy) to be calm in his duty of sailing and that the
farmer was ready to wait with seven holes to receive his return
(rice).
Still in Banjar District, precisely in the Gambut District
also has a tradition of collective salamatan and implemented
Langgar (Mosque) before the sowing activity. For farmers
rich, usually held salamatan tuntung batanam (salvation
finished planting rice) in her own home by inviting relatives
and neighbors. Salamatan is usually held on Friday afternoon,
i.e, after the men returned from the mosque. Kokoleh porridge
dishes are also available, but during a ceremony this
salamatan, kokoleh only as a requirement. The food was
served at the ceremony salamatan is rice and side dishes.
Prayer is prayer that is read salamat and starting
reinforcements. The attendees consisted of neighbors,
especially the men plus the Ulema as master of ceremonies
salamatan.
Then when the rice has flowered (named maurai), in
Dalam Pagar Village is no informant who said that farmers
will surround the field while splashing oil mixed with jasmine
(minyak likat boboreh). Se the return of the fields, in the
farmhouse held salamatan attended by family only to serve
bubur ba-ayak. Bubur ba-ayak made from rice flour and
shaped like small grains, which are usually associated with
full grain. In addition there is also a gold soak, and gold
immersion water is distributed to the fields, an action intended
to order the harvest abundant.
B. Mangatam (Harvest)
Before the rice dikatam (harvested) in a gang, usually
performed the ceremony bamula or known as batampung
bargaining. Time for bamula/batampung tawar accurately
determined, as well as begin to grow rice. If bamula
mangatam ceremony will take place on Sunday, then the
activity has started since Saturday afternoon. The afternoon
ritual aims to gather the spirit of rice to be harvested the next
day. For the purposes of ritual usually farmers bring upat
(torch made of palm leaves that have dried flowers, in which
there is a part of a coconut shell and weeds that have been
dried). Ritual begins with the position of farmers who are in
the middle of rice fields and utter mamangan (spell) in a puff
of smoke upat. Fill mamangan/mantra spoken among others:
"Assalamu’alaikum hai dangsanakku Nur hayatullah,
lakasi kasini bakumpulan sabarataan nang di paksina,
daksina, masyrik lawan di magrib, aku handak manyambut
ikam dangsanakku lawan ku andakakan ikam barataan di
wadah nang paling baik". Meaning: Assalamu'alaikum hai my
brother Nur hayatullah (name of the rice soul), let here gather
all of them, in the north, south, east and west, I want to
welcome you and I place you in the best place.
After mamangan/spell spoken, then upat placed on the rice
field. Implementation of this ritual with oil splashed around
the field while (minyak likat boboreh) into rice plants. When
batampung tawar blessings spoken out loud, but there are also
farmers who only mentions "kur sumangat". Meanwhile
whenever arriving at each corner of the fields, a clump of rice
and then tied up as sidat bond, so that later there will be four
ties sidat bond of rice. Sidat bond is simple binding way that if
one end of the rope is pulled, the bonds will be detached. At
the time of making the sidat bond on rice clump recited
prayers " 'Alimullah,' Alimul Muhammad, 'Alimul
Invisibility". The intention is that urang halus passage
(supernatural beings) do not interfere with the fields.
Next day early in the morning do banih laki bini reception
preparation to be harvested at a time bamula mangatam (start
harvesting). At that time, farmers will oversee the rice stalks
were moving as if asking allegedly harvested, two stalks of
rice crouching and facing each other (this is called a rice male
chant). These two rice stalks will be the first to be harvested.
When going to harvest rice, it must first be read Shahada and
Ayat Kursi (Ayat Allahula).
Dishes available at the time of rice harvest process
(mangatam) generally lapat or kokoleh, the dish was placed in
a hut (hut that was in the fields). Ma-lapat/make lapat
associated with mandapat / received while kokoleh associated
with bapakoleh (get results). Farmers working in nearby fields
are invited to attend the prayers and enjoy the meal.
Imbah Katam (After the Harvest)
After a few days mangatam, some of the crops dried and
pulverized to be used as a rice directly. The rice that has been
cooked will be holding a ritual dish salamatan "mahanyari
banih" (try the newly harvested rice) with the reading of
prayers as a form of gratitude to Allah SWT. This event is
usually attended only family members or invite some
neighbors.
