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162
Giulia Sbaraini Fontes and Paulo Ferracioli
Copyright © 2017
SBPjor / Associação
Brasileira de Pesquisa-
dores em Jornalismo
ARTICLES POLICE CASE OR PUBLIC
HEALTH ISSUE?
Printed journalism frames on crack
use in São Paulo
GIULIA SBARAINI FONTES
Universidade Federal do Paraná, Curitiba – PR, Brazil
ORCID: 0000-0002-3637-3605
PAULO FERRACIOLI
Universidade Federal do Paraná, Curitiba – PR, Brazil
ORCID: 0000-0001-9355-3365
DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.25200/BJR.v13n3.2017.995
ABSTRACT - Based on Entman’s (1993) and Iyengar’s (1996) concepts , this article intends
to identify the frames practiced by O Estado de São Paulo (OESP) and Folha de S. Paulo
(FSP) for the crack issue during Gilberto Kassab’s (2009 to 2012) and Fernando Haddad’s
administrations (2013 to 2016). For that, 120 texts were analyzed, with the hypothesis
that the newspapers’ political positions are also translated in their information material
- and, therefore, FSP and OESP would present different coverages. The results confirmed
this hypothesis, since OESP addressed the issue from the health point of view in both
periods, with emphasis on public safety during the second administration. In addition to
the health issue, FSP has focused on public safety aspects in Kassab’s administration and
economy in Haddad’s administration. Despite this, newspapers have brought similarities,
such as the use of episodic frame in most of the texts.
Key words: Framing; Crack; Folha de S. Paulo; O Estado de S. Paulo; Public Policies.
CASO DE POLÍCIA OU QUESTÃO DE SAÚDE PÚBLICA? FRAMES DO
JORNALISMO IMPRESSO SOBRE O USO DE CRACK EM SÃO PAULO
RESUMO - Partindo dos conceitos de Entman (1993) e Iyengar (1996), esse artigo pretende
identificar quais os frames praticados por O Estado de S. Paulo (OESP) e Folha de S. Paulo (FSP)
para a questão do crack durante as gestões de Gilberto Kassab (2009 a 2012) e de Fernando
Haddad (2013 a 2016). Para tanto foram analisados 120 textos, com a hipótese de que as
posições políticas dos jornais se traduzem, também, em seu material informativo – e, por
isso, FSP e OESP apresentariam coberturas distintas. Os resultados confirmaram tal hipótese,
pois OESP abordou o assunto sob a ótica da saúde nos dois períodos, com destaque para a
segurança pública durante a segunda gestão. Já a FSP enfocou, além da questão de saúde,
aspectos de segurança pública na gestão Kassab e de economia na de Haddad. Apesar disso,
os jornais trouxeram semelhanças, como o uso do frame episódico na maioria das matérias.
Palavras-chave: Framing; Crack; Folha de S. Paulo; O Estado de S. Paulo; Políticas Públicas.
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1 Introduction
The relationship between media, State and political
actors in modern democracies is considered intimate by political
communication field authors (Donges, 2015, p. 4). According
to this view, the media logic would influence structures, actors,
processes and contents of decision-making in these systems, which
could then be called media democracies. In some cases, media can
be considered as a political actor who pursues certain objectives
through the contents that it publishes (Eberwein et al., 2015, p. 02).
Golub and Hartman (1999: 423, our translation) emphasize the role
of journalism in the definition of public policies: “It is the collective
perception of a problem with the general population that often directs
government actions, not necessarily the problem itself. For most of
the population it is the journalistic media that serves as the main
connection between problems and perceptions.”
Miguel (2002, 163) also points out that the media is a space
for political projects and worldview diffusion, representing voices
present in society. Such representation, however, goes far from the
normative ideal and ends up over representing some actors to the
detriment of others. Furthermore, the impact of the media passes
by the definition of agenda not only of the common citizen, but also
CASO DE POLICÍA O ASUNTO DE SALUD PÚBLICA?
Marcos de la prensa escrita sobre el consumo de crack en Sao Paulo
RESUMEN - Desde los conceptos de Entman (1993) y Iyengar (1996), este artículo tiene como
objetivo identificar los enmarcamientos usados por O Estado de S. Paulo (OESP) y Folha de S.
Paulo (FSP) para cestión de crack durante las administraciones de Gilberto Kassab (2009-2012)
y Fernando Haddad (2013-2016). Por lo tanto, se analizaron 120 textos, con la hipótesis de que
las posiciones políticas de los periódicos se traducen también en su material de información
- y por lo tanto, FSP y OESP presentarían diferentes coberturas. Los resultados confirmaron
esta hipótesis, ya que el OESP se acercó a la cuestión desde la perspectiva de la salud en
ambos períodos, sobre todo para la seguridad pública durante el segundo término. Ya el FSP
se centró, más allá del tema de la salud, los aspectos de seguridad pública en la gestión Kassab
y economía en Haddad. Sin embargo, los periodicos trajeron similitudes, tales como el uso de
enmarcamiento episódico en la mayoría de los textos.
