Who Enjoys Listening to Violent Music and Why?

Abstract

Negative emotions are usually avoided in daily life, yet often appreciated in artistic endeavours. The present study investigated emotional experiences induced by Death Metal music with extremely violent themes, and examined whether enjoyment of this genre of music is associated with personality traits. Fans (N=48) and non-fans (N=97) listened to 60-second excerpts of Death Metal music and rated their emotional experiences. Compared with non-fans, fans experienced a wide range of positive emotions including power, joy, peace, and wonder. In contrast, non-fans reported uniformly negative experiences, including tension, anger and fear. Fans and non-fans were also distinguished by personality traits, with fans lower in conscientiousness and agreeableness, and in their motivations for listening to music. Results suggest that individuals with certain personality and music-listening motivations are drawn towards aggressive music with violent themes, and their enthusiasm for this genre promotes a range of positive emotional responses to this music.

Full text

© 2018 American Psychological Association
2160-4134/18/$1 2.00 http://dx.doi.org/10.1037/ppm0000184
Who Enjoys Listening to Violent Music and Why?
William Forde Thompson, Andrew M. Geeves, and Kirk N. Olsen
Macquarie University
Negative emotions are usually avoided in daily life yet often appreciated in artistic
endeavors. The present study investigated emotional experiences induced by death
metal music with extremely violent themes and examined whether enjoyment of this
genre of music is associated with personality traits. Fans (N
=
48) and nonfans (N
=
97) listened to 60-s excerpts of death metal music and rated their emotional experi-
ences. Compared with nonfans, fans experienced a wide range of positive emotions
including power, joy, peace, and wonder. In contrast, nonfans reported uniformrly
negative experiences, including tension, anger, and fear. Fans and nonfans were also
distinguished by personality traits, with fans lower in conscientiousness and agreeable-
ness, and in their motivations for listening to music. Results suggest that individuals
with certain personality traits and music-listening motivations are drawn toward ag-
gressive music with violent themes, and their enthusiasm for this genre promotes a
range of positive emotional responses to this music.
Keywords: aggressive behavior, emotions, music, preferences, violent media
Citation:
Thompson, W. F., Geeves, A. M., & Olsen, K. N. (2018, March 26). Who enjoys
listening to violent music and why?. Psychology of Popular Media Culture. Advance
online publication. http://dx.doi.org/10.1037/ppm0000184
Psychology of Popular Media Culture
Public Policy Relevance Statement
Music listening is a ubiquitous pastime for teenagers, but when that music contains
themes of extreme violence, questions arise as to who listens to this music and why.
Here, we show that fans of violent music differ from nonfans in personality, with
lower conscientiousness and agreeableness. They also have different motivations for
listening to music and contrasting emotional responses to violent music, with fans
reporting feelings of power and joy, and nonfans reporting feelings of tension, fear,
and anger.

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Music listening is a ubiquitous pastime for children and teenagers. Rideout, Foehr and
Roberts (2010) reported that American youths between the ages of eight and 18 listen to
music an average of two hours and 31 minutes every day, and the amount of music listening
increases with age. There are several motivations for listening to music, including pleasurable
changes in mood and energy, establishing and maintaining social bonds, and affirming one’s
identity (MacDonald, Miell & Hargreaves, 2017; Thompson, 2015). Music listening can also
confer temporary benefits for cognition, which may be mediated by transient changes in
mood and arousal (Ilie & Thompson, 2011; Thompson, Schellenberg & Husain, 2001).
Certain genres of music owe their success to the exploration of difficult emotions, and
sadness is a commonly reported emotional state induced by music (Juslin & Laukka, 2014).
The popularity of dark or violent themes in music, film, and visual art raises important
questions for the psychology and aesthetics of artworks (Davies, 1997; Eerola et al., 2018;
Garrido & Schubert, 2011; Huron, 2011; Menninghaus, et al., 2017). Why are so many
individuals drawn towards experiences that foster negative emotions such as fear and anger?
What are the emotional and cognitive effects of persistent exposure to artworks that feature
tragic or violent connotations?
In an examination of responses to tragic themes in film, De Wied, Zillmann, and
Ordman (1994) found that tragic events were more likely to be enjoyed by viewers with high
levels of empathy than by viewers with low levels of empathy. The authors argued that for
many, tragic themes induce positive feelings, such as those associated with friendship, love,
bravery, and perseverance. Along similar lines, Vuoskoski, et al. (2012) reported that people
experience a range of emotions in response to artistic expressions of sadness. They presented
16 excerpts of sad music to 148 participants who rated their emotional responses and
completed a personality questionnaire. Sadness was the most common emotion experienced,
but other emotions were also induced by the music, including nostalgia, peacefulness, and

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wonder. Positive evaluations of sad music were mediated by personality. Participants who
reported a high level of preference for sad music were comparatively high on personality
variables Openness to Experience and Empathy, implying that a desire for novelty and
empathetic engagement may play important roles in the aesthetic enjoyment of sad music.
These findings are consistent with evidence that personality mediates preferences for
music (Rentfrow & Gosling, 2003; Vuoskoski & Eerola, 2011a, 2011b) and that, conversely,
music preferences communicate information about one’s personality (Rentfrow & Gosling,
2006). Rentfrow and Gosling (2003) examined the structure of music preferences, as well as
the association between personality and music preferences. They used exploratory and
confirmatory factor analysis to reveal that music preferences revolved around four major
types of music: Reflective and complex (classical, jazz, blues); intense and rebellious
(alternative, rock, heavy metal), upbeat and conventional (country, pop, religious), and
energetic and rhythmic (hip-hop, rap, soul, funk, electronic, dance). Preferences were also
dependent on personality variables. For example, people who preferred intense and rebellious
music – including heavy metal – tended to be open to new experiences, considered
themselves to be intelligent and athletic, and showed no signs of neuroticism or
disagreeableness.
Death Metal music – the focus of this investigation – falls within the category of
intense and rebellious music. However, the extremely violent lyrics and aggressive textures
associated with this subgenre are distinguishing characteristics, and hence the emotional
consequences for listeners may be unique. Relatively little research has examined the
emotional effects of listening to violent music, or the motivations for listening to such music.
This gap in the literature is surprising given that genres such as Death Metal often contain
lyrics with depictions of extreme sexual violence, murder, decapitation, suicide, and drug and
alcohol abuse (Christenson, Roberts & Bjork, 2012).

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According to Guibert and Guibert (2016), fans of Heavy Metal music such as Death
Metal identify with the metal community and experience a powerful affinity to their
subculture, suggesting that social bonding is one motivation for this music preference (see
also Johnson & Cloonan, 2008). Membership to the community may overshadow any
reservations that fans may have towards the aggressive, often misogynist lyrical content.
Within the community of extreme metal fans, Kahn-Harris (2007) observed reluctance by
fans to acknowledge or confront questions surrounding the lyrical messages of male violence,
power and misogyny – a reluctance not borne of ignorance, but one that reflects a conscious
decision to avoid engaging in critical thought – a stance Kahn-Harris refers to as reflexive
anti-reflexivity.
Engagement with violent genres of music has also been linked with emotional and
behavioral problems, including aggressive behaviors and drug and alcohol use (Chen, Miller,
Grube, & Waiters, 2006; Selfhout, Delsing, ter Bogt, & Meeus, 2008). Indeed, there is an
extensive body of research on media violence that suggests that high exposure to violent
media, including video games with violent and anti-social content, is associated with
aggression, substance abuse, early sexual behaviors, misogynist attitudes, and suicide
(Gentile, 2014; Warburton & Braunstein, 2012). Some of this evidence comes from
experiments involving random assignment of participants to conditions of violent and non-
violent media exposure, permitting researchers to argue that exposure to violent media causes
an increase in aggression (Anderson, et al., 2010). However, most evidence concerning the
psychological and behavioral effects of media violence is correlational, restricting the kind of
inferences that can be drawn. At least some of the associations between media violence and
aggression reported in the literature can be explained by the fact that individuals with pre-
existing problems of aggression find pleasure or comfort in listening to violent music.

