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Perception of insecurity, victimization and restrictions in daily life according to the life cycle, in Morelos, Mexico
Abstract
Objetivo:
examinar la percepción de inseguridad, victimización y variaciones de las rutinas en función de la edad.
Método:
se ha realizado una adaptación de la Encuesta Nacional sobre Victimización y Percepción de Inseguridad (ENVIPE). Participaron 8.170 sujetos de ambos sexos (49,9 % mujeres y 50,1 % hombres), de entre 12 y 75 años, residentes en el Estado de Morelos, seleccionados a partir de un muestreo probabilístico estratificado y proporcional. Respecto a la edad, se establecieron los siguientes intervalos en función de las distintas etapas del ciclo vital: [12-17 años] 24 %, [18-20 años] 8 %, [21-30 años] 14 %, [31 y 40 años] 14 %, [41 y 60 años] 20 % y [61 o más años] 20 %.
Resultados:
indicaron diferencias significativas en la percepción de inseguridad, victimización y restricciones en las actividades cotidianas en función de la edad. Los adolescentes informaron de mayor percepción de inseguridad y de menos restricciones en su vida cotidiana. También, los adolescentes y los mayores de 61 años presentaron una menor victimización.
Conclusión:
los adolescentes constituyen el grupo de mayor vulnerabilidad para la victimización, perciben mayor inseguridad y realizan menos cambios en sus rutinas para protegerse de la delincuencia. Finalmente, se discuten los resultados.
... (High school student, Group 14) Another consequence is the restriction on mobility. The young women stopped going out or limited their outings in terms of timing, the places they went, the way they travelled, or they needed to go out accompanied [82]. ...
Background:
There are processes of gender socialization that increase the vulnerability of young women against a continuum of threats in the public space. This study explored the feeling of insecurity in public spaces among young women in a city located near the northern border of Mexico.
Methods and findings:
This study was based on the tradition of grounded theory. Purposive sampling was used, and 24 group interviews were conducted with junior high school, high school and university students to understand the conditions that favour the emergence of the feeling of insecurity, its psychosocial consequences and management strategies. A computer-assisted qualitative analysis was performed using MAXQDA 18 software. The study showed that street harassment was manifested mainly as sexual harassment but generated a continuous threat of feminicide and disappearance. Young women experienced discomfort and restrictions on mobility, and they had to assume individual responsibility for their safety in the absence of support from the state.
Conclusions:
The interaction between gender and age determines the vulnerability to crime in urban spaces. Future studies could analyse the chronic impact of this continuum of threats and develop psychosocial interventions that promote the empowerment of young women.
... However, in recent studies conducted in contexts with high levels of criminality, these findings have not been corroborated. For example, Vilalta (2010) did not find any significant differences with regard to fear of crime as a function of gender, and more recently, it has been noted that men adopt greater protective measures and perceive greater levels of insecurity in public and private spaces, in comparison with women (Vera et al. 2017). Related to age, many empirical studies have shown that younger citizens display a more negative attitude toward the police than older adults (Tyler and Huo 2002). ...
The aim of this study was to analyse the relationship between fear of crime, perception of police performance, honesty, and trust, as a function of gender among adolescents and young people in Mexico. A survey was conducted on a stratified sample made up of 3060 adolescents and young people (49.9% female and 50.1% male) between 12 and 25 years of age, all of them resident in Morelos, Mexico. These surveys were taken individually in the form of interviews administered by 163 trained interviewers between January and April 2013. The measurements studied were trust in police, police performance and honesty, and fear of crime. The multivariate analysis of variance and analysis of variance results revealed significant interactions between trust in police and gender. Males display a higher perception of fear of crime than females in the areas of perceived danger in public spaces and places of study or work and control of personal information, except when trust in police is low. Furthermore, adolescents and young people with low levels of trust obtained the highest scores with regard to fear of crime and the lowest in relation to perceptions of police honesty and performance. Females who display low levels of trust in the police scored higher with regard to fear of crime than males. However, males who trust the police possess a greater fear of crime and change their routines according to their perceived levels of insecurity. Further gender-based research in this topic is required.