Palabras clave: Enmarcamiento; Crack; Folha de S. Paulo; O Estado de S. Paulo; Políticas
Públicas.
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Giulia Sbaraini Fontes and Paulo Ferracioli
of the political agents. Thus, “what is observed is that visibility in
the media is increasingly an essential component of political capital
production” (Miguel, 2002, p.169). In the public policies field, the
media role as a political actor is considered in some models (Souza,
2006, p.33), especially in those that concern the image construction
of certain governmental actions before the public.
Taking this perspective into account, the present article
has as its main objective the following research problem: how did
the newspapers Folha de S. Paulo (FSP) and O Estado de S. Paulo
(OESP) framed crack use in São Paulo’s capital? The analysis compares
published material in two periods: in Gilberto Kassab’s (2009 to 2012)
and Fernando Haddad’s (2013 to 2016) administrations, which, as we
shall see, have quite different conceptions about how to deal with the
problem. The hypothesis that guides the work is that newspapers’
political positions are also translated in their information material -
and, therefore, FSP and OESP will present distinct coverages (Pilagallo,
2012), especially when considering the two administrations.
The text is structured as follows: first, in the next section,
we make a brief contextualization about our object; then, in the third
topic, we clarify the theoretical perspective in which we insert our
empirical study, that of framing; soon after we bring the detail of
our methodological procedures and the results obtained in the news
analysis; finally, we bring the conclusions obtained from this study.
2 Crack: media coverage and public policies
In a research using the ethnographic method, Adorno and
Raupp (2010, p. 30) spent six months in the region of the so-called
“cracolândia” (crackland), in downtown São Paulo, to follow the drug
users’ routine. The authors describe an area that merges commercial
activities with degraded areas of prostitution, abandoned buildings
and use of narcotics. According to them, violence cases among
dependents are mixed with solidarity attitudes among users, who
feel part of a community and seek help in difficult situations. Another
important point pointed out by Adorno and Raupp (2010, 34) is the
obsession with the use drug, which generates carelessness regarding
personal care and health problems among users.
The multiplicity of issues involving crack use, however, does
not translate into media coverage on the subject, which tends to be
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superficial - and not only in Brazil. This is shown by studies such
as that by Golub and Hartman (1999, p. 429), in which the authors
examine drug coverage in published articles in the United States.
Their goal was to see if, with the increase of scientific knowledge
about crack, the coverage would become deeper, leaving aside some
myths and the panic tone. The authors’ conclusion, however, is that
the news has undergone few significant changes over time. While
correcting some distortions, the texts continued to perpetuate a
sense of fear about the issue.
In Brazil, literature on how the media approaches crack use
has not yet reached a large volume production (Moreira et al., 2015,
p. 1057). Some articles, such as Bruck’s (2013, p. 175), approach the
coverage about the issue in the country’s capitals. The author observed
texts published in the newspaper Estado de Minas between 1996 and
2011 and, as Golub and Hartman (1999, p.425), found in the content
myths about the drug. “Among some of these beliefs and imaginary are,
for example, reports that ‘if you burn the stone once you are already
addicted’, ‘crack kills in a few days’, ‘the person who smokes crack
wants to kill’ and ‘the crack user is unrecoverable’”. (Bruck, 2013, p.
178). Bruck (2013, p. 179) also highlights the elaboration of narratives
with emotional appeal, emphasizing traumatic experiences, tragedies
and violence situations. Lopes’ study (2013, p. 10) also points out that
the approach that focuses on public safety issues overlaps with the
emphasis on health aspects, for example.
Next, we will detail the public policies adopted by Gilberto
Kassab’s (2009 to 2012) and Fernando Haddad’s (2013 to 2016)
administrations to deal with crack use in the city of São Paulo.
2.1 Different views to face crack
The public policies adopted by Gilberto Kassab at the DEM
time in his administration in the city Hall of São Paulo had significant
differences in relation to those established by Fernando Haddad, from
PT, in the next administration. Aligned with the then state governor
Geraldo Alckmin (PSDB), Kassab bet on measures such as users’
compulsory hospitalization, which led to accusations that his vision
would be hygienist (Rolnik, 2012). At the beginning of 2012, the then
mayor was widely criticized for a police action that removed users
from the crackland region, in the Luz neighborhood, downtown,
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Giulia Sbaraini Fontes and Paulo Ferracioli
without providing any kind of social assistance to the dependents
(Macedo, 2012). The action ended up pulverizing the points of drug
use for other regions of the city.
Fernando Haddad, on the other hand, at the very beginning
of the administration pointed out disagreements regarding the public
policy standard proposed by Alckmin’s government and supported by
Kassab (Agostine, 2013). As a result, from the beginning of 2014, the
city began to adopt the Braços Abertos (Open Arms) program, which
offered dependents the possibility of housing in downtown São
Paulo hotels. The idea, based on the perspective of harm reduction
(Machado; Boarini, 2013, p. 588), was that users should gradually
reduce drug use through insertion into employment policies. Project
participants received R$ 15 a day in activities such as sweeping
the streets and recycling waste, as well as food and support for the
addiction treatment. The lawsuit was criticized for not pulling users
from nearby drug outlets and making it harder for them to quit.