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Engagement with violent music may be a way for individuals who are already experiencing
anger and other difficult emotions to process their feelings.
The latter possibility is consistent with research by Sharman and Dingle (2015). In their
investigation, participants initially spent 16 minutes with an interviewer describing one or
more events that produced intense feelings of anger. Following this anger-induction stage,
one group of participants listened to extreme metal music from their own playlist, and the
other group sat in silence. Listening to extreme music did not make angry participants
angrier; instead, it triggered positive emotional experiences. The authors argued that listening
to extreme music may, in some circumstances, be a healthy strategy for processing anger. On
the other hand, the participants in this study only played music from their own playlist, so it
is possible that the positive reports of emotional experience reflected their pre-existing
enjoyment of this type of music. For individuals who do not already enjoy this music, such
benefits might not be observed.
The current investigation sought to examine the variegated emotional experiences that
are induced by music with violent themes in participants with a range of preferences for
Death Metal music. We also investigated motivations for listening to violent music by fans,
and the personality traits that may distinguish fans from non-fans. To that end, we
administered a survey to fans and non-fans of Death Metal music. We restricted our music
samples to Death Metal music that contains the following attributes: (a) lyrical content that
endorses actions resulting in serious physical or emotional harm, or death, to one or more
individuals; (b) non-linguistic (instrumental or prosodic) content associated with aggressive
emotions such as anger, usually because the music emphasizes acoustic attributes known to
induce heightened arousal and negative valence, such as high intensity, dissonance, extremes
of pitch register, unpredictability, and rapid tempo.

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The design of our survey was driven by three research questions. First, what emotional
experiences are induced by music with extremely violent themes? Second, do fans and non-
fans of violent music experience the same emotions after listening to this music? Third, is the
tendency to enjoy music with violent themes associated with certain personality attributes?
To address these questions comprehensively, we employed established measures of
personality, empathic capacity, and propensity to use music for mood regulation, along with
rating scales designed to evaluate emotional and aesthetic experiences. These ratings scales
were derived from existing research on music and emotion, including research on negatively
valenced (sad) music.
In view of the existing research on violent media, we considered four hypotheses. First,
fans and non-fans of violent music should exhibit different personality characteristics.
Second, fans and non-fans should exhibit different levels of empathic capacity. Third, fans
and non-fans should report using music for different psychosocial functions. Fourth (H4),
fans and non-fans of violent music should report different emotional and aesthetic responses
to Death Metal music, with fans reporting more positive experiences.
Method
Participants
The sample comprised 145 Australian participants (101 females and 44 males; M =
21.83 years, SD = 5.41, range = 16-44 years). Forty-eight identified as “fans of Death Metal
music” and 97 identified as non-fans by responding to a question that required a categorical
response of yes or no. Non-fans were recruited from Macquarie University’s pool of first-
year psychology students and completed the task as part of course requirements. Fans of
Death Metal music were recruited from: (1) Macquarie University’s pool of first-year
psychology students; (2) a snowball sample targeting students of Sydney music colleges; and

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(3) self-selection by responding to advertisements on Death Metal social media fan pages. All
recruitment and data collection were completed in four months.
At the beginning of each testing session, participants were allocated by quasi-random
assignment to either a ‘lyric’ or ‘no lyric’ condition. In the ‘lyric’ condition, the lyrics for
each stimulus were displayed on the computer screen as the music was playing. In the ‘no
lyric’ condition, participants listened to each stimulus item without the lyrics displayed. The
factorial design permitted consideration of several variables, including genre preference (fans
versus non-fans), the impact of lyrics, (lyrics displayed or not displayed), and sex
(male/female).
Demographic information for each fan and lyric group is reported in Table 1. We
recorded the amount of instrumental music training of each participant because past research
suggested that music training is associated with aesthetic judgments of music (Müller et al.,
2010). Participants in the fan group reported more years of music training (M =
6.17 years, SD = 7.54) than participants in the non-fan group (M = 2.75 years, SD =
4.19, t(143) = 3.51, p = .001, 95% CI [1.49, 5.34]). However, the amount of music training of
participants was uncorrelated with ratings for any emotion measure, and conclusions
remained the same whether or not music training was statistically controlled.
Fans and non-fans were similar in age but the average age difference of 2.83 years was
statistically reliable, t(143) = 3.05, p = .003, 95% CI [1.00, 4.67]. Preliminary analyses
revealed that one significant difference (anger ratings for fans and non-fans, p=.042) became
marginally significant (p=.066) when the age of participants was held constant. No other
statistical inferences were affected. Music training and age were excluded from further
consideration. All participants reported normal hearing.
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The decision to recruit 145 participants was determined by an examination of effect
sizes observed in a parallel study that employed similar measures but considered preferences
for ‘sad’ music rather than violent music (Vuoskoski, et al., 2012). In that study, 148 Finnish
university students participated with an age range of 18-49 years (M = 23.50, SD = 4.84, 114
females and 34 males). The power in Vuoskoski, et al. (2012) was strong and effect sizes
were medium-to-large with generalized eta-squared values ranging between .10 and .53
(Bakeman, 2005). To avoid the practice of ‘optional stopping’ (Simmons, Nelson, &
Simonsohn, 2011), a sample size of no more than 150 was deemed sufficient for the present
study. This decision was corroborated using the G*Power software platform (version 3.1.9.2)
to estimate the required number of participants for a medium-to-large effect size. No
participants were excluded from the analysis, all independent variables are reported, and all
dependent variables were analysed.
Stimuli and Measures
The music stimuli consisted of eight 60-second audio samples excerpted from Death
Metal songs released within the last 20 years. We selected songs that were described by self-
identified Death Metal fans as ‘most popular’, ‘best’ and ‘top’ Death Metal songs on online
forums, websites and social media groups. The eight songs sampled as stimulus items
appeared in multiple lists and were deemed to be suitably popular and representative of the
genre. They were entitled: Hammer Smashed Face (Cannibal Corpse, 1992), Blinded by Fear
(At the Gates, 1995), We Will Rise (Arch Enemy, 2003), Black Seeds of Vengeance (Nile,
2000), Waiting for the Screams (Autopsy, 2015), Slowly We Rot (Obituary, 1989), Corporal
Jigsaw Quandary (Carcass, 1991), and Eaten (Bloodbath, 2004). Participants were instructed
to press a ‘play’ button when they were ready to hear each excerpt. After each excerpt had
finished playing, participants were able to click forward to the next page of the survey.