Se presenta un modelo computacional sobre la generación y propagación del miedo al crimen, basado en los impactos creados por la victimización criminal. El objetivo es evaluar y describir los efectos que pueden tener en la propagación del miedo al crimen un conjunto de determinantes relacionados con la victimización (directa e indirecta): tamaño de la red social, tasa de victimización y tiempo de recuperación en victimizados. El método utilizado fue la simulación computacional, en la cual se trabajó con cuatro combinaciones de parámetros que representan diferentes situaciones. Los resultados permiten describir la dinámica de interacción entre los factores determinantes considerados, y reflejan que estos influyen de manera no lineal en la propagación del miedo al crimen.
Palabras clave Modelo, simulación, miedo, crimen, cientista social (fuente: Tesauro de política criminal latinoamericana-ILANUD).
El cambio conductual debido a temer al crimen también se conoce como percepción de miedo, y se ha determina-pretende determinar qué variables explican la percepción de miedo en dos Estados, Guerrero y Yucatán, así como la posible existencia de modelos explicativos propios de cada Estado. Método: por medio de las bases de datos-para determinar cuáles de estas contribuyen a explicar la percepción de miedo en ambos Estados. Resultados: se determinó que variables como la venta ilegal de alcohol no contribuyen a explicar la percepción de miedo, y que-guridad en la colonia, la percepción de riesgo y el núme-Discusión: se abordan las impli-programas de prevención basados en la evidencia.
Organized Crime and drug cartel violence are major problems in some Latin American countries. This study examines the relationship between fear of crime and daily routines in Mexico, filling a gap in the international literature by testing the mediating effect of the war on Organized Crime (WOC). Integrating conventional individual and neighborhood characteristics with a local context variable such as the intensity of the WOC and drug violence provides, I contend, a better and more complete view for understanding fear of crime. Based on a national victimization survey, it was found that respondents in areas gravely affected by the WOC and drug violence were also more negatively affected in their daily routines after controlling for a set of correlates of fear of crime and perceived risk of victimization. However, no evidence was found to support that the current WOC mediates the relationship of fear of crime and perceived risk of victimization with daily routines.
Previous research on the relationships between age, sex, ethnic group or previous victimization experience and fear of crime are controversial, as inconsistent results have been obtained, many of them attributable to the lack of methodological and conceptual consensus. We propose the study of self-protective behaviours motivated by fear of crime as a useful alternative that pays attention to the consequences of fear for urban quality of life. A survey with a representative sample of residents in a major city in Spain provides evidence about sex and age differences in self-protective behaviours against crime. Results are discussed from the “classical” vulnerability and victimization models and the suitability of the evolutionary and the routine activities perspectives is also considered.
Although there is much research on the relationship between routine activities and victimization, we have little knowledge
about the reciprocal effects of victimization and routine activities. The current paper is framed within the Once Bitten Twice
Shy perspective proposed by Hindelang et al. (Victims of personal crime: an empirical foundation for a theory of personal
victimization. Ballinger, Cambridge, 1978) which argues that victimization decreases risky routine activities and that this in turn decreases the risk of victimization.
The current paper tests these propositions by using longitudinal data from the National Crime Victimization Survey, which
allows us to tease out victimization and routine activities over time. Both violent and household victimization are examined.
Variables pertaining to how often respondents go out for shopping, how often they go away at night and whether they have household
devices are used as indicators for routine activities. Results indicate that the reciprocal effects of victimization and routine
activities are limited. Consequences for routine activities theory are discussed.
KeywordsVictimization–Routine activities–Longitudinal data
Perceived insecurity in the public space: Personal, social and environmental variables. This paper explores perception of
insecurity among the users of Barcelona’s public space. It describes the results of a research aimed to determine the key
variables for the understanding of subjective insecurity. Structural equation models have been applied for this purpose. Results
show low relative indices of causality for environmental variables, whereas those related to space representation, residential
satisfaction and urban identity, social support and personal competences offer high predictive potential. It is concluded
that insecurity perceptions in the public space are therefore strongly linked to social interaction processes and to the social
construction of insecurity. Other results, like the influence of gender or age, are consistent with previous findings.
Se propone una estructura lógica y las bases empíricas para el estudio del miedo al crimen.
Se prueba un modelo teórico con el uso de una regresión ordinal sobre los resultados de la Cuarta encuesta de victimización y eficacia institucional (envei) de 2006. El hallazgo principal es que el miedo al crimen en la colonia de residencia depende de la experiencia de haber sido víctima de un delito, los niveles de confianza en la policía local y el contenido de los noticiarios. Estos hallazgos difieren parcialmente de lo reportado en estudios previos de otros países. Se procede con una discusión de los resultados, se ofrecen ideas para estudios futuros y se plantean algunas recomendaciones de política en materia de seguridad pública.