In the post-harvest ritual is also known as the capacity of
the bargain. There are also some farmers who said that after
the completion manampung selling to the rice granary
(Kindai) to serve nasi lakatan (glutinous rice) and hinti (head
grated cooked with brown sugar), prayer is a prayer that is
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read when bahalarat ( prayer as an expression of gratitude).
Therefore, this ritual is often called the ritual bahalarat banih
or salamatan Pisit banih or tuntung katam ceremony. On the
occasion of this bahalarat banih usually farmers are obliged to
pay zakat paddy. In accordance with Islamic law, usually the
farmer will issue zakat paddy for 10% of all the results
obtained.
In addition bahalarat banih ritual, Banjar tribe farmers
also recognize the term ritual mamalas Handil. Handil
mamalas ritual performed as an expression of gratitude to God
who has bestowed fortune is also intended to invoke the
protection of that agricultural land where they tried to always
be planted and can provide fruitful. By carrying out this ritual
mamalas handil, farmers hope to save farmland of pests or
another disaster that resulted in the failure of the harvest.
Because the word mamalas means clearing the ground of the
various possible natural disasters and plagues.
Mamalas handil operational time is after harvest.
Implemented after harvest because this activity requires a cost,
so that from the harvest can be set aside for the cost of
organizing the ritual. Usually mamalas handil ritual will
conclude with a prayer safely and eat together. To eat
together, the dishes provided are animals such as cow, buffalo,
goat or just enough chicken only. This type of animal victim
depends on the ability of farmers. As proof that they plead for
the safety of the farms they are working on is the blood of the
slaughtered animals slaughtered into the river. In the past, the
head of a caged animal was planted on the farm, but now it is
no longer.
IV. DISCUSSION
Before Islam entered and developed, Indonesia already has
a cultural style that is influenced by Hinduism and Buddhism.
All that can not be separated from previous influences, namely
the culture of the ancestors (animism and dynamism), and
Hindu Buddhism that developed earlier than Islam. With the
entry of Islam, Indonesia again experienced the acculturation
process that gave birth to a new culture that is Indonesian
Islamic culture. The entry of Islam does not mean the culture
of the ancestors just disappeared. The form of culture as a
result of the acculturation process (Islam and ancestral
culture), is not only material / material but also concerns the
behavior of Indonesian society. In line with this, Smith [3]
explains that although the beliefs of society change, some
religious rituals are preserved in order to reinforce their social
unity. This is in line with the opinion of the [13] rituals reduce
individual-level conflicts inherent in group living, a Necessary
condition for coalitional Achieving goals. Precisely religious
ritual is done not just to worship and closer to God Almighty,
but also done to fulfill social obligation.
Rituals associated with the activities of the region bahuma
South Kalimantan, especially farmers Banjar tribe can be seen
in two types of activities mentioned aruh and salamatan. Aruh
ceremony held as mandatory and binding hereditary, while
salamatan held in accordance with the applicable purposes.
Aruh aims to raise the public for certain ceremonies or holding
gawi (work together) with aspects of religion, including
entertainment can be contained in it but the pressure is
stronger in terms of its religious. Salamatan emerged after
Islam entered in public life Banjar tribe. Salamatan to do with
the presence of three or four people, the pressure readings that
are being said salamat prayers to God Almighty to be blessed
with safety, or welfare.
Ritual activities in bahuma intended to harvest abundant
and avoid crop failure resulting in losses for farmers. The
purpose of the rituals of the Banjar tribe farmers has in
common with rituals performed by Magindanawn farmers in
the Philippines. Reference [14] describes a ritual performed
Magindanawn farmers in the Philippines aims to communicate
with uyag-uyag (soul that gives fortune) in order to harvest
abundant. Similarly, research conducted by [15][16][17]
shows the same thing that rituals done by farmers have a goal
to harvest crops and avoid harvest failure.
Rituality is the most important bond in religious life in
society. The beliefs of society and its practice are apparent in
the rituals held by the community itself. The rituals that are
held can even encourage people to do and obey the values and
social arrangements that have been mutually agreed upon. In
other words, rituals provide deep motivation and values for
someone who believes in and practices them.
Implementation of the ritual is closely related to the
symbols used. So it can be said that it is impossible to
understand the form, nature, and meaning of rituals without
knowing deeply the ritual symbols used. According to [20] a
symbol is an object or event that points to something. Symbols
are part of a ritual that holds something of meaning or
behavior in a typical ritual ceremony.