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Participants were unable to move forward in the survey if they had not listened to a music
excerpt, and they were allowed to listen to each excerpt only once. The lyrics of each of these
songs are provided in the Supplemental Materials.
Quantitative measures were used to assess participants’ (a) personality; (b) empathic
capacity; (c) mood regulation strategies; (d) affective state; and (e) emotional and aesthetic
responses to the music presented. These measures are described as follows:
(a) Personality: The Big Five Inventory (BFI) was used to assess participants’
personality across McCrae and Costa’s (1999) five personality dimensions: openness,
conscientiousness, extraversion, agreeableness and neuroticism. This 44-item measure is
considered to have the best psychometric properties of all of the ‘Big Five’ short measures
(John, Donahue & Kentle, 1991; John, Naumann & Soto, 2008).
(b) Empathic Capacity: Participants’ empathic capacity was assessed using the
Interpersonal Reactivity Index (IRI; Davis, 1980, 1983), a 28-item measure of empathy
across four different subscales: perspective taking (capacity to adopt others’ point of view),
fantasy (tendency to imaginatively transpose oneself into the feelings and actions of fictitious
characters), empathic concern (other-oriented feelings of sympathy and concern for
‘unfortunate others’, which are described as “people less fortunate than me”, “people having
problems” or “someone being taken advantage of/treated unfairly”), and personal distress
(self-oriented feelings of personal anxiety and unease in tense interpersonal settings). A
hierarchical factor structure of the IRI found that these four subscales correspond to four
separate first-order factors, suggesting that each subscale of the IRI measures a distinct and
separate aspect of empathy (Pulos, Elison & Lennon, 2004).
(c) Mood regulation strategies: The 21-item Brief Music in Mood Regulation Scale (B-
MMR; Saarikallio, 2012) was used to assess participants’ use of seven different music-related
mood-regulation strategies: Entertainment, Revival, Strong Sensation, Diversion, Discharge,

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Emotional Experience and Solace. The B-MMR was employed to determine whether fans
and non-fans of Death Metal music differ in their motivations for engaging in musical
activities, for example to seek comfort, increase energy levels, or discharge difficult feelings
(DeNora, 1999; Saarikallio & Erkkilä, 2007; Thayer, Newman, & McClain, 1994). It has
been suggested that individuals with high levels of psychopathology may use music as a
means of alleviating symptoms, and use of the mood regulation strategy Discharge (venting
of negative emotions) predicts higher levels of depression, anxiety, and stress (Thomson,
Reece, & Benedetto, 2014). Thus, a greater understanding of the motivations that fans and
non-fans have for engaging with music may help to elucidate any differences in their
emotional and aesthetic experiences to music with violent themes.
(d) Affective State: The positive and negative affect scale (PANAS) was used to
evaluate participants’ mood before and after listening to Death Metal music (Watson, Clark
& Tellegen, 1988). The PANAS is a self-report questionnaire consisting of two 10-item
scales to measure positive and negative affect. Items relating to positive affect include terms
such as excited, strong, inspired, and enthusiastic whereas items relating to negative affect
include terms such as irritable, ashamed, upset, and distressed.
(e) Emotional and aesthetic responses to the music: Quantitative and qualitative
measures were used to assess emotions and other experiences induced by listening to violent
music. The following measures were included in the survey: (1) 10 scales corresponding to
categorical emotions were used as quantitative measures of a range of music-induced
emotional responses. These 7-point rating scales were adapted from those used by
Vuoskoski, et al. (2011) to examine emotional responses to sad music. They consisted of
eight items from the Geneva Emotional Music Scale (GEMS-9, Zentner et al., 2008)
(wonder, transcendence, power, nostalgia, peacefulness, joyful activity, tension, and sadness),
and two additional categorical emotions of anger and fear (ratings of happiness were initially

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obtained, but preliminary analysis indicated that they duplicated those obtained for “joyful
activity” (r = .95), so were excluded from the analysis). (2) Three ‘emotional reaction’ items
measured engagement, enjoyment, and evoked emotion (the overall magnitude of emotional
response). (3) Five items were used to assess affective responses associated with the three-
dimensional model of affect (Schimmack & Grob, 2000) (positive and negative valence, high
and low energy, and low tension). Ratings were obtained separately for each pole of valence
and energy to accommodate the possibility of mixed emotions (e.g., high ratings of both
positive and negative valence). For reasons of parsimony and to prevent double-measurement
of the same construct, the high-tension item from this measure was omitted as its wording
(“tense, clutched-up, jittery”) closely mirrored the GEMS-9 item measuring tension (“tense,
agitated, nervous”). The low-tension item asked participants to rate the extent to which the
words “relaxed, calm, at rest” described their emotional reaction to the song.
For measures derived from multiple items, we calculated the internal consistencies of
items (Chronbach’s alpha). As shown in Table 2, consistencies for the Big Five Personality
Index (BFI), Interpersonal Reactivity Index (IRI), Brief Music in Mood Regulation Scale (B-
MMR), and Positive and Negative Affect Scale were satisfactory and comparable to
previously reported values. Only one item was rated for each emotional and aesthetic
response to the music. However, internal consistencies of the items from which the Geneva
Emotional Music Scales were derived are reported in the original article, and range from 0.74
to 0.84 (Zentner, Grandjean, & Scherer, 2008).
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Following these quantitative sections of the survey, qualitative items were included to
probe behavioral tendencies associated with induced emotional states and to augment the
validity of the survey. Participants were asked to nominate the strongest emotion/s they felt

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during each trial and to describe why they believed listening to the music elicited this
emotional response. They were also asked to list the things they felt like doing while listening
to the music, given the strongest emotion/s they experienced. In addition, Death Metal fans
were asked to list the strongest emotion/s they felt before listening to Death Metal, and to list
what they would feel like doing if they were experiencing this emotional state, but were
unable to listen to Death Metal music.
Qualitative descriptions provided by participants were subjected to a summative content
analysis. Whereas a manifest content analysis involves tallying the frequency of the
appearance of specific words or content (Kondracki & Wellman, 2002), a summative
approach considers the underlying meaning of content reported by respondents (Babbie,
1992; Catanzaro, 1988; Morse & Field, 1995). For example, a summative approach would
classify words such as ‘infuriated’ and ‘bursting with rage’ into a single category of, for
example, ‘strong anger’. Drawing from the process outlined by Hsieh and Shannon (2005),
descriptions by death metal fans and non-fans for each qualitative question were transferred
into a spreadsheet. With a focus on identifying similarities in underlying meaning, words and
content were tallied and then grouped together under broader category tags. The broader
category tags that emerged for each question were then compared between fans and non-fans.
For example, responses by fans of ‘contentedness’, ‘cheerful’ (x3), ‘enjoyment’ (x3),
‘happiness’ (x3) and ‘pleasure’ to the question Describe the strongest emotion/s you felt
while listening to the four music excerpts you have just heard, were all classified under the
broader category ‘happiness’ which was then clustered under the overarching category of
‘positively valenced emotion’ (see Table 5). This could then be compared to the categories of
positively valenced emotion that arose for non-fans.
Procedure

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Participants were sent a link and completed the questionnaire on their own through the
online platform Qualtrics using a personal or hand-held electronic device. After consenting to
participate in the survey, participants answered demographic questions about age, sex, Death
Metal fan status (yes or no), and if they played any musical instruments. Participants who
played a musical instrument were asked to indicate which instrument they played and the
years of instrumental music training. Participants then completed the PANAS, BFI, IRI and
B-MMR. Participants listened to four of the eight possible stimulus items, selected randomly
and independently for each participant. After hearing each stimulus item, participants
completed the 18 scales adapted from Vuoskoski, et al. (2011). After completing all four
trials, participants completed the PANAS for a second time, followed by all relevant
qualitative measures. Participants were not forced to answer every question; however, all
demographic information was provided and the proportion of missing ratings was only
0.0025, or 1 in 400 responses. Missing data were not replaced, given that the General Linear
Model that was used in the analyses can accommodate small numbers of missing cells, and
replacement of missing data can distort estimates of variability. The study was approved by
the Macquarie University Human Research Ethics Committee (ref: 5201600451) and was
carried out in accordance with the provisions of the World Medical Association Declaration
of Helsinki.
Results
Hypothesis 1: Personality
Five 2 × 2 between-subjects ANOVAs (fan group x sex) were conducted across the five
dimensions of the ‘Big 5’ personality inventory (McCrae & Costa, 1999). There were
significant main effects for fan group and sex. As can be seen in Figure 1, fans of Death
Metal music scored significantly lower than non-fans on the dimensions of agreeableness,