Children's independent mobility differs between groups of adolescents, but knowledge is lacking on how mobility-limiting factors interact. This study explores the association between factors that can affect young adolescents' mobility, searching for typical patterns within a geographical area where mobility is both relatively high and promoted (in this case Stockholm County, Sweden). An additional question is how clusters of limiting factors and demographic attributes relate to active commuting to school.
A sample of 7th grade students (ca 13-14 years old) in Stockholm County, Sweden, answered a survey (n = 1008). A cluster analysis was performed on variables descriptive of the respondents and of potential limitations to their independent mobility, such as fears, coping, traffic situation in the neighbourhood and parent/child opinions on mobility (18 variables and 50 categories). Active commuting to/from school was compared using proportion (with 95% confidence intervals) by cluster.
Five consistent and distinct clusters were identified. Among the most discriminating factors were fears experienced in the neighbourhood, strategies to cope with fear, type of housing and traffic environment. Girls were over-represented in the two clusters most typical of respondents experiencing fears (either several of these or darkness in particular) and boys in two others where housing (house vs. apartment) and neighbourhood conditions played a more determinant role. The proportion of active commuting among respondents was quite similar over clusters but was nonetheless higher in the cluster (over girls) reporting more fears and other factors limiting mobility.
Whereas fears--and coping--are more typical of adolescent girls in the formation of the clusters, household and neighbourhood characteristics are more typical of boys. Broadly speaking, there seem to be two groups of girls with fears but these differ based on types of fear, ways of coping with fear and their living conditions. The association between the limitations to mobility and active commuting is unclear, the latter being higher among those disclosing a broader range of limiting factors, including fears.
Tras un breve repaso a algunos de los problemas principales en la definición y medición del “miedo al delito” -falta de unidad de
criterios, problemas de fiabilidad y validez y riesgo de sobre-estimación- se presentan dos estudios. El primero es una revisión de instrumentos empleados para medir el “miedo al delito” en trabajos publicados entre 2004 y 2006. En el segundo, se propone y analiza un instrumento para medir la frecuencia de experiencias de miedo a distintos delitos, presentando pruebas psico-métricas. Finalmente, se
realizan algunas sugerencias y se discuten las implicaciones para una medición más fiable y precisa de este constructo en un contexto hispanohablante.
El objetivo de este trabajo es presentar las relaciones encontradas entre la percepción de cultura ciudadana, el miedo al crimen y la victimización criminal objetiva, en una muestra de conveniencia de ciudadanos de Bogotá cuyos empleos (comerciantes y porteros de viviendas particulares) permiten conocer a los miembros del vecindario. La hipótesis de partida es que tanto la victimización como el miedo al crimen están relacionados inversamente con la percepción de aspectos de la cultura ciudadana, tales como acatamiento voluntario de normas y participación ciudadana. Los resultados confirmaron la hipótesis y mostraron implicaciones para la cohesión del tejido social.
Distributional properties and correlates of the Children's Depression Inventory (CDI) were presented for a sample (n = 221) of low-income, African-American youths between 7 and 18 years of age. The results showed that younger children and those living in a household without their mother reported more depressive symptoms. Regression analyses revealed that victims of violence reported more depressive symptoms. However, chronic exposure to violence, in the form of witnessing violent acts, was not significantly related to depression. On further inspection, it was discovered that witnessing violence had a negative effect on depression. This finding, although somewhat unexpected, may be the result of some youths possessing a set of extraordinary coping mechanisms that help to insulate them from negative environmental experiences.
Emerging adulthood is proposed as a new conception of development for the period from the late teens through the twenties, with a focus on ages 18-25. A theoretical background is presented. Then evidence is provided to support the idea that emerging adulthood is a distinct period demographically, subjectively, and in terms of identity explorations. How emerging adulthood differs from adolescence and young adulthood is explained. Finally, a cultural context for the idea of emerging adulthood is outlined, and it is specified that emerging adulthood exists only in cultures that allow young people a prolonged period of independent role exploration during the late teens and twenties.