In the next section, we will approach the concept of framing,
clarifying the theoretical and methodological options of this article,
for then to deal with the analysis of the proposed corpus.
3 What frama are we talking about?
The scope of the concept of frame, pointed by authors
such as Mendonça and Simões (2012, p.187) makes it necessary
to place precisely what type of framing we deal with in this work.
Vreese (2005: 51) defends the notion of framing as a process, which
involves media uses, content and production dimensions. Two
aspects would be essential: frame-building, which involves “factors
influencing structural qualities of news frames” (VREESE, 2005, page
52, our translation), and frame-setting, which refers to the interaction
between the frames themselves and receiver predispositions. Within
this perspective, the frameworks can be inserted into research
designs as both independent and dependent variables.
For the present article, the first aspect pointed by the author
is concerned, the frame-building aspect. According to him, this frame
construction phase can presuppose the influence of internal factors in
the newsroom (organizational constraints and production routines, for
example) and also aspects of the external world, such as interaction
with elites and social movements. “The results of the frame-building
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process are the frameworks manifested in the text” (Vreese, 2005,
page 52, our translation). This work, therefore, aims to analyze these
results, that is, the frameworks that are manifested in the news.
It is also necessary to clarify which are the methodological
perspectives that guide the research. Still taking into account Vreese’s
(2005, page 54) considerations, one can use the typology that divides
the news frames into issue-specific frames and generic frames. The
first ones refer to the identification of frames pertinent only to a
specific fact or topic. While providing an interesting level of detail
about the phenomenon studied, this approach makes it difficult to
compare and generalize the results. The second type, generic frames,
points to the other side: it transcends thematic features - decreasing
the level of detail - and provides framework identification that can
often be observed even in different cultural contexts.
The methodological choices of this work are intended to
merge the two approaches. To identify specific frames related to
the coverage of crack use, the variables proposed by Entman (1993,
p. 52) were triggered. The author points out that the framework
involves two fundamental processes: the selection process and the
salience process. In his classical definition, framing means defining
a problem, establishing a causal interpretation, making a moral
assessment of the subject, and recommending a treatment for the
issue. He details what each variable means:
.
Frames, then, define problems - determine what causal agent is
acting with which costs and benefits, usually measured in terms
of shared cultural values; diagnose causes - identify the forces
that create the problem; make moral judgments - evaluate
causal agents and their effects; and suggest solutions - offer
and justify treatments for problems and predict their possible
effects (Entman, 1993, p.52, our translation).
The frameworks, according to the author, can be found in at
least four stages of the communicative process: the communicator,
the text, the receiver and the culture. In the texts, according to
Entman (1993, p. 53), frames are manifested through the presence
or absence of some keywords, phrases and stereotypes, as well as
information sources. The positioning of a story in a newspaper, for
example, and the constant repetition of a subject in the news are also
ways of putting a frame more prominently for the audience. However,
it is not possible to rule out the content receiver characteristics - they
can transform a framework or reinforce it.
In order to operationalize the variables proposed by Entman
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(1993, p.52), Maia and Vimieiro’s (2011, p.240) research, which
proposes the indirect analysis of frameworks, is used as a model.
The great gain of this proposal, the authors point out, is that “the
coders do not know which frameworks they are codifying, since
they do not work with frameworks as single units” (Maia; Vimieiro,
2011, 242). Thus, to identify the frames, the categories are
observed separately so that, afterwards, it is possible to identify
the way they are related, forming patterns. These standards are
the frameworks themselves.
The authors, who also use Entman’s variables (1993,
p.52), divide the first variable - problem definition - into two parts:
actors and subtopics. The first concerns who are the agents who
have a voice in a given subject, and the second refers to which
subject is in question. Such a division facilitates the variable
operationalization the making the analysis more objective and
less subject to the researcher’s influence. It is not considered,
of course, that the analysis will be totally objective from these
strategies. However, such procedures are considered valid in the
search for greater objectivity to the results - a way to get around
some of the criticisms directed to the framework analysis, often
considered as too subjective.
Finally, to identify the generic frameworks in the analyzed
corpus, this article is based on Iyengar’s classification (1996, p.62).
The author divides the coverage of political issues into two frames
or modes of presentation: the episodic and thematic framing. The
first, according to him, portrays such questions from a specific
perspective. “Episodic news is essentially a way of illustrating an
issue” (Iyengar, 1996, p. 62). On the other hand, the thematic frame
takes a broader approach, inserting that specific question into a
historical or geographical context, for example.
