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Indigenous Studies Speaks to American Sociology: The Need for Individual and Social Transformations of Indigenous Education in the USA



Despite legislation to increase educational success for racial and ethnic minorities in the USA, educational disparities persist. I examine this trend among Indigenous peoples in the state of Oregon, but extend it to education systems across the USA. In Oregon, American Indians have the poorest educational attainment of all racial and ethnic groups; only 55% of American Indians graduate on time. I examine this problem from a critical sociological perspective, answering the call for sociology to end its “complicity in the elimination of the native”. I argue education systems are extensions of settler colonial logics and power structures. I propose educational transformations built upon Indigenous cultural teachings, advocating that we follow an Indigenous educational framework that has as its foundation: (1) Indigenous elders’ instructions that education should teach us to be “real human beings”; (2) Indigenous teachings that invite us to engage in reflexivity to understand the “spirit” of our work; and (3) my own Yakama teachings on utilizing a decolonizing praxis within educational institutions. I conclude that American sociology needs to draw from Indigenous Studies scholarship to better understand and address the education inequalities facing Indigenous peoples in the USA.
social sciences
Indigenous Studies Speaks to American Sociology:
The Need for Individual and Social Transformations
of Indigenous Education in the USA
Michelle M. Jacob
Department of Education Studies, 5277 University of Oregon, Eugene, OR 97403, USA;
Received: 31 October 2017; Accepted: 18 December 2017; Published: 21 December 2017
Despite legislation to increase educational success for racial and ethnic minorities in the
USA, educational disparities persist. I examine this trend among Indigenous peoples in the state
of Oregon, but extend it to education systems across the USA. In Oregon, American Indians have
the poorest educational attainment of all racial and ethnic groups; only 55% of American Indians
graduate on time. I examine this problem from a critical sociological perspective, answering the call
for sociology to end its “complicity in the elimination of the native”. I argue education systems are
extensions of settler colonial logics and power structures. I propose educational transformations built
upon Indigenous cultural teachings, advocating that we follow an Indigenous educational framework
that has as its foundation: (1) Indigenous elders’ instructions that education should teach us to be
“real human beings”; (2) Indigenous teachings that invite us to engage in reflexivity to understand
the “spirit” of our work; and (3) my own Yakama teachings on utilizing a decolonizing praxis within
educational institutions. I conclude that American sociology needs to draw from Indigenous Studies
scholarship to better understand and address the education inequalities facing Indigenous peoples in
the USA.
Keywords: education; Indigenous; American Indian; United States; inequality
1. Introduction
Despite legislation to increase educational success for racial and ethnic minorities in the United
States of America (U.S.), educational disparities persist. I examine this trend among Indigenous
peoples in the state of Oregon, but extend it to education systems across the U.S. In my paper, I focus
on Indigenous peoples who are recognized as members of Tribes who have sovereign status and
political rights. Indigenous peoples in the U.S. are numerous, diverse, and within the U.S. government,
the Bureau of Indian Affairs is the branch of the federal government responsible for the administration
and management of all federal programs that serve the 567 sovereign Indian nations, also known as
Tribes, that have a government-to-government relationship with the U.S. According to the Bureau
of Indian Affairs, there are approximately 2 million members of federally recognized Tribes in the
U.S (United States Department of the Interior Bureau of Indian Affairs 2017). American Indians and
Alaska Natives thus have a distinctive status and inherent legal-political rights in the U.S. as part of
our sovereign Indigenous nations’ rights in a government-to-government relationship with the U.S.