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F(1,141) = 4.63, p = .033, η2p = .032, and conscientiousness, F(1,141) = 3.92, p = .050, η2p =
.027. Female participants scored significantly higher than males on the dimension of
neuroticism, F(1,141) = 28.77, p < .001, η2p = .169, whereas male participants scored
significantly higher than females on the dimension of openness to experience, F(1,141) =
6.41, p =.012, η2p = .043. There were no significant fan group × sex interactions for all five
dependent variables (F-values < 2.15, p-values > .108).
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Hypothesis 2: Interpersonal Reactivity Index (IRI)
A series of 2 × 2 between-subjects ANOVAs (fan group x sex) were conducted on the
four dimensions of the IRI, as presented in Figure 2. There were no significant differences
between fans and non-fans on the four dimensions of empathy measured by the IRI (F-values
< .93, p-values > .338). However, female participants scored significantly higher than males
on the dimensions of empathic concern, F(1,141) = 17.66, p < .001, η2p = .111, and personal
distress, F(1,141) = 11.65, p = .001, η2p = .076. There were no significant fan group × sex
interactions for all four dependent variables (F-values < 2.35, p-values > .127).
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Hypothesis 3: Brief Music in Mood Regulation Scale (B-MMR)
A series of 2 × 2 between-subjects ANOVAs (fan group x sex) investigated the music-
related mood-regulation strategies of listeners (Figure 3). Of the seven different strategies
captured by the B-MMR, fans scored significantly higher on entertainment, F(1,141) = 4.36,
p = .039, η2p = .030, revival, F(1,141) = 5.06, p = .026, η2p = .035, discharge, F(1,141) =
5.99, p = .016, η2p = .041, and emotion experience, F(1,141) = 4.74, p = .031, η2p = .033.

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There were no significant main effects of sex (F-values < 3.42, p-values > .066) and no
significant fan group × sex interactions (F-values < 2.27, p-values > .134).
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Hypothesis 4: Emotional and aesthetic responses to music
Changes in positive/negative affect. Difference scores between pre- and post-tests of
the PANAS were calculated separately for positive and negative affect. Positive numbers
indicate an increase and negative numbers indicate a decrease in each affective dimension
after listening to violent music. The analysis considered fan group, sex, and lyric group.
Therefore, two 2 × 2 × 2 between-subjects ANOVAs were conducted: one for the change in
positive affect and one for the change in negative affect.
For changes in positive affect, there was a significant main effect of fan group,
F(1,132) = 28.09, p < .001, η2p = .175. As seen in Figure 4, positive affect significantly
decreased for non-fans relative to fans after listening to violent Death Metal music. There
was no significant main effect of lyric group, F(1,132) = .11, p > .250, η2p = .001, no
significant main effect of sex, F(1,132) = .20, p > .250, η2p = .001, and no significant
interactions (F-values < 3.39, p-values > .067).
For changes in negative affect, there was also a significant main effect of fan group,
F(1, 132) = 13.47, p < .001, η2p = .093. As shown in Figure 4, negative affect significantly
increased for non-fans relative to fans after listening to violent Death Metal music. There was
also a significant main effect of lyric group, F(1, 132) = 6.15, p = .014, η2p = .044.
Participants who were presented with lyrics during each excerpt of violent music showed a
significant increase in negative affect (M = +2.98, SE = 1.10), relative to those who were not
presented with lyrics (M = -.74, SE = 1.03). There was no significant main effect of sex, F(1,

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132) = .21, p > .250, η2p = .002, and no significant interactions (F-values < 3.15, p-values >
.078).
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Experiential measures. A series of 2 × 2 × 2 between-subjects ANOVAs (fan group ×
lyric group × sex) were conducted on each of the experiential measures. An overview of
results from these analyses for the two fan groups and two lyric groups is shown in Tables 3
and 4, respectively. There were no significant main effects of sex for any experiential
measure (F-values < 3.52, p-values > .062) and no significant interactions between any
combination of the three independent variables (F-values < 2.97, p-values > .087). Table 3
summarizes means and significant main effects for fans and non-fans collapsed across sex
and organized into three categories of findings: Categorical emotions (10 ratings), overall
measures (3 ratings), and dimensional measures of emotion (5 ratings). Table 4 summarizes
the significant main effects for conditions with and without lyrics collapsed across sex.
___________________
Insert Tables 3 and 4
___________________
Categorical emotions. As shown in Table 3, fans experienced significantly greater
experiences of power, joy, wonder, nostalgia, peace, and transcendence, and significantly less
tension, anger, and fear in response to Death Metal music, relative to non-fans. Figure 5 plots
the most salient emotions experienced by fans and non-fans, and illustrates the striking
difference in the experiences that these two groups had to Death Metal music. Whereas the
most salient emotions experienced by fans were power, joy and peace, non-fans tended to
experience tension, fear and anger in response to the music.

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___________________
Insert Figure 5
___________________
The two most salient emotional experiences by fans, power and joy, were subjected to a
series of multiple regression analyses to determine the extent to which such experiences were
associated with (a) personality traits, (b) interpersonal reactivity, and (c) mood regulation
strategies. First, using the big five personality measures as predictors of the two strongest
emotions experienced by fans, feelings of Power and Joy were significantly predicted by
Openness to Experience (Power: ß = .23, t = 2.86, p = .005; Joy: ß = .31, t = 3.88, p < .001)
and (inversely) Neuroticism (Power: ß = -.18, t = -2.04, p = .044; Joy: ß =. -.24, t = -2.85, p =
.005) (all beta values in these results are standardized coefficients). Thus, across all
participants, those who were more open to experience and less neurotic were significantly
more likely to experience higher levels of power and joy while listening to the Death Metal
excerpts.
Second, using the four interpersonal reactivity index measures as predictors of the
strongest emotions experienced by fans, feelings of Power and Joy were significantly
predicted by (inversely) Empathic Concern (Power: ß = -.31, t = -3.47, p = .001; Joy: ß = -
.23, t = -2.58, p = .011). Thus, across all participants, those with less empathic concern were
more likely to experience higher levels of power and joy while listening to the Death Metal
excerpts than those with greater empathic concern.
Third, using the seven mood regulation measures (B-MMR) as predictors, feelings of
Power were predicted by a tendency to use music for discharge (ß = .23, t = 2.29, p = .024)
and (inversely) diversion (ß = -.35, t = -2.63, p =.010), whereas feelings of Joy were
predicted by discharge (ß = .25, t = 2.40, p = .018), strong sensation (ß= .24, t = 2.05, p =
.043), and (inversely) diversion (ß = -.34, t = -2.55, p = .012). Thus, across participants, those
who listen to music for discharging emotions, but not as a diversion, tend to experience

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higher levels of power while listening to the Death Metal excerpts. Similarly, those who
listen to music for discharging emotions and to experience a strong sensation, but not as a
diversion, tend to experience higher levels of joy while listening to the Death Metal excerpts.
As seen in Table 4, listeners who were visually presented with lyrics as they listened
to each excerpt of violent music experienced significantly lower levels of wonder,
peacefulness, and joyful activity, relative to listeners who were presented with only the audio
excerpts.
Overall measures of experience. These three scales consisted of overall ratings of
engagement and enjoyment, as well as the global magnitude of evoked emotions – a measure
of the capacity of the music to elicit an emotional response, irrespective of the emotion
elicited. As shown in Table 3, fans of Death Metal music responded with significantly higher
levels of engagement, enjoyment, and evoked emotions when listening to violent music
excerpts. As shown in Table 4, listeners who were visually presented with lyrics as they
listened to each excerpt of violent music showed significantly lower levels of engagement
than those who were not presented with lyrics.
Three-dimensional model of affect. Five scales capturing key dimensions underlying
the three-dimensional model of affect were also measured (Schimmack & Grob, 2000). As
shown in Table 3, fans of violent Death Metal music experienced significantly greater levels
of positive valence, high energy, and low tension, and significantly lower levels of negative
valence than non-fans. As shown in Table 4, listeners who were presented with lyrics while
listening to excerpts of violent music responded with significantly lower levels of positive
valence and low tension. Conversely, with no lyrics, listeners found the music more pleasant
and less tense than those who were presented with lyrics.
Qualitative Measures