4 Analysis
To test our hypothesis, we analyzed 60 stories from each of
the newspapers in their printed version. The texts were published
between 2009 and 2016 in Cotidiano from Folha de S. Paulo (FSP)
and in Cidades and Metrópole from O Estado de S. Paulo (OESP). The
collection of the articles of both of them, in this case, is justified
because in 2012 Cidades was incorporated into Metrópole. We opted
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to analyze texts published in these publications because it is in them
that the newspapers are dedicated to problems that affect the city’s
routine, such as crack use. Next, we describe in in more detail the
procedures for collecting and analyzing the material.
4.1 Methodological procedures
In order to collect the texts analyzed, the tools provided
by the newspapers themselves, on the internet, were used (acervo.
estadao.com.br and acervo.folha.uol.com.br). On the sites, it
is possible to search for articles in all printed editions from
keywords. Thus, the research was done from the word “crack” in
the years that comprise the two administrations of the city of São
Paulo, clipped in this work: that of Gilberto Kassab and that of
Fernando Haddad. In the case of FSP, due to the formatting of the
site, it was possible to collect it manually. For OESP, it would not
be possible to complete the collection manually in time (due to
the collection’s characteristics), and therefore, it was necessary to
use a programming script. The tool consists of a robot that opens
each of the search results and saves them in “pdf” format, saving
manual work.
From these preliminary surveys, only the texts that dealt
with the topic in the city of São Paulo were selected. Material
that only cited the word crack, but did not have the subject as
a central theme (such as texts dealing with the seizure of drug
shipments, for example) were excluded; and content that dealt
with the problem in other cities of the country or nationally. Texts
of opinion were also disregarded. The result of this filter was a
total of 107 articles during Kassab’s administration for FSP and
185 for OESP. In Haddad’s administration, there were 89 texts in
FSP and 82 in OESP.
As the methodology based on the concept of framing requires
a complete reading of the material, it would not be possible to do,
in this article, the analysis of the universe of articles collected. To
ensure that the study was done in a qualified manner, we chose to do
a sample of texts, in order to obtain an overview of the framework
practiced by each newspaper in each of the measures analyzed. In this
way, 60 texts were selected per administration, 30 of each periodical.
In order to make such a selection, a Microsoft Excel spreadsheet
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was used, in which the data of each text (title, publication date and
access link) occupied a table row. Therefore, each text corresponded
to a number - that is, to the row number that occupied the worksheet.
After having all the texts registered in the spreadsheet, using the
filter tool provided by the program, the articles that corresponded
to each period in each of the newspapers (that is, this procedure
was done four times) were first grouped together. With the cases
filtered, a range of values (that is, of numbers corresponding to the
lines) was obtained, in which 30 numbers were drawn (through the
website www.sorteador.com.br). Thus, the text that occupied the row
corresponding to the number drawn was selected for analysis. With
this, the selection of the texts was done in a random way within each
clipping (covering the period and the newspaper), ensuring that each
administration and each vehicle had the same representation in the
final corpus.
In addition, the option to standardize the number of articles
per newspaper and per administration period, even with differences
in the universe, was made to avoid that the final results were biased.
The complete corpus of the research, therefore, is 120 informative
articles. Thus, it is taken into account that some frameworks may
have been excluded in this work. It is considered, however, that the
corpus presented here gathers a significant part of the frameworks
practiced, giving an initial step to the study of the coverage of these
newspapers on the subject. It is hoped that this initial effort - still
incipient in literature (Moreira et al, p.1050) - could be an impetus for
future research to analyze larger quantities of texts dealing with the
crack issue at other time periods.
Thus, after collecting the texts, a codebook was constructed
to carry out the analysis. The model is based on a codebook
developed by the Communication and Political Participation
Research Group (Compa), from the Federal University of Paraná
(UFPR). The codes were modified for the topic in question in this
work and, in addition, the typology proposed by Iyengar (1996,
p.62) was added.
The categories formulated for the Entman’s variables (1993,
p.52) were as follows:
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Table 1 – Codebook
0 1 2 3 4
Definition
of the
problem -
actors
Absent
Political
field / State
authorities
Chemical
dependents
Other
citizens Especialists
Definition
of the
problem –
subtopic
–Violence /
public safety Health
Urban
economy
/ gradation
Human
interest
Causes Absent State
inefficiency
Inequality
and social
problems
Personal
choices –
Moral
judgement Absent
Blame the
state /
society
Blame
chemical
dependents
– –
Solutions Absent Internment
Social
reintegration
policies
Police
action –
Source: the authors
From the definition of the categories the codification was
done (it is possible to see the complete table in goo.gl/jdykWv),
whose results will be exposed next.
4.2 Results
Before starting the analysis through the codebook built,
however, it is necessary to verify how the distribution of articles
occurred in the vehicles. Contrary to expectations, FSP and OESP
did not show the same behavior in the cut-off period, as shown in
graphic 1. Attention is drawn, in the first years of the interval, to
the difference between the two newspapers (in 2009, the longest
interval appears, with a difference of 36 articles between periodicals).
In 2012, there is a peak of coverage, caused by the polemic police
action in crackland. After that, already in Haddad’s administration,
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Giulia Sbaraini Fontes and Paulo Ferracioli
the situation is reversed and it is FSP which most deals with the issue.