Fear of crime in the United States has become a problem as serious as crime itself. Many commentators have pointed out that
fear is greatly out of proportion to the objective probability of being victimized. But to date, few multivariate analyses
of fear of crime have been undertaken. The present research moves in this direction by combining and analyzing two national
samples from 1973 and 1974 in regard to fear (n = 2,700). We employed five variables central to the victimization literature—sex,
race, age, socioeconomic status, and community size. Multivariate Nominal Scale Analysis (MNA) was employed to assess the
independent ability of each variable to predict respondents who indicated a fear of crime (42%) and those who did not (58
%). Findings indicated that sex and city size are strong predictors of fear. Age and race were somewhat less important than
has generally been supposed and the socioeconomic variables, income and education, had small effects. Merely on the basis
of this system of explanatory variables, however, it was possible to classify correctly almost 72 percent of the entire sample
in regard to fear. Implications of this high explanatory power as well as limitations of the analysis are presented and discussed.
The joint or combined effects of age level, sex differences, and social factors in fear of crime are systematically investigated using elaboration analysis with 1976 NORC data. Findings reveal that while the elderly are somewhat more likely to report fear of crime when compared with young and middle-aged groups, many more women express apprehension than men at each age level. Fear of being victimized is especially prevalent among those segments of the population that are the most isolated and vulnerable, notably elderly and middle-aged black women, unmarried older women living alone, elderly women in poor health, and women of all ages who had been burglarized.
The conceptualization and measurement of fear of crime have received considerable attention in the research literature. Nevertheless,
most sample surveys use indicators that only tap a general, cognitive assessment of safety — assumed to represent fear of
violence. This article examines whether there are conceptually and empirically distinct dimensions of fear of crime by comparing
the micro- and macrolevel antecedents of such a general, cognitive “fear” — which we call “perceived risk” — with those for
a more emotionally based, burglary-specific fear. Hierarchical logistic regression models for both types of fear are presented.
Some similarities were found between fear and risk in terms of various predictors, but results generally provide further empirical
evidence that the two constructs are quite distinct. At the individual-level, the effect of gender is different across models,
and routine-activities variables are somewhat better predictors of burglary-specific fear in comparison to risk perception.
At the contextual level, neighborhood integration serves to diminish respondents' perceptions of neighborhood danger, yet
this variable is positively related to burglary-specific fear.
We investigated children’s perceived safety from assault risk while in different transportation modes. Children 10–18 years old were interviewed in Philadelphia, PA, USA, using a Geographic Information System (GIS) interface, reporting how safe they felt using a 10-point item (1=very unsafe, 10=very safe) during recent daily activities. Results show that among 153 subjects, 75.8 per cent felt less than very safe (that is, 8, for example, was 0.84 while in a car and 0.84 on a bus, but 0.66 on foot and 0.40 on a subway (P Document Type: Research Article DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/sj.2014.8 Affiliations: 1: Department of Biostatistics and Epidemiology, Perelman School of Medicine, University of Pennsylvania, 423 Guardian Drive, Philadelphia, PA 19104, USA. 2: Department of Biobehavioral Health Sciences, School of Nursing, University of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia, PA 19104, USA 3: Department of City and Regional Planning, School of Design, University of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia, PA 19104, USA 4: Department of Sociology, University of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia, PA 19104, USA Publication date: April 1, 2014 $(document).ready(function() { var shortdescription = $(".originaldescription").text().replace(/\\&/g, '&').replace(/\\, '<').replace(/\\>/g, '>').replace(/\\t/g, ' ').replace(/\\n/g, ''); if (shortdescription.length > 350){ shortdescription = "" + shortdescription.substring(0,250) + "... more"; } $(".descriptionitem").prepend(shortdescription); $(".shortdescription a").click(function() { $(".shortdescription").hide(); $(".originaldescription").slideDown(); return false; }); }); Related content In this: publication By this: publisher By this author: Wiebe, Douglas J ; Richmond, Therese S ; Poster, Jed ; Guo, Wensheng ; Allison, Paul D ; Branas, Charles C GA_googleFillSlot("Horizontal_banner_bottom");
The paper assesses the consequences of victimization experience and the crime rate on fear of crime and life satisfaction. It extends the classical fear of crime model by incorporating media use in the link between the crime rate and fear of crime. Based on a nationwide German survey conducted in 2010 it is shown that fear of crime and victimization experiences lower respondents’ life satisfaction. The county crime rate has no significant impact. However, the local crime rate increases fear of crime. This relationship is mediated by the consumption of local newspapers. Readers of such newspapers are more affected by the crime rate, because they have more information on crime trends within their county.