(McCarty et al. 2005). Tribal legal and political rights are rooted in the inherent sovereign status that
each Tribe has, and is affirmed by the U.S. Constitution and in U.S. Supreme Court rulings, as noted
by the Bureau of Indian Affairs, “When the governmental authority of tribes was first challenged in
the 1830’s, U.S. Supreme Court Chief Justice John Marshall articulated the fundamental principle that
has guided the evolution of federal Indian law to the present: That tribes possess a nationhood status and
retain inherent powers of self-government” (United States Department of the Interior Bureau of Indian
Affairs 2017). My paper focuses largely on Tribes in the Pacific Northwest region of the U.S. My home
Soc. Sci. 2018,7, 1; doi:10.3390/socsci7010001
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academic institution, the University of Oregon, is located in Eugene, Oregon. The state of Oregon,
one of the 50 states in the U.S., has 9 federally recognized Tribes within its boundaries. My university,
as a state institution, is responsible for upholding the government-to-government relationship with the
Indigenous nations in Oregon, and has a responsibility for serving all American Indians and Alaska
Natives. In order to do so, we must ask: How well are American Indian students doing in Oregon’s
education system? How can we improve educational outcomes for American Indian students? What
are the individual and social transformations that must take place in order to improve our educational
institutions? In my paper, I will address each of these questions in turn.
2. Results
How well are American Indian students doing in Oregon’s education system?
In Oregon, American Indians have the poorest educational attainment of all racial and ethnic groups;
only 55% of American Indians graduate on time from all secondary schools (Oregon Department of
Education 2016). This one statistic represents vast structural inequalities facing Indigenous peoples
in the U.S. American sociology, and the U.S. education system have been fairly weak in its ability
to adequately address social problems facing Indigenous peoples in the U.S, despite legislation and
state policies that are meant to address the problem of inequality (ESSA 2015;Oregon Department of
Education 2015). This may not be surprising, given that the U.S., as a settler colonial nation-state, is
built upon a legacy of dispossessing Indigenous peoples and uses settler colonial logics to rationalize
violence and greed within the borders of the U.S. as well as globally (Wolfe 2006;Smith 2006;
Jacob 2016
). However, I argue that one can use a critical sociological perspective, to address this
shortcoming, and in doing so answer Murphy (2016) call for American sociology to end its “complicity
in the elimination of the native”.
In theorizing the underpinnings of American Indians’ poor education outcomes, I argue that
U.S. education systems are extensions of settler colonial logics and power structures. This history
of Indian education in the U.S. is one stained with cultural and physical genocide. Historically, U.S.
policies have dispossessed Indigenous people from our homelands, with policies of forced removal,
reservation containment, and Indian boarding schools (LaDuke and Cruz 2013;Skutnabb-Kangas
and Dunbar 2010;Tinker 2004;Tuck and Gaztambide-Fernández 2013;Glenn 2015). The termination
era of U.S. policy-making was particularly damaging for American Indians, as the U.S. enacted
new laws to extinguish Tribal rights and existence, often in exchange for a small cash payment,
for example of US$1500 per person in an effort to disempower Tribal peoples, rid the U.S. of its
government-to-government relational obligations, and force an assimilationist agenda upon Tribal
peoples (United States Department of the Interior 1954). The collective rights of Indigenous nations
were extinguished as a result of these policies, and individual and familial identities as Indigenous
peoples were greatly harmed.
Despite the widespread silence of American sociology with regard to Indigenous peoples in
the U.S. there are exceptions. For example, in one of the only recent American sociology studies
published in an American Sociological Association journal to address this topic, Evelyn Nakano
Glenn (
Glenn 2015
) argues “one logic of settler colonial policy has been the ultimate erasure of Native
Americans. This goal was pursued through various forms of genocide, ranging from military violence
to biological and cultural assimilation
. . .
Settler ideology justified elimination via the belief that the
savage, heathen, uncivilized indigenes were not making productive use of the land or its resources”
(p. 67). Indigenous dispossession is linked to the ongoing forms of racialized violence in the U.S.,
as part of what Tuck and Yang call the “settler-native-slave triad” (Tuck and Yang 2012). Glenn agrees
with this analysis, noting “What linked land taking from indigenes and black chattel slavery was a
private property regime that converted people, ideas, and things into property that could be bought,
owned, and sold. The purchase, ownership, and sale of property, whether inanimate or human, were
regularized by property law or in the case of chattel slaves, by slave law. Generally, ownership entails
the right to do whatever one wants with one’s property—to sell, lend, or rent it and to seize the profits
Soc. Sci. 2018,7, 1 3 of 10
extracted from its use. The elimination of Native Americans and the enslavement of blacks form
two nodes that have anchored U.S. racial formation. Redness has been made to disappear, such that
contemporary Native Americans have become largely invisible in white consciousness” (p. 67).