Ritual activities by farmers Banjarese bahuma full of
symbols and meanings contained therein. Symbols in the
bahuma ritual, Banjar tribe farmers group among other hole
(umang) to plant rice seeds made odd (starting with 3, 7 or 9
holes). The reason for the selection of odd numbers by Banjar
tribe farmers who mostly embraced Islam because many
privileges features of the numbers contained in the Qur'an.
With the start of the process of planting seeds of rice on the
odd holes, Banjar tribe farmers hope that the process bahuma
they do bring blessings from Allah SWT. Other symbols in
ritual bahuma is presented Kokoleh, lapat, and bubur ba-ayak.
Kokoleh dish made from rice flour and coconut milk mixture
made lumpy like porridge, where dishes Kokoleh by farmers
Banjarese associated with the term bapakoleh (get results).
Banjar tribe farmers expect to kokoleh with their dish of rice
planted the seeds will give good results. Lapat dish made of
rice wrapped in banana leaves and shaped rectangles, then the
package tied with a rope so that the rice is in the leaves do not
come out when cooked. Ma-lapat term is defined by the gain,
so Banjar tribe farmers expects to receive the results
overflow/double at time of harvest. In addition Kokoleh dish
and lapat, in bahuma ritual of Banjar tribe farmers also found
porridge dish (bubur ba-ayak). Bubur ba-ayak made from rice
flour and shaped like small grains. With pulp served bubur ba-
ayak, Banjar tribe farmers hoped that rice planted seed will
produce a full grain. Other symbols in ritual bahuma is where
upat and sidat bonding. Upat and sidat bond created with the
Advances in Social Science, Education and Humanities Research (ASSEHR), volume 147
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aim of making batas gaib (magical limits) in the fields to be
harvested. With the magical limits supposedly urang halus
(supernatural beings) will not see the paddy ready for harvest
so that urang halus (supernatural beings) does not interfere
with the fields.
Disclosure of the meaning behind the symbols used in the
ritual bahuma Banjar tribe farmers in line with the
interactionist symbolic theory by Blumer [18]. The basic
assumption of interactionist symbolic theory that man acts
upon something on the basis of the meaning of that symbolic
value. The meaning of the symbols is the result of social
interaction in society. It means that human interaction is
bridged by the use of symbols, by interpretation, and by the
certainty of the meaning of the actions of others. Turner [15]
explains that through the analysis of ritual symbols will help
explain correctly the value that exists in society and will dispel
doubts about the truth of an explanation. In analyzing the
meaning of the symbols on the activities of ritual, used theory
proposed interpretation Turner [15] as follows: 1) exegetical
meaning is the meaning derived from local residents about the
informant observed ritual behavior. In this case, it is necessary
to distinguish between the information provided by the
informant laymen and experts, between esoteric and exoteric
interpretation. A researcher should know for sure whether the
explanation given by the informant was truly representative
and or just the views of unique individuals, 2) Operational
obtained meaning that the meaning is not limited to the words
of the informant, but of the action taken in the ritual. In this
case should be directed to the information level, the problem
of social dynamics, 3) Potitional meaning is the meaning
obtained through the interpretation of the symbol in
conjunction with any other symbol of the totality. This level of
meaning is directly linked to the owner of the ritual symbol. In
other words, the meaning of a ritual symbol must be
interpreted into the context of the symbol and its owner.
V. CONCLUSION
Ritual activities undertaken farmers bahuma Banjarese
nuances of Islam, since the majority of farmers Banjar tribe
embraced Islam. The symbols contained in bahuma ritual full
of meaning/significance. By performing the ritual in bahuma
activities, farmers Banjarese expect abundant harvests and
avoid crop failure resulting in losses for farmers. Ritual in
bahuma contained in the following activities: manaradak
(seed), batanam (growing rice), mangatam (harvest), and
imbah katam (after the harvest).
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Advances in Social Science, Education and Humanities Research (ASSEHR), volume 147
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... Some of the food-related practices in the community are culture-driven and ritualistic. An example is the elaborate rice planting ritual of the Banjar tribe that is aimed to bring blessings and avoid crop failure (Hastuti & Sumarmi, 2017). However, studies on the indigenous way of doing food based on local knowledge are much more scarce. ...
... 3.3.1.1). Indeed, TK and cultural practices are not static and archaic, but constantly evolving through innovation and techniques (Berkes et al. 2000;Hastuti and Sumarmi 2017;Narasimhan and Franco 2009;Sunder 2006). However, the printed calendar withholds information on the sacred holidays (genna) rooted in the Mao Naga religion. ...