This study compares the relationship between official crime rates in census tracts and resident perceptions of crime. Using a unique data set that links household-level data from the American Housing Survey metro samples over 25 years (1976-1999) with official crime rate data for census tracts in selected cities during selected years, this study finds that tract violent crime is the strongest predictor of residents’ perception of crime. This standardized coefficient was .71 on average over the seven waves. Models simultaneously taking into account both violent and property crime found a consistently strong positive effect for violent crime but a consistently negative effect for property crime. Among types of violent crime, robbery and aggravated assault have the strongest effect on the perception of crime in the tract. Burglary showed a stronger effect on perceptions of crime in the 1970s but a steadily weakening effect since then. There was little evidence that the racial/ethnic composition of the tract affected these perceptions.
This paper is concerned with the emotional and psychological impact of street robbery on its victims. Findings are presented from two sets of interviews with robbery victims sampled from police incident records, and conducted within three weeks and again nine months after victimisation. A majority of victims found street robbery to be a very frightening experience, and, as a result, fear of crime increased and many victims suffered serious psychological distress. While the effects had moderated 9 months after the crime, the robberies were still having a serious and enduring effect on victims' fear, social behaviour and psychological health, particularly for women and those who possessed a less hardy personality.
This paper provides a review of the literature on fear of crime among the elderly and its determinants, and a conceptual framework within which to locate the strengths and weaknesses of these works. Variations in fear among elderly of similar backgrounds and residential settings are discussed, along with the fact that although the elderly comprise the most fearful age group, they are actually the least victimized age group. I also argue that the major problems with the existing literature on the effects of fear of crime are the scarcity of research on fear of crime--and the consequences of that fear--and the lack of temporal order with respect to fear and related behaviors.
This report examines the relationship between criminal victimization and fear of crime. Past research has been surprisingly inconclusive about this issue, and some people's fears have been branded “irrational” because the two did not appear to be tightly linked. However, the data analyzed here indicate that victimization affects both fear-related attitudes and behavior in a clear and consistent manner. This report also suggests that the impact of victimization is relatively uniform. Some research has indicated that certain groups are especially affected by crime, a claim that might be used to justify special treatment for selected victims and has been used to support demands for special “treatment” of selected offenders. However, the strong effects of victimization registered in these data were not differentially distributed across subgroups. In sum, most people do learn from their experiences, although other kinds of learning are rational as well.
Various recent developments in the fear-of-crime literature have led scholars to the general conclusion that fear is a multidimensional concept. For instance, methodological work in the fear-of-crime tradition has recognized various dimensions of the concept of “fear,” suggesting that there are cognitive (e.g., risk perception) and emotional (e.g., being afraid) components that need to be theoretically and empirically distinguished from one another. Related to this, the fear literature has also established the value in examining crime-specific fears, recognizing that the proximate causes of fear can vary depending on the crime fear in question. This article extends the notion of “the multidimensional nature of fear of crime” by comparing multilevel models of fear of violence versus fear of burglary with a specific focus on the crime-fear relationship for each type of fear. Using data from 4,638 individuals living in 100 Seattle neighbor-hoods, hierarchical logistic models of fear of violent victimization and fear of property victimization are estimated. Findings suggest that individual- and neighborhood-level crime experiences have differential effects on fear of violence in comparison to fear of burglary, thus providing further evidence of the multidimensional nature of fear of crime.
Recent research on the fear of crime in the United States has focused on the sources of fear. Many of these studies have identified neighborhood-level variables that are related to fear, but most have examined the differences in fear among individual residents of one or more cities. There has been substantially less research on the differences in the sources of fear among residents of different areas within a single city. This article examines the causes of fear through a comparative analysis of three different neighborhoods in San Francisco. An analysis of covariance model is used to assess the importance of differences in the sources of fear that may be associated with an individual's neighborhood of residence. The findings demonstrate that age, as a measure of physical vulnerability previously associated with fear among individuals, is not related to fear in neighborhoods where residents express the greatest general concern about crime. It is concluded that in those urban areas where crime problems are regular features of the neighborhood environment, measures of physical vulnerability are less important in predicting differences in fear among individuals.