Glenn notes the disjuncture between ideological stances and social, historical and political realities
in the U.S., noting “For a nation that purports to stand for freedom, opportunity, and equality,
the United States has had a long history of imposing coercive labor regimes, social segregation, and
restricted mobility on many of its residents. Racializing certain groups as insufficiently human serves
to justify subjecting them to oppression, subordination, and super-exploitation” (Glenn 2015, p. 68).
Ultimately, Glenn argues that sociological analyses will be strengthened in using a settler colonialism
framework, enabling scholars to have a stronger grasp of historicity and a “fuller incorporation of
the role of Native Americans in how racism and gender oppression have developed and continue to
operate” (p. 69).
I argue that the settler colonial logics that fuel the processes of land dispossession and resource
extraction on Indigenous lands are the same logics that dispossess our people of educational
opportunities, and harm our people’s ability to be healthy, rooted in our cultural teachings, and
connected to our Indigenous homelands. The concerns I raise in this article are related to the concerns
noted in the field of sociology of race within the U.S. For example, Patricia Hill Collins, in her
work critiquing U.S. education, notes, “What the United States needs is another kind of public
education—one that encourages us to become an involved, informed public. What this country needs
is a recommitment to schools and other social institutions whose mandate lies in delivering the kind of
public education that will equip us for this task” (Collins 2009, p. ix). Within her broader argument,
Collins identifies racism and social inequalities as structural and perpetual, woven into the fabric of the
U.S. education system. I agree with Collin’s argument, and extend it to focus on Indigenous peoples,
who not only deal with the racism of U.S. society, but also the attacks on sovereignty that Indigenous
peoples must constantly defend (Hukill 2006;Lomawaima and McCarty 2002;Smith 2005).
Within settler colonial logics, there is a simultaneous fascination/desire towards Indians and yet
the need to eliminate Indians for the purposes of taking Indigenous land and resources. As Rayna
Green argues, the very notion of America “depends on the physical and psychological removal, even
the death, of real Indians” (Green 1988, p. 31). Patrick Wolfe articulates that settler colonialism is
ongoing, not a historical event (Wolfe 2006). Evelyn Nakano Glenn (2015) builds upon Wolfe’s work to
develop a sociological framework for theorizing race in the U.S. that understands settler colonialism as
a structure/system. Glenn’s framework defines settler colonialism as having an “intention to acquire
and occupy land on which to settle permanently, instead of merely to exploit resources. In order to
realize this goal, the indigenous people who occupy the land have to be eliminated” (p. 67).
Ultimately, educational achievement is not about a sub-population achieving a “magical”
percentage of graduation rates. For example, we cannot really say that 60% or 70% or 80% of on time
graduation rates will somehow magically indicate that Indigenous peoples have achieved “well-being”.
Graduation rates matter, but they are not all that matter. I argue that an Indigenous Educational
Framework must also account for the well-being of our Indigenous homeland and our cultures. What
good would even 100% on time graduation mean, if for example, our homelands are still poisoned
from settler society’s nuclear waste (Jacob 2010;LaDuke and Cruz 2013)? If our cultural lifeblood, our
salmon, precious gift from the Creator, is endangered or extinct because of environmental degradation
in the form of toxins in the water, hydroelectric dams that choke out salmon’s ability to return home to
spawn and feed our people (Colombi 2012;May et al. 2014;Whyte 2013)? We must account for all of
these factors in our sociological analyses. Traditional Indigenous cultural teachings are helpful on this
matter, and can inform sociological theorization of transformations that are needed.