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Qualitative data were subjected to summative content analysis (Hsieh & Shannon,
2005). The analysis corroborated and extended the quantitative measures. Compared to non-
fans, fans identified more positively valenced emotions and fewer negatively valenced
emotions as the strongest emotions that arose while listening to the music. Both fans and non-
fans listed musical features (e.g., “strong, deep guitar notes, constant drums, deep
throaty/‘screamo’ vocals”) and the ‘direct triggering of emotional experience’ (e.g., “The fast
pace of most Death Metal, combined with its grooves makes me excited, it hypes me up. This
sort of music makes me feel energetic when I'm down, and when I'm angry it brings me to a
dark place internally so that I can work through these feelings”) as reasons why they believed
that the music elicited particular emotions. Non-fans also identified the lyrics and personal
preference as further reasons why the music elicited particular emotions. In relation to
behavioral tendencies associated with the strongest emotions generated by the music, fans
mostly described a propensity to maintain and harness the emotional experience, while non-
fans largely identified a desire to change or end the emotional experience. As such, emotions
generated by exposure to violent music were associated with a predominantly excitatory
behavioral effect (i.e., ‘approach’ behaviors) for fans and a predominantly inhibitory
behavioral effect for non-fans (i.e., ‘retreat’ behaviors).
Emotions induced by violent music. As shown in Table 5, fans reported experiencing
more positively valenced emotions than negatively valenced emotions while listening to the
Death Metal music excerpts, while non-fans reported the opposite. For fans, positively
valenced emotions clustered around themes of stimulation, strength, happiness, interest and
stress reduction, while negatively valenced emotions clustered around themes of anger and
fear. For non-fans, negatively valenced emotions clustered around themes of anger,
distress/agitation, disgust, fear, boredom and sadness, while positively valenced emotions
clustered around themes of stimulation, curiosity/interest and amusement.

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___________________
Insert Table 5
___________________
Participant-identified reasons behind emotion induction. Whereas both fans and non-
fans listed musical features and psychological factors as reasons for why they believed music
induced the emotion/s identified, the degree of specificity of descriptions differed between
groups. Fans’ descriptions of musical features tended to be characterised by greater technical
and analytic knowledge than those of non- fans. For example, one fan wrote, “Death Metal is
an extremely energetic and evocative musical genre. With its repetitive fast-paced tempo,
down-tuned instruments and blast beats, it is virtually impossible not to be excited!”. In
contrast, non-fans’ descriptions of musical features tended to be more general and
descriptive, for example “It sounds like messed up teenagers making throaty, irritating noises
about how bad their lives are. It's annoying. My ears were attacked” and “It’s really in-your-
face music…loud and irritating”.
Similarly, fans typically provided more involved descriptions of relevant
psychological factors than non-fans, identifying three main factors: resonance (e.g., “The
music elucidates my current feelings and stresses”), a capacity for processing and
transformation (e.g., “When I'm angry, this music brings me to a dark place internally so that
I can work through the emotions”) and a cathartic function (e.g., “The sound releases a lot of
negative emotions and stress and focuses your attention on something you enjoy”). Again,
non-fans tended to list psychological factors only at a general level of abstraction (e.g., “My
body tensed and the music took me by surprise each time”).
Curiously, whereas an equal proportion of fans and non-fans were exposed to the lyric
and no-lyric conditions, only non-fans identified song lyrics as a reason for why the music
induced a particular emotion. Non-fan participants expressed strong opinions about the lyrics.
For example, one non-fan wrote “The thoughts and ideas portrayed were very confronting in

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a negative way. They painted horrible pictures in my mind”, while another stated “The lyrics
are intense and negative, taking my mind to dark places”. Other non-fans described the lyrics
as “really scary”, “very graphic and concerning”, “perverted and gross” and “gruesome and
intense”. Non-fans also identified personal preference as another reason behind emotion
induction, writing statements such as “I can’t understand how anyone finds this music
pleasant to listen to”, “Not being a huge fan of Death Metal music, I've never been able to
connect to it on any level AT ALL”, “This is not my type of music” and “I have never heard
anything like it and do not relate to it at all”. It seems worth noting the emotional strength of
these non-fan responses, especially given the frequency of negatively-valenced emotion that
was aroused in non-fans by the music.
Behavioral tendencies associated with the strongest emotion/s induced by the music.
Marked differences emerged between fans and non-fans when identifying what they would
like to do when they concentrated on the strongest emotion they felt during each trial. For
most fans, the experience of positively valenced emotions such as those induced by the music
was associated with increased levels of motivation to engage in a wide variety of activities in
the following domains: physical (e.g., working out, running, surfing), social (e.g., meeting up
with friends and/or family), music-related (e.g., performing and listening to Death Metal
music), domestic (e.g., organise room, cook a meal), work/study-related (e.g., conduct
research, study for exams, work on assignments) and creative (e.g., paint, draw, engage in a
new activity). Most fans indicated a desire to remain with and turn towards such a positively
valenced emotional experience and to use it to fuel engagement in constructive activities. A
smaller number of fans identified more restful and relaxing activities such as sleeping, going
on a holiday, and having a bath or shower as being associated with emotional experiences
similar to those induced by the music. Only five fans associated the emotion/s they

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experienced most strongly while listening to the music with antisocial behavior such as
reckless driving and violent behavior towards others.
The predominantly excitatory effect of death metal music on fans is consistent with
the emotions they reported experiencing before listening to that music. Most fans described
feeling energised before listening to Death Metal music, using adjectives such as ‘excited’,
‘attentive’, ‘enthusiastic’ and ‘animated’ to describe their pre-listening emotional experience.
Fans described how they would “find another way of capitalising on these feelings” if they
were unable to listen to Death Metal music when undergoing such an emotional experience.
Behaviors listed by fans included vigorous physical activity, social and domestic activity, and
active reflection on the emotion they were experiencing. In this way, listening to Death Metal
seemed largely to be a strategy used by fans of the genre to further capitalise on the
constructive potential of positively valenced emotions they were experiencing. Fans did not
identify a need to engage in anti-social behavior if they experienced the emotion/s that
usually preceded listening to Death Metal music, but were then unable to listen to the music.
In contrast to fans, non-fans predominantly experienced negatively valenced emotions
in response to the music. Consequently, some non-fans commented that, were they to
experience emotions similar to those induced by the music, they would behave in ways that
would help terminate these emotional experiences and/or help them tolerate the emotional
experiences until they became more pleasant. Such behaviors identified by non-fans fell into
four main categories: regulation of emotional experience (e.g., listen to music that evoked
more pleasant emotions, seek physical comfort with another person), relaxation (e.g., watch a
movie, go to sleep, eat food, drink tea, meditating), physical escape (e.g., move away from
situation that triggered emotional experience) and distraction (e.g., engage in vigorous
physical activity, socialise and share feelings of discomfort with friends and/or family). Only
ten non-fans indicated that such emotional experiences would make them feel like engaging