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Indigenous communities use their calendric knowledge to carry out landscape management activities. Using the example of the Mao Naga community of Northeast India, we demonstrate that keepers of such calendars are facilitators of landscape management activities of the community. The Mao Naga community chief once served as the chief calendar keeper from whom calendric information flowed to village-level calendar keepers. The chief calendar keeper processed information on the skyscape and local seasonal indicators and disseminated it to the village-level calendar keepers, and other community members. The calendar keepers determined the dates for sacred holidays called genna , and festivals which in turn determined landscape management activities that include agriculture, hunting and fire management. The village-level calendar keepers combined calendric information received from the chief calendar keeper with their own observation of skyscape and local seasonal indicators. The observation of local seasonal indicators by the village-level calendar keepers enabled them to keep the ecological calendar dynamic, flexible and relevant to the landscape. The Mao Council has introduced a printed traditional calendar which makes it easier for determining lunar months and festival days. But it lacks information on sacred holidays and local seasonal indicators. We recommend that the printed traditional calendar be developed further to include information on sacred holidays and local seasonal indicators. The improvised printed ecological calendar should then be administered by the calendar keepers.
... After the harvesting period, the community will hold a ritual event that is thanksgiving worship and serve many kinds of traditional food to show their gratitude to God during the cultivation processes starting from the land clearing until the harvest time ends. Hastuti et al. (2017) mentioned that the ritual event in an agricultural system of Banjar tribes is called 'Bahuma'. Bahuma ritual aims to ask blessings from God, hoping for abundant harvest and failure might not happen. ...
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Productivity of three varieties of local upland rice on swidden agriculture field in Setulang village, North Kalimantan, Indonesia. Biodiversitas 21: 49-56. Swidden agriculture field is a dry land used by traditional farmers to cultivate some varieties of local upland rice intercropped with vegetables, tubers, and fruits. This rotational cultivation system utilizes the land for planting such food crops in one year period before it is left for fallow periods for years. This study aimed to assess the productivity of local upland rice varieties (i.e. Langsat rice, Telang Usan rice, and Pimping rice) cultivated on swidden agriculture field in regard to the fallow periods. This study was conducted in Setulang village, Malinau District, North Kalimantan Province and employed purposive sampling method using interviews of selected respondents and field observation. Among three varieties of rice in this study, Langsat rice had the longest fallow period with 17 years while Pimping rice had the shortest fallow period with 13 years, with the maximum production were 2,635 kg ha-1 and 1,670 kg ha-1 , respectively. Meanwhile, Telang Usan rice reached the maximum production on fallow period of 15 years with the total production of 2,208 kg ha-1. Overall, of the three types of rice planted, the results show that the longer the fallow period, the higher the rice production and the shorter the fallow period, the lower the production. Each type of rice has a different amount of production, although it is planted during the same fallow period.
... Society should be a subject, not an object, of development. The handil institution in the Banjar community proves how local culture can maintain and secure the sustainability of swamps [38]. ...
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Crop production needs to double to feed the world’s growing population. Indonesia, as the fourth most populated country in the world, needs to meet its food security challenge with a shrinking arable land area. Indonesia has over 34 million ha of swampland. The scarcity of arable land in Indonesia means wetlands are likely to be converted to agricultural use. The challenge is to both profitably and sustainably do so. This paper presents a framework for developing wetlands for food production, which includes (1) the characterization of land and problem of development; (2) analysis of historical development and lessons learned; (3) technology development; and (4) optimization of development. We analyze each of the components and its relation to regional economic growth and lessons learned. For successful future wetland development, three factors must be considered: Land-soil-water characterization, landscape and land use design, and community development. This framework can be adopted by other tropical areas for the development of wetlands.