We see, daily, powerful examples of Indigenous activism around the world, including important
examples from diverse regions in the U.S., including Alaska, the Great Lakes/Midwest, the Northwest
Columbia River Plateau, and the Southeast Louisiana Bayou (Jacob 2016). In my book, Indian
Pilgrims, I analyze these important examples of Indigenous leadership and activism and articulate a
Soc. Sci. 2018,7, 1 4 of 10
concept of Indigenous Environmentalism, which has four main principles: (1) Spiritual Responsibility;
(2) Listening to Tribal Elders; (3) Looking Downstream and Looking Upstream; and (4) Embracing
Allies Who Understand the Shared Responsibility of Protecting Mother Earth. In my research on
Indigenous Environmentalism, I argue that Indigenous struggle can help inform broader environmental
activist concerns, and show us the way for resisting the greed, corruption, and pollution of resources
extraction by multinational energy corporations (Jacob 2016, p. 43). If we take seriously the words of
Tribal elders, who urge us to return to ways of thinking that prioritize “becoming a real human being”
then we must challenge our current educational models and institutions to transform in ways that can
respect and support Indigenous cultural teachings.
Clearly, we need greater individual and social transformation in Indigenous Education. Political
and legal structures complicate this matter, as Indigenous education policies are enacted across
multiple bureaucracies at the Tribal, Local, State, and Federal levels (Deer 2006;Tsosie 2007). Within
this complex political landscape, Indigenous peoples persist in keeping self-determination as the
highest priority for education. We see several examples of contemporary self-determination, including
state-wide mandated American Indian curricula, cultural standards for teaching, and an urgent focus
on culture and language education (Brayboy et al. 2015;King and Schielmann 2004). The Bureau of
Indian Affairs reports that less than 200 Indigenous languages are currently documented and in use;
however most fluent speakers are elders, and there is a deep concern for the survival of Indigenous
languages (
United States Department of the Interior Bureau of Indian Affairs 2017
;Jacob 2013) Other
scholars report that there are only 169 Indigenous languages still spoken in the U.S. (Bonvillain 2017).
Across the U.S. and Canada, nearly all of the Indigenous languages are at risk of extinction, with
roughly only 34 Indigenous languages being learned by children (Krauss 1992) and it is estimated
that only 10% of children speak an Indigenous language (Bonvillain 2017). Our Tribal elders have
forewarned us of the dangers of language loss, as Yakama elder, Tuxámshish Virgina Beavert states,
“My message to the Yakama people is that learning to read and write your own language is very
important. It is the only way to save your native language and culture for the future generation. We are
losing our elders every day as they depart to a better place
. . .
encourage the younger generation to
pursue an education, learn the language, teach their children to speak, read and write Sahaptin, and
do their part to help preserve the native language and culture of the Sahaptin people” (Beavert and
Hargus 2009, p. xvii).
Indigenous language education is of particular importance, as Indigenous cultural teachings,
relationships, and worldviews are best expressed in one’s Indigenous language, which is tied to
place-based teachings—connecting peoples to their ancestors and homelands (Jacob 2013). As E. Koohan
Paik argues, “A routine tactic in successful colonization is to colonize the minds of the people by killing
the native language. Within language is an entire universe containing history, culture, pride, identity,
and well-being
. . .
To replace an indigenous language with a colonial tongue immediately puts the
native at a disadvantage. As the colonized mind realigns to the worldview and universe embodied
in the new language, it begins to rationalize the world through colonial eyes. Soon, the colonized
people see all things native as inferior, including themselves, so they acquiesce to assimilation and
exploitation. The phenomenon is known as “internalized oppression”. Once the mental landscape has
been conquered, the rest is easy” (Paik 2006).