In this interval, however, the differences are not as significant as in
Kassab’s administration.
Graphic 1 –Temporal evolution
Source: the authors
Having seen the amount of material published, we began
to analyze the content of the texts. We emphasize that our unit of
analysis was the complete text. As the framing analysis, in this case,
resembles content analysis (Bauer, 2002, page 201), each text has to
be classified into only one category within each variable. When there
were questions as to which code to select, title, subtitle and lead of
the articles were considered, in hierarchical order of importance, so
that it would be simpler to choose between the proposed categories.
Taking these aspects into account, we begin the obtained data
exposition, thus, through the analysis of the first variable proposed
by Entman (1993, p.52), the problem definition. We found, initially,
which were the predominant voices, based on Maia and Vimieiro’s
(2011, 243) proposal. In this variable, it was verified which actors
had more speech spaces in the articles, considering both indirect and
direct citations. In both administrations and for the two newspapers,
the use of official sources, when it came to the crack problem, was
the most recurrent: the mayors themselves, municipal secretaries
or police authorities were consulted in half of the corpus, with
few variations between newspapers and time clippings. The other
actors appear very close to each other: specialists, as psychiatrists
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or researchers, appear in second place (with 19 occurrences, or
15.8% of the total corpus), but well behind official sources. Chemical
dependents appear tied with the second group, being activated as
sources in 15.8% of texts. During Haddad’s administration, however,
it is observed that there is a peak in the use of these two groups as
sources by FSP.
Other citizens – such as residents of the regions where they
use crack or merchants - have been sparsely employed in general.
The highlight is in Kassab’s administration for OESP, which mentioned
them in eight texts (13.3% of the analysis units of this newspaper). In
all, there were 16 articles with predominance of these sources (13.3%
of the total corpus). Only descriptive articles, without any source,
totaled six units of analysis, that is, 5% of the texts. In graphic 2,
below, the results of this variable are detailed.
Graphic 2 –Problem Definition – actors
Source: the authors
In order to complete the analysis regarding the problem
definition, the topics covered by the texts were identified. In this
variable, unlike the previous one, there were significant differences
between the two periods analyzed and between the vehicles
themselves. In Kassab’s administration, two approaches predominated
in FSP, with 12 subjects each (adding up, therefore, they correspond
to 80% of the texts of this period for the periodical): public safety
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Giulia Sbaraini Fontes and Paulo Ferracioli
and health. Articles of this type appeared especially in 2012, the year
in which Kassab began a series of PM operations in the crack land
region, in downtown São Paulo, dispersing users. The city’s intention
was to force dependents to seek treatment.
In the first time clipping, considering the OESP newspaper,
however, what predominated was the health focus, with 14 texts
(46.6% of the articles of this first period for the newspaper). Then, there
is urban economics/degradation, with 26.6% of the articles analyzed
in Kassab’s administration in the periodical (eight appearances). The
health focus can be found, for example, in articles that are concerned
with demonstrating medical opinions that would not indicate inpatient
treatment against the will of the chemical dependent (Conselho, 2011).
On the other hand, urban degradation was a central axis of the articles
that related spaces in downtown São Paulo that had their routine affected
by the presence of drug users, as can be seen in the following passage:
«The movement on the overpass is much smaller than that registered in
crack land. However, it is enough to take away the sleep of the residents
of a building next to the new concentration (Capitelli, 2010).
In Haddad’s administration, the focus that appeared most in
FSP was health, with ten texts (33.3% of the analyzed texts of the
period). In this case, the main topic addressed by the articles was not
trafficking or violence cases, but rather ways to recover users. Next,
code three, urban economics/degradation (30% of the analysis units)
is presented, which deals with the disorders caused by the crack
use area for downtown residents. The approach is justified because
Haddad’s program did not remove users from the Luz region, but
provided housing and work for the dependents downtown.
In OESP, however, the behavior was different, resembling that of
FSP in Kassab’s administration. In this newspaper, there were 14 articles
(46.6%) dealing with the subtopic violence public safety, and another
11 dealing with the topic under the public health approach (36.6%). In
the first case, the texts deal with police actions to combat trafficking,
including divergences between the state government - which promoted
actions through the Military Police - and the municipal - often critical to
the police approach. Another issue frequently addressed was violence
cases in hotels accredited by the Braços Abertos program by Haddad’s
administration. In the second case, the sub-topic of health, the focus
was the program Recomeço, by the Alckmin’s government, which
provided for the compulsory hospitalization of chemical dependents.
Graphic 3 brings the results in detail.
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POLICE CASE OR PUBLIC HEALTH ISSUE?
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Graphic 3 – Problem definition– subtopic
Source: the authors
Following with the analysis, we proceed to the identification
of the most recurrent causes in the texts observed. In this case we
have similar results for newspapers and administrations, with the
exception of OESP coverage during Kassab’s administration. In the
latter case, 24 texts (80%) did not identify causes for the problem.
Among the few who presented responses in this variable, five pointed
to state inefficiency (16.7%) and social inequality (3.3%).