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in antisocial behaviors, including swearing, provoking an argument, drinking to excess, and a
range of aggressive or violent behaviors such as pushing, punching, hitting, attacking,
stabbing and murdering other humans and animals. In contrast to fans of the genre, exposing
non-fans to Death Metal music typically induced unpleasant emotional experiences that gave
rise to self-preserving avoidant behaviors, and to a lesser extent, antisocial behaviors.
Discussion
The aim of this investigation was to elucidate the characteristics, motivations, and
emotional experiences of individuals who regularly listen to and enjoy music with aggressive
sounds and violent themes. To that end, we examined the personality traits and empathic
capacity of fans and non-fans of violent music, their motivations for engaging with music,
and their emotional and aesthetic responses to this music. Our results revealed differences
between fans and non-fans of violent music in their personalities and motivations for
listening to music, and striking differences in the way fans and non-fans respond emotionally
and aesthetically to this genre of music. Our findings are consistent with Rentfrow and
Gosling’s (2003) suggestion that personality, self-views, and cognitive abilities all have roles
to play in the formation of music preferences, and with results of Vuoskoski, et al. (2012)
showing that individuals who gravitate to music with negative connotations (sad music) have
distinctive personality profiles.
An examination of the big five personality traits indicated that fans in our sample
were significantly lower than non-fans in the traits of agreeableness and conscientiousness.
As scores on these measures were normally distributed in both groups, this difference cannot
be attributed to a subset of fans with abnormally low scores on these traits, but represents a
general difference between groups. There are two interpretations of this finding. First,
individuals who are high in agreeableness and conscientiousness may find violent music

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unappealing, because depictions of violence are incompatible with their personal sensibilities.
However, as distributions for personality measures were highly overlapping among fan and
non-fan groups, this interpretation should be understood as a subtle but reliable statistical
trend, and not an indication that fans are uniformly less agreeable or conscientious than non-
fans. Indeed, research on the enjoyment of negative emotions in the arts suggests that there
are many reasons for appreciating artistic depictions of negative circumstances and emotions
(Menninghaus, et al., 2017; Eerola, et al., 2018).
A second possibility is that long-term, persistent exposure to violent media may lead
to subtle changes in one’s personality, desensitizing fans to violence and reinforcing negative
social attitudes. This interpretation is compatible with evidence that persistent engagement
with other forms of media violence such as video games is associated with increased
aggressive behaviors and decreased empathy and prosocial behaviors (Anderson & Bushman,
2002; Anderson, et al., 2010). However, the correlational nature of such research makes it
difficult to draw strong conclusions about causation, and research findings have not always
been consistent (Ferguson, 2015; Ferguson et al., 2015).
Interestingly, we observed no group difference between fans and non-fans in any of
the Interpersonal Reactivity Indices, suggesting that fans and non-fans had similar reactions
to and understandings of the experiences of others. The lack of any group difference in IRI
measures is somewhat surprising, given that fans derived pleasure from Death Metal music in
spite of its explicitly violent lyrical content. One interpretation is that fans employ a
psychological distancing strategy when encountering violent content in music (Menninghaus
et al., 2017), but have normal empathic abilities during non-artistic experiences. In other
words, fans may frame their engagement with Death Metal music as an aesthetic experience
that can be distinguished from real-life circumstances of violence.

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Fans and non-fans differed in the degree to which they used music for different mood
regulation strategies. Compared with non-fans, fans were more likely to report that they
engaged in musical activities (of any kind) for the purposes of entertainment, revival,
discharge, and emotional experience. However, because our fan and non-fan groups were not
matched for their degree of enthusiasm for music, it is possible that such differences partly
reflect a higher overall ‘passion’ for music by fans than non-fans, rather than mood regulation
strategies that are unique to this group (Vallerand et al., 2003). Moreover, the pattern of
ratings of different mood regulation strategies was similar in the two groups, with overall
ratings somewhat higher across categories for fans and non-fans. Future research may resolve
this ambiguity by comparing the mood regulation strategies for fans of distinct genres of
music, such as jazz, classical, heavy metal, and dance music.
Fans of Death Metal extracted numerous positive emotional effects from the music,
including power and joy, with few or no negative emotional reactions. In contrast, non-fans
experienced mainly negative emotions such as tension, fear, and anger following exposure to
violent music. Indeed, non-fans reported none of the positive experiences reported by fans,
and examination of Figure 5 highlights the remarkable differences in the emotional
experiences of these two groups to this music. One of the most striking differences in the
emotional responses of fans and non-fans was the strong experience of power reported by
fans. Power is often conceived with respect to social structure and may be transformed into a
psychological experience characterized by a sense of control over one’s circumstances
(Galinsky, Gruenfeld, & Magee, 2003). Research suggests that music has a unique capacity
to induce feelings of power (Gabrielsson, 2010), especially if it emphasizes low-frequency
spectral information (Hsu et al., 2015). The strong experience of power reported by fans
implies that the emotion is highly desirable, and attainment of this experience, coupled with a
strongly positive emotional valence (joy), may be a primary motivation for engaging with

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this genre of music. Although more research is needed to understand the set of personal and
contextual conditions that promote positive responses to violent music, our exploratory
modelling suggests that such experiences are associated with factors such as personality,
empathic capacity, and mood regulation strategies.
Results from emotion ratings in the quantitative phase of the research were reinforced
by a summative content analysis of participant descriptions in the qualitative phase of the
investigation. When given the opportunity to expand upon their experiences of listening to
Death Metal music, fans predominantly listed positive experiences relating to stimulation and
empowerment, whereas non-fans reported negative experiences such as confusion, disgust,
and irritation. The range of emotional experiences reported by fans and non-fans in both the
quantitative and qualitative phases of the survey suggest that the classification of Death Metal
music as “violent” does not capture the complex set of experiences associated with this genre.
It should be acknowledged that the qualitative phase was preceded by the quantitative
phase in which participants rated explicit emotion terms. In rating pre-selected emotion terms
during the quantitative questions, it is possible that participants were primed to contemplate
those same experiences while responding to the qualitative phase of the investigation.
However, such priming should not make it more likely that participants would report one
emotion as more prevalent than any other emotion, and several questions in the qualitative
phase of the survey had no parallel in the quantitative phase. Moreover, descriptions by
participants contained numerous emotion and aesthetic labels that were not represented in the
quantitative phase of the research, such as enthusiastic, sick, disgusted, curious, intrigued,
triumphant, and amused. Such idiosyncratic descriptions suggest that participants reported
genuine experiences, and were not merely drawing from the set of terms that they had been
exposed to in the quantitative phase of the research.

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What can explain the apparent dissociation between the explicitly violent content of
the music and the complex emotional responses to that music? According to Schubert (1996),
emotional responses to music with negative emotional connotations can be positive if
listeners appraise that the music is not a genuine threat to one’s wellbeing. Interpreting a
stimulus as an aesthetic or artistic phenomenon may trigger a dissociation of perceived and
felt emotion, thereby permitting the experience of positive emotions. Along similar lines, the
Distancing-Embracing Model suggests that the enjoyment of negative emotions in artistic
contexts derives from two components: a process of psychological distancing which is
enabled by the lack of real-world consequences, and a process of psychological embracing
whereby factors such as meaning construction and aesthetic virtue transform induced
negative emotions into pleasure and appreciation (Menninghaus et al., 2017).
Such explanations account for individuals who report positive emotional and aesthetic
experiences after listening to music with negative connotations. However, they do not
account well for listeners who embrace negative emotional states in artistic contexts as a
critical part of their aesthetic appreciation. Huron (2011) argued that many people who listen
to sad music report feeling “genuine sadness”, which suggests that listeners extract benefits
from negative emotions in response to music. Such benefits may include detail-oriented
thinking and reduced stereotyping (Clore & Huntsinger, 2007), and a narrowing of attentional
scope (Gable, Poole & Harmon-Jones, 2015). Thus, certain negative emotional states may be
adaptive and sought instinctively (Huron, 2011).
Interestingly, fans in our investigation reported mainly positive experiences to Death
Metal music, in spite of the aggressive themes conveyed by that music, a finding that is
compatible with mechanisms of dissociation or psychological distancing. Non-fans, in
contrast, were left with feelings of tension, anger and fear. One interpretation of this
difference in experience is that fans conceptualized the violent themes as non-threatening