With English-dominance in U.S. education, American Indians are struggling to resist linguistic
genocide of Tribal languages (McCarty et al. 2005;Skutnabb-Kangas and Dunbar 2010). This process
is an intentional eradication of Indigenous languages, which serves to simultaneously disempower
Indigenous communities and advance a settler colonial logic of assimilation as progress; it is part of
the “social architecture” of disrupting the social order and well-being of Indigenous communities
(Jacob 2013;McCarty 2011). The land we now call the State of Oregon has always had a rich diversity
of Indigenous peoples and languages, with linguists counting 22 languages with at least 39 dialects
(Gross et al. 2007;Hymes 1991). Dell Hymes explains Indigenous languages are tied to the landscape
and waterways, and gives an example of the rich diversity along the coastal region, “Oregon has
Soc. Sci. 2018,7, 1 5 of 10
been rich in languages. Traveling down the coast 200 years ago, starting from the Columbia [River],
one would have found a different variety of language at almost every river mouth along the way:
Clatsop at the Columbia, then Tillamook and Siletz, Yaquina and Alsea, Siuslaw and Umpqua,
Hanis and Miluk, Coquille, Tutuni, Shasta Costa, and Chetco. In all, there were six families of
languages” (Hymes 1991, p. 27). The nine federally recognized Tribes of Oregon, and non-recognized
Tribal communities, are working to reclaim their languages, and this work is a powerful example of
Indigenous self-determination in education (Gross et al. 2007).
Education policy either supports and advances Indigenous cultural teachings, or not. Policy is
always situated in a web of social power. As Teresa McCarty writes, “[p]olicy is not a disembodied
thing, but rather a situated sociocultural process—the complex of practices, ideologies, attitudes, and
formal and informal mechanisms that influence people’s language choices in profound and pervasive
everyday ways” (McCarty 2011, p. xii).
3. Discussion
How can we improve educational outcomes for American Indian students?
Within the field of Indigenous Studies, scholars articulate that problems facing Indigenous
communities can best be addressed through answers contained within Indigenous cultures (Bahr 2015;
LaDuke and Cruz 2013;McCarty et al. 2005). Social scientists, thus, can use the tools of social science to
critique social problems, but should draw upon Indigenous cultural teachings to help inform answers
to problems facing Indigenous communities. Doing so allows for analyses and transformations that
uphold culturally sustaining practices (McCarty 2008). Thus, in proposing transformation to address
educational problems facing Indigenous peoples, I argue that Oregon’s schools need to be guided by an
Indigenous educational framework that advances educational transformations built upon Indigenous
cultural teachings.
My proposed framework answers the call that Teresa McCarty and colleagues noted in their study
of Indigenous educational needs, “There is a clear need for much more of this “good and important
work” for more Indigenous scholars and teachers, reimagined classroom and school structures, and
significant reversals of historical power relations. We are confident that the academic enterprise itself
will be revitalized by the insights of a new Indigenous critical posture that privileges Indigenous
knowledges and offers critiques of existing erroneous portrayals of Indigenous peoples based on
limiting theoretical lenses and outsider misunderstandings” (McCarty et al. 2005, p. 4).
My proposed Indigenous educational framework advocates that we follow the following three
important lessons: (1) Indigenous elders are our most precious teachers, who hold cultural knowledge
that will sustain our communities; (2) Education is a reflexive process that should nourish our peoples’
spirits; (3) Decolonizing praxis is an effective way to guide our individual and collective work in
Indigenous education. In my discussion that follows, I define and provide a brief overview of each
lesson listed above, with supporting examples of Indigenous education interventions that apply to
each component of the framework. In doing so, I address the question:
What are the individual and social transformations that must take place in order to improve our
educational institutions?
Indigenous Educational Framework Key Components
(1) Social transformation in Oregon’s education system should follow Indigenous elders’ instructions
that education should teach us to be “real human beings”.
In choosing the outcomes of an education system, in the U.S. context there is typically an emphasis
on seemingly value-neutral goals related to reading literacy, mathematics literacy, information literacy,
and content knowledge science, history and social studies; these outcomes can be measured by
standardized tests provided by corporations and paid for by states who are testing students as a
means of evaluating whether they are eligible for graduation. However, such assessments ignore the
Soc. Sci. 2018,7, 1 6 of 10
culturally-rooted knowledges that have sustained Indigenous peoples on our homelands for thousands
of years. These assessments also place authority into the hands of test makers and textbook authors,
instead of with Indigenous elders, our most precious cultural teachers. In my proposed framework,
I argue that we need to reinstate Indigenous elders into our academic systems, to reclaim their rightful
authoritative roles as knowledge keepers. Although this work is just emerging in Oregon, we have
strong examples in other sites in the U.S., particularly in Alaska.