In other periods, there was a salience to the State inefficiency
in solving problems in crack land. In the case of the Kassab’s
administration, in FSP, the texts emphasized the failure of the police
actions that, although promising to end traffic downtown, did not
have significant results:
Earlier this year, when the Military Police intensified Centro Legal
Operation and occupied the main streets of Luz with about 300
men, the then general commander of the corporation, Alvaro
Camilo, stated that in 30 days crack traffic would be disarticulated
in area. On the eve of the occupation completes four months, drug
sales and consumption remain intense there (Benites, 2012).
In OESP texts also appeared in which the govern is criticized
because it was not able to offer solution even for those users who
were in search of aid treatment. One of the texts says:
When the 49-year-old unemployed administrative assistant Márcia
Aparecida de Souza saw the construction of the tent of the City’s
Labor Assistance Center (CAT), at Rua Dino Bueno in crack land, she
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Giulia Sbaraini Fontes and Paulo Ferracioli
was filled with hope of getting treatment for crack. From there,
she left with the guidance of social workers to go two days later to
Ambulatory Medical Assistance (AMA) Boracea, two kilometers away.
“I’m chemical dependent and, by then, I’ll continue to smoke crack”,
said Márcia. [...] I was disappointed that in the tent where there were
about 20 city officials, no one could help her. “The most difficult
thing is to get hospitalized. It’s too bad you want to quit the stone
and see that you cannot be without it” she said (Rodrigues, 2012).
During Haddad’s four-year administration, the questioning
was related to the effectiveness of the Braços Abertos program, as
the dependents continued to consume crack and crowding downtown
even while participating in politics. In other cases, criticism was to
the lack of harmony between the municipal and state governments,
which did not act together because they established completely
different guidelines (Bergamim Jr., 2014). Personal choices cause
appears in second place, with five texts for FSP (16.7%) and seven for
OESP (23.3%). The detailed results are in the following graphic.
Graphic 4 – Causes
Source: the authors
Regarding moral judgments, we have relatively similar
behaviors among the clippings. When considering the total of articles,
59.1% did not present moral judgments. When they were not classified
in the missing category, the texts blamed the state for problems
related to crack. In FSP, only one subject in each administration (in
other words, 3.3% of the analysis units of the periodical in each
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POLICE CASE OR PUBLIC HEALTH ISSUE?
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analyzed period) blamed users in a forceful way (Murauskas, 2009;
Wainer, 2014). One of the articles says: “Daily approaches. This is
Kassab’s recipe to increase the adherence of street-dwellers and drug
addicts to the city’s social programs and health care. According to
official data, 80% of those approached refuse care “(Murauskas, 2009).
In OESP, the judgment on chemical dependents appeared more
frequently in Haddad’s administration, totaling six texts (20% of the
analysis units in this cut). An article is the most forceful in this sense.
The text brings stories of people who had high purchasing power and
ended up getting involved with drugs, destroying their assets due to
the addiction, as described: “His socioeconomic origin is not the pattern
described in surveys. Born in Tupã, his family has a financial institution
and a horse farm. Michel lived comfortably with his wife and daughter,
now 11 years old, but he traded everything to stay on the street living
depending on the drug” (R$1 milhão, 2014). The article emphasizes
how crack is not a drug that affects only people of low economic power.
The absence of moral judgments, in turn, can be justified by the
Brazilian journalism model, which intends to clearly separate opinion
texts and news deemed “objective”. Although we do not consider that
a journalist can be completely objective - a view already surpassed in
literature (Traquina, 2005, 145) - it is often difficult to identify moral
judgments amid the techniques employed by journalism (Tuchman,
1983). Next, in graphic 5, we bring the complete results for this variable.
Graphic 5 – Moral judgments
Source: the authors
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Giulia Sbaraini Fontes and Paulo Ferracioli
After analyzing Entman’s (1993, p. 52) categories, we turn to
the solution variable pointed to the problem. We verified, considering
the total of texts, that more than half - 51.6% - did not present solutions
to the problem. When considering each separate period, only Kassab’s
administration, in FSP, did not have half the analysis units or more
coded in the missing category (results were 11, or 36.6%, for the
Kassab’s administration in FSP, and 19, or 63.3% for OESP, 17 or 56.6%
for Haddad’s administration in FSP and 15 or 50% for OESP).
However, when presenting alternatives, the articles behaved
differently. In FSP, for Kassab’s administration, internment policies
were predominant (ten texts, 33.3% of the articles of the period) and
police action (eight articles, 26.6% of the texts in this clipping). The
newspaper, for example, tells the story of a student at the University
of São Paulo (USP) who took three chemical dependents from crack
land and took them home. Despite the opportunity offered, highlights
the text, only one continued in the housing paid by the young woman
and remained employed. The other two relapsed into addiction
which, for the interviewee, demonstrated how only willpower and
opportunity offer, without hospitalization, are not enough to leave
the world of drugs (Sassaki, 2012).