Several rival explanations have been advanced to account for fear of crime among neighborhood residents. Social integration is the least developed concept in this regard. We assess the mediating role that perceptions of neighborhood collective efficacy, defined as the trustworthiness of neighbors and their willingness to intervene as informal social control agents, have in the relationship between social integration and fear of crime. Our data were obtained from random sample surveys of residents conducted in three cities. Structural equation models indicate that social integration operates through perceptions of collective efficacy in predicting fear of crime, and similar results appear across three cities.
Reviews and summarizes the mass of material written on some aspect or other of fear of crime over the past 30 yrs. The paper examines in detail reasons why fear of crime has become a recurring theme in academic and policy discussions by considering its consequences. Early work looking for possible correlates of fear concentrated on the notion of physical, emotional, and economic vulnerability, and the level of crime or crime experience. Further work has suggested that fear depends on an individual's perception of the personal risk of being a victim and the assessment of how serious the consequences of crime victimization are likely to be. Possible policy options are considered; it is clear that there is no single approach to reducing fear that will work in all communities. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
This study attempts to examine the reciprocal effects between fear of crime and neighborhood attachment because aging is a critical factor in both discussions of fear of crime and neighborhood attachment (friendship, neighboring, social cohesion and trust, informal social control, and participation in neighborhood watch program). Using data from the Project on Human Development across 343 Chicago neighborhoods, this study tests the impact of aging combined with five measures of neighborhood attachment on fear of crime. Our analyses confirm that all five interaction variables are insignificant in explaining fear of crime. In contrast, this study tests another argument that aging coupled with fear of crime (urban elderly's fear of crime) affects neighborhood attachment. The findings show that rising fear of crime among urban elderly residents helps increase their interactions with neighbors (neighboring) and their perceived level of social cohesion to and trust of neighbors. In short, this study supports a model where an interaction predictor of aging and fear of crime increases neighborhood attachment. © 2008 Wiley Periodicals, Inc.
Only a small body of research addresses the impact of criminal victimization on moving (Skogan, 1990; Taub et al. 1984). Knowledge of this under-researched relationship is important for three reasons. First, moving is costly to the victim both in monetary and psychological terms. Second, if a victimization-mobility relationship exists, then it may partially explain why people migrate to suburban areas from cities. Third, because residential mobility reduces social control that, in turn, potentially results in more crime, evidence that criminal victimization leads to more mobility may help explain a cycle that perpetuates disorder and neighborhood decline (Bursik and Grasmick, 1993; Horwitz, 1990; Miethe and Meier, 1994; Skogan, 1990; Skogan and Maxfield, 1981). This study uses a longitudinal version of the National Crime Survey that includes 22, 375 households to test the hypothesis that criminal victimization is associated with an increased probability that a household moves.
This paper combines the advantages of quantitative modelling and qualitative analysis of participants' own frameworks and narratives in understanding age differences in fear of crime. Using a set of standard questions as a starting point for in-depth discussion, the study examined how age and gender differences in lifestyle, experience of crime and understanding of societal violence predict variability in perceived risk and fear of personal violence. A follow-up study examined the way age and gender are deployed as social categories in respondents' situated narratives of risk. Accounts of travel on public transport were analysed to reveal differences both between and within age groups in how in-group and out-group categorization are deployed in the everyday monitoring of perceived risky environments.
This article investigates the impact of criminal victimization on household residential mobility. Existing research finds that direct experiences with crime influence mobility decisions, such that persons who suffer offenses near their homes are more likely to move. The current study extends this line of inquiry to consider whether indirect victimization that involves neighbors also stimulates moving. The analysis uses the National Crime Survey to estimate multilevel models that incorporate data from individual households and their spatially proximate neighbors. The results show that the link between direct victimization and moving continues to hold after controlling for neighborhood context. Indirect property victimization also leads to moving, with effects about equal in size to those of direct victimization. In contrast, no evidence is found that violent victimization that occurs in neighboring homes influences mobility, probably because most of these events are nonstranger violence that provokes less anxiety for neighbors.
Fear of crime is thought to limit social activity in older people. Sixty older people, recruited via day centres, were given questionnaire-based interviews. A series of questions produced two scales of crime awareness and a scale of perceived crime prevalence. Fear of crime was operationalized through a catastrophizing technique, and by a single-item measure of perceived safety. Physical health, mental health and psychosocial limitation were assessed. Physical health was found to moderate a relationship between crime awareness and fear of crime. In multivariate models, fear of crime was not a significant predictor of psychosocial limitation, which was predicted by physical and mental health. Implications of the findings for models of fear of crime and health psychology are discussed.
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