In a groundbreaking and multi-year project that examined Indigenous elders’ perspectives of
education, Alaska Native elders articulated the importance and purpose of Indigenous education
in their work with university faculty in Alaska. One of the main points the elders clarified, over
and over, was that the purpose of education should be for students to become “real human beings”.
In their publication of the project findings, the “Ways of a Real Human Being” are listed; these are
the outcomes that indicate one is truly educated—that an individual express all of the following
in their daily lived experience and in their relationships: “Listen, Experience the world without
words, Revere all life, Respect all others, Affirm all others, Observe closely, Feel the connection to All
That Is” (Merculieff and Roderick 2013, p. 12). These educational outcomes have sustained Indigenous
peoples in what many perceive as a harsh natural environment—Alaska. Indigenous elders view
these cultural teachings as helpful for all peoples. One can contrast the educational priorities of
Indigenous elders with those typical in U.S. education systems, which are out of balance, with an
overemphasis on electronic devices, an individual achievement ideology that defines achievement
based on a standardized test. Indigenous elders’ vision of education reminds us that teachers and
learners are accountable to one another in relationship to the community. Students are accountable to
all members of the classroom and community, and should feel and uphold a connection and respect as
part of their daily learning experience.
This teaching can be applied to achieve educational institution transformation. For example,
faculty can use this teaching, communicate it to colleagues, and reform curricula and teaching methods
to respectfully integrate and practice Indigenous cultural teachings. There are many ways that this
can be accomplished, as noted in the literature (Friedel 2014;Sabzalian 2016;Scully 2012). I will
mention a few examples I have witnessed in Oregon: students can engage Indigenous storytelling
traditions, learning from a master elder storyteller, and then practicing telling stories that teach cultural
lessons and connect students to important cultural sites; students can attend and serve as supporters
for Indigenous community gatherings; students can engage service-learning projects to support a
community-defined project (Jansen and Beavert 2010). The benefits of placing Indigenous elders’
priorities for education at the center of educational practice include exposing students to Indigenous
ontological and epistemological tradition; for example, “Indigenous cultures tend to treat knowledge as
a deep awareness of the world around them and their place within that world. Indigenous knowledge
derives from long-term intimate knowledge and experience of a particular place and a particular
community” (Merculieff and Roderick 2013, p. 34).
Indigenous teachings invite us to engage in reflexivity to understand the “spirit” of our work.
This Indigenous teaching asks educators to consider, as the fundamental starting point of our
work, that we acknowledge we all have value as spiritual beings, and that our spirits matter for the
work we are doing in education, and all institutions. This cultural teaching is again asking us to look
beyond the technical skills of being able to read or write, design a study, or write up the results of
a study for publication. This principle is instead asking that we look at the spiritual foundation of
our work. Is it rooted in a connection to the land upon which we are working? Are we continuing
to understand and develop our relationships with local Indigenous peoples on whose homeland we
live? Do we approach our studies or work as an act of respect? As Maori scholar, Linda Tuhiwai Smith
articulates, those of us working in universities should pay attention to decolonizing methodologies
that are built from Indigenous cultural teachings. We need to train our students, the next generation
of educators and researchers, to understand their work as spiritual. Linda Tuhiwai Smith suggests
Soc. Sci. 2018,7, 1 7 of 10
how we can do this, with each educator and researcher learning to prepare oneself to be evaluated by
criteria important to Indigenous communities, such as “Is her spirit clear? Does he have a good heart?