For Haddad’s administration, police repression appeared only
twice (6.6%). On the other hand, social reintegration policies, almost
nonexistent in Kassab’s period texts, appeared on five occasions
(16.6%). An example is the text that interviews chemical dependents
served by Braços Abertos program, from Haddad’s administration,
who ask the new mayor not to dismantle the actions. The article
highlights the improvement in the lives of the users who, despite not
having abandoned the drug, have had advances in their life quality,
as in the following excerpt: “He [crack user] says he would be on any
sidewalk if he were not at the hotel.’If the program is over, I’ll have to
live on the street again’ “(Gragnani, 2016).
On the other hand, OESP had a more balanced behavior in
Kassab’s administration. Among the texts that suggested solutions,
four (13.3%) indicated hospitalization, five social reintegration policies
(16.6%) and two police actions (6.6%). For Haddad, social reintegration
policies - precisely the focus of the Braços Abertos program - were
mentioned only once (3.3%). Among the other texts, seven (23.3%)
dealt with hospitalization (as in Mãe encontra filho que fugiu do Cratod
(Mother finds a child who escaped from Cratod, January 27, 2013,
pointing to the need for compulsory hospitalization) and another
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seven (23.3%) the police action (an example is the news that highlights
how police presence can improve the daily life of the region): “For
Marina, the presence of the base will bring a greater sense of security”
(Castro, 2014). Graphic 6 shows the complete results.
Graphic 6 – Solutions
Source: the authors
Finally, in relation to the categories proposed by Iyengar
(1996, p. 62), we can observe that more than half of the texts (82.5%
of the total) in both periods and newspapers, can be classified as
episodic, as graphic 7 shows. The issues dealt with specific cases,
such as life stories or occasional police actions, without giving an
overview of the issue. Those that were classified as thematic brought
more elements of historical context or dealt with the topic in a
broader way, without restricting the discussion to a specific fact.
In OESP, one of the five articles classified so brings to the debate
the reasons that lead to drug use in childhood (Rodrigues, 2014). In
FSP, one of the articles considered as thematic presents long-term
solutions for urban degradation in the region, pointing out that “the
image of the middle class resident in crackland has two key concepts
by Leira: the need to mix social classes in the same urban space and
the belief that the car destroys cities “(Carvalho, 2009).
The low occurrence of articles with a thematic focus is
contrary to expected in this case. As the texts were taken from a
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Giulia Sbaraini Fontes and Paulo Ferracioli
printed newspaper, subjected to intense competition from online
media, the tendency was for the thematic framework to appear more.
This would be one of the differentials of printed newspapers that,
with more time to produce, could bring more interesting analyzes
of the facts, escaping from the superficiality of the coverage in real
time. Editorial and production process issues, beyond the scope of
this article, can justify this result.
Graphic 7 – Iyengar’s classification (1996)
Source: the authors
Next, we will present the complete frames and the relation of
the results with the hypothesis presented at the beginning of this article.
4.3 Complete frames
In order to identify, finally, which frameworks were
practiced by the newspapers on crack use in Kassab’s and Haddad’s
administrations, it is necessary to relate the categories analyzed,
which we present in tables 2 and 3.
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Table 2 – Complete frameworks for Folha de S. Paulo
Actors Subtopic Causes Moral
judgments Solutions
Iyengar’s
classification
(1996)
Kassab
Political
field
(50%)
Violence/
Public
security;
Health
(40% each)
State
inefficiency
(50%)
Absent
(53,3%);
Blame
the state
/ society
(43,3%)
Absent
(36,6%);
Police
action /
internment
(33,3%)
Episodic
(73,3%)
Haddad
Political
field
(46,6%)
Health
(33,3%);
Economy/
Urban
degradation
(30%)
State
inefficiency
(60%)
Absent
(66,6%)
Absent
(56,6%)
Episodic
(76,6%)
Source: the authors
Table 3 – Complete frameworks for O Estado de S. Paulo
Actors Subtopic Causes Moral
judgments Solutions
Iyengar’s
classification
(1996)
Kassab
Political
field
(46,6%)
Health
(46,6%)
Absent
(80%)
Absent
(76,6%)
Absent
(63,3%) Episodic (96,6%)
Haddad
Political
field
(56,6%)
Violence/
Public
security
(46,6%);
Health
(36,6%)
State
inefficiency
(50%)
Absent;
Blame the
state (40%
each)
Absent
(50%) Episodic (83,3%)
Source: the authors
Crossing was done based on the prevailing subtopics. From
it, we checked which were the other codes that most appeared. We
emphasize here, that it is not a matter of showing the categories
that appeared the most, as we did in the previous section, but of
demonstrating the relation between them. This interaction is what
forms the complete frameworks (Maia; Vimieiro, 2011). As the results
show, in FSP the articles published in both administrations have
similarities in three variables: problem definition - actors, causes
and Iyengar’s classification (1996, p.62). However, it is important to
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Giulia Sbaraini Fontes and Paulo Ferracioli
highlight two important points in our analysis. The definition of the
problem presented the health topic in both periods, but in the first
there was also emphasis for the approach of public violence/safety.