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Preservation of culture in the life of modern society today is something that deserves the attention of all parties, especially the local culture that contains the noble values of the Indonesian nation. The effect of globalization if it is not balanced with the readiness of the people is feared it will create a borderless world. The limited readiness of the community in the regions to face the era of globalization makes the lack of preventive measures that can be taken to prevent borderless world shocks. One effort to deal with the negative impact of globalization is to use indigenous knowledge values as a force. This study aims to explore and identify indigenous knowledge values of bahuma that’s owned by the Banjar Tribe farmers as an effort to preserve culture to face the negative effects of globalization. This research uses a qualitative method with ethnographic approach. The subjects in this study were the Banjar tribe farmers. Data analysis was performed using the Miles & Huberman interactive analysis model. The results showed the values of local wisdom bahuma Banjar Tribe include: religious, kerja keras (hard work), patang menyerah (never giving up), tanggung jawab (responsibility), peduli terhadap lingkungan (caring for the environment), gotong royong (mutual cooperation), tidak menyakiti (not hurting), kebersamaan (togetherness), berbagi (sharing), sabar (patience), ikhlas (sincerity), kekeluargaan (kinship), and adaptation value.
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The ecological insights of local farming traditions have the potential to be adapted to modern agricultural practices. The article presents an exploration of the ecological insights of the bunga’ lalang rice farming tradition in the Luwu society, South Sulawesi, Indonesia. Four rituals of the tradition were observed directly during their performance, followed by interviews with eleven figures including the ritual masters. Each ritual of the bunga’ lalang tradition was treated as a discourse and the meanings of the biological elements are extracted to generate ecological knowledge that is biologically logical and compatible with modern scientific knowledge in rice farming.
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In examining state-minority relations in Southeast Asia, Scott (2009) argues that the attributes of ‘hill tribes’ are acts of political strategy designed to evade state capture. Cautioning against a binary between freedom and oppression, Jonsson (2012) calls for a historically and socially contextualized approach to state-minority relationships. This research contributes to this debate by focusing on religion and agriculture, which have been closely linked in highland societies. Swidden rice cultivation has traditionally been sacred, featuring religious rituals. However, state influences have driven a shift from swidden subsistence farming to sedentary commercial farming. This article investigates the effects of this transition on religion and agriculture amongst the Khmu in the Vieng Phouka district of Northern Laos. Ethnographic methods reveal significant secularisation in agriculture, with increasing economic rationalisation of decisions pertaining not only to agriculture but also to religious rituals. At the same time, selected state-introduced cash crops are being sacralised, particularly in scenarios with high risk. These observations indicate an amalgamation of religion and modern rationalisation. Such amalgamations can be understood as adaptations of the Khmu to maximise benefits, illustrating strategic agency suggested by Scott (2009). However, the agency is applied to engage with the state instead of resisting it, falling, as Jonsson (2012) suggests, outside the freedom-oppression dichotomy.
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Occasional Papers in Sociology and Anthropology - Volume 8, 2003
Article
In the ancient farming communities many rituals were associated with agriculture and allied operations. Most of these practices have been discarded today due to modernization and mechanization of life. This paper explores the ecological and socio-cultural dimensions of an agriculture related ancient ritual, mundiyânkalaúam. Its relevance to agricultural operations, conservation of nature and propagation of healthy social practices in community life has been examined. The Participatory Rural Appraisal (PRA) tools were used for data collection.
Book
In this classic text, James W. Carey maintains that communication is not merely the transmission of information; reminding the reader of the link between the words "communication" and "community," he broadens his definition to include the drawing-together of a people that is culture. In this context, Carey questions the American tradition of focusing only on mass communication's function as a means of social and political control, and makes a case for examining the content of a communication-the meaning of symbols, not only the motives that originate them or the purposes they serve. He seeks to recast the goal of communication studies, replacing the search for deterministic laws of behavior with a simpler, yet far more challenging mission: "to enlarge the human conversation by comprehending what others are saying." This new edition includes a new critical foreword by G. Stuart Adam that explains Carey's fundamental role in transforming the study of mass communication to include a cultural perspective and connects his classic essays with contemporary media issues and trends. This edition also adds a new, complete bibliography of all of Carey's writings.
Come to the Land of Sabrang: Transmigration in Indonesia. Jakarta: Popular Gramedia Library
  • P Leevang
P. Leevang, Come to the Land of Sabrang: Transmigration in Indonesia. Jakarta: Popular Gramedia Library, 2003.
Studies Cultural Communication On Ritual Ceremony Congko Lokap and Penti As Media Communication in Regional Tourism Development Manggarai East Nusa Tenggara Province
  • F Ngare
F. Ngare, "Studies Cultural Communication On Ritual Ceremony Congko Lokap and Penti As Media Communication in Regional Tourism Development Manggarai East Nusa Tenggara Province". Journal of Communication Vol 1 No. 1 April 2014, 2014