What other baggage are they carrying? Are they useful to us?” (Smith 2012, p. 10). I have engaged
these questions with students in my doctoral seminar, with several students breaking down into tears,
as they come to terms with the deep sense of alienation and stress that rules their daily lives in the
academy. From an Indigenous perspective, if we do not provide students with an alternative approach
to doing their work, their spirits will continue to be damaged, and we can expect damaged work from
them as a result. The good news is that we have clear pathways forward: follow the teachings of
Indigenous elders. Ways that I have accomplished this with my students is to encourage them to think
about their reading discussion questions by walking outside, explaining their thesis statements to a
tree outside, and to pause and make an actual connection with the student sitting next to them in class.
Each of these brief examples is a way to break the alienation that damages the spirit of students in a
U.S. education system that too often defines rigor in narrow ways. Within my proposed Indigenous
educational framework, we are called to view all of our work as spiritual—what is the spirit of our
work? Is it angry? Is it shamed or embarrassed? Is it clear? Is it generous? These are questions that
educators and researchers can use to better understand how one’s work in educational systems may
shift so that accountabilities to, and outcomes for, Indigenous peoples are not pushed into the margins
(Smith 2012, p. 195).
Finally, as the third key component of an Indigenous Education Framework, I draw from my
own Yakama Tribal teachings on utilizing a decolonizing praxis within educational institutions.
In my earlier work, I explain that Yakama decolonizing praxis “advances our understanding of
social change efforts concerned with “making power” to reclaim indigenous traditions, bodies, languages,
and homelands
. . .
[by] drawing from traditional teachings and utilizing new methodologies [to work
toward a vision] that: (1) understand indigenous bodies as sites of critical pedagogy; (2) centers social
justice praxis to build a moral community; and (3) utilizes grassroots indigenous resistance as a
mechanism to dismantle colonial logics” (Jacob 2013, p. 107). My proposed Indigenous educational
framework utilizes this decolonizing praxis to urge educators and students to connect theory and
practice in our work to reshape U.S. education in general, and in Oregon particularly. This concern
is rooted in an activist orientation that connects educational theory with a commitment to social
change (
Tuck and Yang 2014
). For U.S. educational institutions to make significant progress in better
serving Indigenous students’ and communities’ needs, educators must recognize that individual
and social transformations are needed in education. Individual educators can work to integrate
Indigenous cultural teachings in their approach to building and delivering curricula. Indigenous
communities, elders, and scholars have solutions and examples ready to share with educators
who are seeking respectful partnerships to do this work (Edmo 2008;Sabzalian 2016;Scully 2012;
Simpson 2014
). For example, Indigenous languages can be brought into classrooms, Indigenous
histories of place and land can be included alongside the “whitestream” curriculum (Arvin et al. 2013;
Tuck and Gaztambide-Fernández 2013
). Indigenous storytelling traditions can be utilized, as just one
of 25 Indigenous Projects named as an example of decolonizing methodological work (Smith 2012).
Systemically, educational institutions need to recognize the higher stakes of transforming our schools
to be places of social justice praxis. An Indigenous educational framework provides a generative way
forward in this important work. Engaging in this work can address the shared challenge given that U.S.
institutions, built upon a foundation of settler colonial logics, often deny or ignore the social injustices
perpetuated through a widespread belief in American exceptionalism (Arvin et al. 2013;Deyhle and
Swisher 1997;Tuck and Yang 2012).
4. Conclusions
Mainstream American sociological analyses are currently inadequate for addressing the poor
educational outcomes of American Indians in the U.S. American sociology needs to turn its own
Soc. Sci. 2018,7, 1 8 of 10
critical lens upon itself as a field, to end its “complicity in the elimination of the Native” (
Murphy 2016
Wolfe 2006
). Individual and social transformations are needed that draw upon the teachings of
Indigenous cultures. Doing so will help address the generations of harm that American policies
have inflicted in Indigenous communities in the U.S., and Indigenous communities can then perhaps
experience educational institutions that support the maintenance of their cultures, languages, and
well-being of Indigenous homelands.
Conflicts of Interest: The author declares no conflict of interest.