In the solutions, in the same way, in Kassab’s administration there
was highlight to the police action.
For OESP, the most recurrent framework was centered on
health issues of crack users during Kassab’s administration, always
with a predominance of political field sources. During Haddad’s
administration, the predominance of characters from the official
sphere remained, but there was a greater emphasis on the question of
public violence/safety, with texts often pointing out that the causes
for the problem involved state inefficiency.
As the results show, therefore, the two newspapers treated
the same topic in a different way, which leads us to confirm the initial
hypothesis of this article.
5 Final considerations
The results obtained in this work show some known
realities of media coverage. The predominance of official
sources, for example, is already present in journalism literature
(Tuchman, 1983; Lopes et al., 2011) and it was once again
reiterated by this research, in which constant emphasis was
placed on municipal secretaries and other members of state
bureaucracy. Even in this specific case, which involved the
use of narcotic substances whose characters are known from
everyday reality, the newspapers preferred to give voice to the
components of the administration than to sources with scientific
knowledge about the problem or to those who experience the
situation portrayed. It is evidence that journalism prefers to
restrict itself to known sources than to provide room for other
voices at least as relevant as those.
The frameworks found also demonstrated, for this specific
coverage, how state inefficiency was recurrent among the causes
mentioned. Regarding the problem of drug abuse in the city of São
Paulo, whatever the thematic approach used by the news (such as
health, public security or economics), a cause related to the govern
prevailed among newspapers.
Regarding moral judgment and the solutions of the articles,
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according to the adopted classification, the predominant absence
of these elements is in itself a sign of how journalism practiced by
vehicles was organized. Based on a journalism more focused on
reporting than on interpreting, the stories did not present visions
about the problem, in what appears to be a recurrent style of Brazilian
journalistic making.
The lack of more explanatory articles to deepen the topic
under discussion, which was considered thematic framework, can
be a revealing sign that the printed coverage has not fulfilled the
contextualizing role that it attributes itself. The reiteration of episodic
framework texts, which only reported a fact without relating it to
broader issues of the topic, hinders an understanding of the public on
the subject, especially in a controversial field such as this, attention
to crack users.
The results presented here, in our view, constitute a
significant contribution to the study of journalistic coverage
regarding the crack issue in Brazil. This is because there were
analyzed texts that relate to the topic in the largest city in the
country, which suffers with the problem in a cyclical way: the
different administrations that pass through the city of São Paulo,
even with different perspectives, cannot solve the problem
permanently. Furthermore, the analyzed corpus was taken from
two of the main newspapers in the country. Another strong point
of the study lies in the fact, already pointed out in the theoretical
section, that few articles approach the subject in a systematic way.
We consider, therefore, that this work can serve as a methodological
model so that the question can be deeper studied.
Moreover, in relation to our research hypothesis, it is
interesting to note how the same question can be treated in
such different ways by two newspapers that, in theory, use
the same professional procedures when it comes to producing
news. O Estado de S. Paulo opted for a framework of public
security during Haddad’s administration that was not the
framework used by Folha de S. Paulo over the same period of
time, for example.
The differences make it evident, therefore, that there are
editorial factors that influence journalists’ work routine and cause
distinctions in the final product. Investigating how this interference
occurs is an interesting topic for future research, which may involve,
for example, interviews with the editors of their respective newspapers
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Giulia Sbaraini Fontes and Paulo Ferracioli
analyzed in order to learn the production routine in these periodicals.
The work done here, however, is already a sign of how the editorial
line of the vehicles actually transcends the opinionated content part.
The importance of the diversity of voices and approaches in the
journalistic media is emphasized, so that the public debate on issues
of social interest can be done in a deeper way.
It raises new concerns that may give rise to other
researches. Although these two newspapers are paradigmatic
because they are national in scope and are consumed by readers
from all regions, for example, it would be interesting to extend
the number of vehicles used in order to ascertain whether these
framework lines are repeated in other periodicals in the country,
even more when considering that other great Brazilian cities
suffer with similar problems. From the methodological point of
view, in addition, new studies can improve aspects related to the
presentation of the data obtained from the framework analysis,
so that the results can be compared with future research. New
research, therefore, can bring great contributions to the area
of knowledge, by further consolidating the investigation of the
predominant mediatic framework in national journalism.
*This paper was translated by Audrey Frischknecht.
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Giulia Sbaraini Fontes is master student
on Political Science at Federal University of
Paraná. Graduated in journalism (2015). E-mail:
giuliasfontes@gmail.com
Conception of the research design; theorical
development and interpretation of results.
Paulo Ferracioli is PhD student on Political
Science at Federal University of Paraná. Master in
Communication (2017), graduated in journalism
(2013) and law (2014). E-mail ferracioli.paulo@
gmail.com
Acquisition and interpretation of data; manuscript
writing.
RECEIVED ON: 30/04/2017 | APPROVED ON: 05/08/2017