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aesthetic stimuli and hence were able to dissociate their emotional responses from the violent
connotations, whereas non-fans were unable or unwilling to engage in such psychological
distancing.
A related possibility is that fans and non-fans attended to different qualities of the
music, with fans focusing their attention on textures that are energetic and empowering (e.g.,
rhythm, tempo, textural density), and non-fans focusing on the aggressive qualities of the
music (distortion, lyrical depictions of violence). Although this possibility awaits future
investigation, recent evidence suggests that the lyrical content of Death Metal music, which is
the most important source of violent content, is more intelligible to fans than to non-fans
(Olsen, Thompson, & Giblin, in press). Presumably, fans are familiar with the vocal effects
employed, and thus are better able to selectively attend to the linguistic content from the
dense and distorted musical textures.
A limitation of the present study is its reliance on self-report, which may be
susceptible to response biases. The distinct emotional responses reported by fans and non-
fans may partially reflect differences in how these two groups responded to the demand
characteristics of the task, with non-fans exaggerating ratings of negative emotions such as
anger and fear, and fans declaring that they experienced positive emotional states. According
to this interpretation, participants may have responded in a manner that they assumed was
expected of them, given the likely experimental hypotheses. Related to this idea, fans and
non-fans may have differed in how they assessed the social desirability of their responses.
Whereas it would be socially desirable for non-fans to report negative feelings towards
violence, it may be socially desirable for fans to affirm their commitment to the Death Metal
subculture by reporting only positive experiences.
However, the convergence of evidence from multiple quantitative and qualitative
measures, and the enthusiasm with which fans embrace this musical genre, suggest that the

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dramatic differences in emotional and aesthetic responses between fans and non-fans were
genuine. Our interpretation of the current findings is that individuals with particular
personality traits and music-listening motivations gravitate towards or away from aggressive
and violent musical styles, and their preference or dislike for this form of music and the
associated subculture fuels their emotional responses to the music. As argued by Eerola, et al.
(2018), emotional responses are also dependent on biological, psychosocial, and cultural
factors, whereby each level of explanation contributes to experience in a specific but
interconnected manner.
At the biological level, aggressive music characterized by high amplitude, fast tempo,
and high levels of distortion may lead to the release of hormones and neurochemicals such as
cortisol and epinephrine (Chanda & Levitin, 2013), which may then trigger or amplify
experiences of power reported by fans, and experiences of tension, fear and anger reported by
non-fans. Participation in aggressive and violent music can also be understood within an
evolutionary framework, as an instance of adaptive activities designed to promote group
cohesion for aggressive collective activities such as hunting, or as an intimidation display
(Jordania, 2011; Quignard, 2016; Volcler, 2013).
At a psychosocial level, engaging with violent music may function as a mechanism
for mood regulation, for example to process and discharge feelings of anger, or as a source of
distraction. Such functions may help listeners to either avoid or confront difficult feelings,
thereby enhancing wellbeing. The extremely aggressive and violent lyrical content may also
function to sharpen the boundary between in-group members and outsiders, simultaneously
attracting fans while vehemently and violently repelling non-fans. Such a strongly articulated
group boundary may help to heighten feelings of identity and belonging among the Death
Metal community.

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At a cultural level, fans understand Death Metal music in contrast to their
understanding of commercial genres such as glam and pop metal, and their emotional and
aesthetic experiences are bound up with this cultural understanding. According to Hanlon
(2006), fans of Death Metal appreciate this music as an alternative to the “impersonal,
conformist, superficial, and numbing realities of commercialism” (p. 33). Unlike the standard
verse-chorus structure of most popular music, Death Metal music also disrupts traditional
conventions, in some cases by exhibiting a paratactic sequence of loosely related segments
that encourage episodic listening rather than the extraction of an overall narrative (Phillipov,
2012). Finally, Death Metal lyrics – with their explicit depictions of violence – may be
appreciated by fans precisely for their representation of forbidden themes, which may bring
relief from the abiding prohibitions and censorships in society at large.
These three levels of analysis also highlight the importance of initial predispositions
and learning for understanding the unique experiences of fans of violent music. Personal
predispositions and motivations for music listening help to explain why some individuals are
drawn towards aggressive music in the first place. At an early stage of exposure to this music,
psychophysical attributes of sound may dominate perceptions and experience, with features
such as high amplitude, rapid tempo, and non-linearities triggering basic arousal responses.
Long-term exposure to this music, in turn, should lead to increasing sensitivity to genre-
specific emotional signals, permitting the construction of complex emotional experiences
(Thompson & Balkwill, 2010). Thus, fans are differentiated from non-fans both by their
sensitivity to psychophysical and genre-specific emotional signals, and how they
differentially attend to and weight the various emotional signals available. Building on this
framework to achieve a multi-level, integrative understanding of the popularity of violent
music is a challenge that awaits future research.

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Author Contributions
W. F. Thompson developed the study concept and preliminary design. All authors
contributed to the final design. A. M. Geeves coordinated testing and data collection. K. N.
Olsen and W.F. Thompson performed quantitative data analysis and A. M. Geeves performed
qualitative data analysis. All authors contributed to data interpretation and manuscript
preparation, and all authors approved the final version of the manuscript.

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Acknowledgements
This research was supported by an Australian Research Council Discovery Project
grant (DP160101470) awarded to WFT. We thank members of the Macquarie University
Music, Sound, and Performance Research Group for helpful comments on an earlier draft.
Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to William Forde Thompson,
Department of Psychology, Macquarie University, New South Wales 2109, Sydney,
Australia. Email: bill.thompson@mq.edu.au

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Table 1
Demographic Information
Group Means (SD)
Participant Group
n
Male | Female
Age
Years of Training
Fans
Lyrics
25
16 | 9
23.56 (6.34)
6.12 (7.73)
No Lyrics
23
12 | 11
23.91 (7.02)
6.22 (7.50)
Non-Fans
Lyrics
48
6 | 42
20.40 (3.20)
2.81 (4.25)
No Lyrics
49
10 | 39
21.39 (5.39)
2.69 (4.18)
Note. ‘Years of Training’ refers to years of formal instrumental music training

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Table 2
Item Reliability Coefficients (Cronbach’s Alpha) for Each Measure Based on the Current
Data and Previously Published Alpha Levels
Scale Set
Scale Item
Estimated Alpha
Published Alpha
BFI
Extraversion
.72
.86
Agreeableness
.65
.79
Conscientiousness
.59
.82
Neuroticism
.75
.87
Openness
.77
.83
IRI
Perspective Taking
.75
.73
Fantasy
.81
.79
Empathic Concern
.75
.71
Personal Distress
.82
.76
B-MMR
Entertainment
.90
.81
Revival
.87
.80
Strong Sensation
.92
.81
Diversion
.88
.73
Discharge
.90
.84
Emotion Experience
.91
.84
Solace
.93
.85
PANAS Time 1
Positive Affect
.92
.89
Negative Affect
.90
.85
PANAS Time 2
Positive Affect
.94
.89
Negative Affect
.91
.85
Note. BFI = Big Five Inventory; IRI = Interpersonal Reactivity Index; B-MMR = Revised
Brief Music in Mood Regulation Scale; PANAS = Positive and Negative Affect Schedule.
Previously determined alphas: BFI = John, Naumann, & Soto (2008); IRI = Davis (1980); B-
MMR = Saarikallio (2012); PANAS = Watson, Clark, & Tellegen (1988).

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Table 3
Summary of Means and Significant Main Effects for Fans and Non-Fans, Collapsed Across
Lyric Conditions and Sex
Group Means (SEM)
Scale Set
Items
Fans
Non-Fans
F
p
η2p
Categorical
Power
3.93 (.23)
1.58 (.09)
93.19
<.001
.405
Joy
3.58 (.23)
1.41 (.08)
86.62
<.001
.387
Peace
2.73 (.20)
1.26 (.07)
56.35
<.001
.291
Wonder
2.51 (.20)
1.37 (.09)
32.68
<.001
.193
Nostalgia
2.38 (.19)
1.35 (.08)
28.88
<.001
.174
Transcendence
2.37 (.20)
1.38 (.09)
23.98
<.001
.149
Tension
2.36 (.19)
3.51 (.20)
8.27
=.005
.057
Anger
2.17 (.19)
2.87 (.19)
4.20
=.042
.030
Fear
1.91 (.17)
2.95 (.20)
6.00
=.016
.042
Sadness
1.89 (.17)
1.73 (.12)
1.29
>.250
.009
Overall
Engagement
4.18 (.19)
2.27 (.15)
47.79
<.001
.259
Enjoyment
4.35 (.19)
1.61 (.10)
145.15
<.001
.514
Evoked Emotions
4.08 (.19)
3.00 (.17)
19.30
<.001
.123
3D Affect
Positive Valence
3.66 (.24)
1.32 (.07)
105.21
<.001
.434
Negative Valence
2.37 (.21)
4.12 (.20)
25.78
<.001
.158
High Energy
3.91 (.22)
2.40 (.15)
19.67
<.001
.126
Low Energy
1.82 (.15)
1.52 (.10)
.82
>.250
.006
Low Tension
3.01 (.21)
1.33 (.08)
58.87
<.001
.301
Note. SEM = standard error of the mean; η2p = partial eta squared; ‘GEMS’ = Geneva
Emotional Music Scale; ‘3D Affect’ = Three-dimensional model of affect (Schimmack &
Grob, 2000); For each scale, listeners rated how they felt when listening to each excerpt of
music. A rating of 1 = ‘does not describe my reaction’ and a rating of 7 = ‘describes my
reaction very well’.

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Table 4
Summary of Means and Significant Main Effects for Lyrics and No Lyrics Conditions,
Collapsed Across Fan Conditions and Sex
Group Means (SEM)
Scale Set
Items
Lyrics
No Lyrics
F
p
η2p
Categorical
Power
2.22 (.18)
2.50 (.20)
1.93
=.168
.014
Joy
1.92 (.17)
2.34 (.19)
5.15
=.025
.036
Peace
1.59 (.13)
1.90 (.15)
4.03
=.047
.029
Wonder
1.52 (.11)
1.97 (.16)
3.86
=.051
.027
Nostalgia
1.59 (.12)
1.79 (.14)
1.05
>.250
.008
Transcendence
1.57 (.13)
1.85 (.14)
.86
>.250
.006
Tension
3.37 (.21)
2.88 (.22)
3.65
=.058
.026
Anger
2.67 (.19)
2.60 (.22)
.86
>.250
.006
Fear
2.80 (.19)
2.41 (.22)
2.64
=.107
.019
Sadness
1.91 (.14)
1.65 (.13)
.17
>.250
.001
Overall
Engagement
2.61 (.17)
3.20 (.21)
7.73
=.006
.053
Enjoyment
2.36 (.19)
2.68 (.21)
2.22
=.139
.016
Evoked Emotions
3.40 (.19)
3.32 (.20)
.33
>.250
.002
3D Affect
Positive Valence
1.90 (.17)
2.29 (.19)
4.94
=.028
.035
Negative Valence
3.76 (.23)
3.32 (.24)
3.64
=.059
.026
High Energy
2.92 (.19)
2.89 (.21)
.24
>.250
.002
Low Energy
1.57 (.13)
1.67 (.12)
.01
>.250
.000
Low Tension
1.73 (.14)
2.05 (.17)
5.33
=.022
.037
Note. SEM = standard error of the mean; η2p = partial eta squared; ‘GEMS’ = Geneva
Emotional Music Scale; ‘3D Affect’ = Three-Dimensional Model of Affect (Schimmack &
Grob, 2000); For each scale, listeners rated how they felt when listening to each excerpt of
music. A rating of 1 = ‘does not describe my reaction’ and a rating of 7 = ‘describes my
reaction very well’.

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Table 5
Emotions Experienced During Trials as Identified by Fans and Non-fans of Death Metal
Music
Group
Valence
Theme
N
Examples of adjective/s used
Fans
Positive
Stimulation
28
Energetic, Enthusiastic, Excited,
Active
Strength
21
Determined, Powerful, Inspired,
Triumphant
Happiness
11
Happy, Joyful, Cheerful
Interest
3
Curious, Intrigued
Stress Reduction
2
Relaxed, At Ease
65
Negative
Anger
8
Angry, Annoyed
Fear
7
Anxious, Fearful, Apprehensive
15
Non-Fans
Negative
Anger
49
Annoyed, Irritated, Angry, Frustrated
Distress
45
Tense, Stressed, Disturbed, Confused
Fear
20
Scared, Nervous, Anxious
Boredom
13
Bored
Disgust
13
Disgusted, Sick
140
Positive
Stimulation
10
Energetic, Motivated, Excited
Interest
6
Curious
Amusement
3
Amused
19

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Figure 1. Group mean ratings from fans and non-fans and males and females for the
personality dimensions in the Big 5 personality inventory. Error bars report standard error of
the mean. *p ≤ .05, *** p < .001.
1
2
3
4
5
Extr aver sio n Agreeableness Conscientiousness Neuroticism Openness
Mean=Rating
Big=5=Inventory
Male
Female
1
2
3
4
5
Extr aver sio n Agreeableness Conscientiousness Neuroticism Openness
Mean=Rating
Big=5=Inventory
Fans
Non-Fans
*
*** *
*

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Figure 2. Group mean ratings from fans and non-fans and males and females for the four
dimensions of empathy captured in the Interpersonal Reactivity Index. The index ranges from
a score of 0-28 – the greater the score, the greater the empathic capacity. Error bars report
standard error of the mean. *** p ≤ .001.
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Figure 3. Group mean ratings from fans and non-fans and males and females for the seven
music-in-mood regulation strategies captured by the Brief Music in Mood Regulation Scale
(B-MMR). The scale ranges from a score of 0-21 – the greater the score, the greater the use
of each particular mood-regulation strategy. Error bars report standard error of the mean. * p
< .05.
0
3
6
9
12
15
18
21
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Female
0
3
6
9
12
15
18
21
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Brief7Music7in7Mood7Regulation7Scale
Fans
Non-Fans
* * * *

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Figure 4. Reports changes in positive and negative affect between pre- and post-tests of the
Positive and Negative Affect Scale (PANAS) for fans and non-fans. Higher scores indicate
greater experience of positive/negative affect with a maximum score of ±10. Error bars report
standard error of the mean. *** p < .001.
-10
-8
-6
-4
-2
0
2
4
6
8
10
Positive.Affect Negative.Affect
Mean.Change.in.Affect
Fans
Non-Fans
*** ***

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Figure 5. Reports the five highest rated emotions experienced by fans of Death Metal music
(top panel) and non-fans (bottom panel) when listening to four excerpts of violent Death
Metal. The scale ranges from a score of 1-7 – the greater the score, the greater the strength of
emotion.
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