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... Although there is no relationship between the learning style and the students' educational advancement among monolingual and bilingual students (Shams- (Jacob, 2017). In Iran, where educational attainment to high levels is not predominant, the differences in literacy level signify the existence of inequality because those living in urban areas have greater access to educational institutions, are exposed to more diverse employment opportunities, and receive higher incomes than rural residents. ...
... Iran is the home to many different people who not only speak different languages but have developed different perspectives with regard to the world. Thus, it is wise to recommend that these peoples' linguistic and ontological differences should be considered because although Farhangestan-e Iran regards the use of minority languages in education as an act of behind times (Zeighami, 2016), scientific achievements purport that speaking one's minority language and their academic performance and general health are positively related (Jacob, 2017). ...
... The contested discourses about the success of Indigenous students have continued to be discussed among researchers (Chung et al., 2021;Harrison, 2011;Lowe, 2017;Sianturi et al., 2018). Underperformance among Indigenous students has been found globally (Abdullah et al., 2013;Burridge et al., 2012;Dhir, 2015;Chen, 2016;Jacob, 2017;Sianturi et al., 2018). For example, after several years of implementing a range of improvement strategies in Australia, the percentage attainment rates of Indigenous students in terms of literacy (Department of the Prime Minister and Cabinet, 2018; Riley & Webster, 2016) and numeracy performance lag behind those of non-Indigenous students (Department of the Prime Minister and Cabinet, 2018). ...
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This article explores the link between cognitive styles and Indigenous students' mathematics academic outcomes. There were three different groups of Indigenous West Papuan students participating in this study: 9 junior high school students, 12 senior high school students, and 46 university students. Data were collected from the results of the group embedded figure test and the previous semester's scores and analysed using a quantitative approach. In contrast to previous studies, the results indicated no significant correlation between cognitive styles and mathematics academic outcomes for junior and senior high school students. However, the different cognitive styles showed a significant contribution for university students. As Indigenous students pursue a higher level of education, their cognitive styles would influence their mathematics academic outcomes.
... That is a vital part in connecting Indigenous communities and academia because based on the study by Pidgeon (2016), 8% of First Nations students in Canada attain post-secondary education. This low attendance could be attributed to diverse reasons such as education systems as they are "extensions of settler colonial logics and power structures" (Jacob, 2017: p. 2). However, countries such as Canada have made progress toward Indigenization and the inclusion of Indigenous peoples and communities in their academia (Gaudry & Lorenz, 2018). ...
... Moya (1990) y Raybourn et al (2003) proponen el desarrollo intercultural apoyándose en la comunicación a través de medios audiovisuales. Aumentando el éxito educativo y dando como resultado la insurgencia; y por consiguiente, se utilizará una praxis descolonizante que no pretenda la desaparición de lo nativo (Jacob, 2017). ...
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Resumen Se presenta los resultados que se obtuvieron al investigar los programas educomu-nicativos interculturales, en la importancia para la transformación del aprendizaje. Las estrategias de participación y colaboración que aportan al desarrollo individual y social, además de la integración multidisciplinaria. Reconociendo los espacios que ponen en práctica las políticas educomunicativas interculturales. En Ecuador, se dedican programas educativos desde el reconocimiento a sus 14 nacionalidades. Es decir, se espera que las reformas en los métodos educativos sean interculturales; Sin embargo, el kichwa al tener mayor número de hablantes después del lenguaje español, está ausente en las aulas y espacios de desarrollo social. Representando una problemática para sus hablantes nativos. La limitación para poder acceder a una educación de calidad significa la ausencia de estudiantes en los distintos campos educativos. Por consiguiente, la pérdida del lenguaje kichwa e identidad de sus hablantes. Incrementando la desigualdad y falta de democracia. Los estudios muestran nuevas vías educomunicacionales para incorporar la intercul-turalidad por medio del ámbito virtual. De esta manera, se incrementa el acceso de estudiantes desde diferentes espacios, capacitando a educadores en la lengua kichwa como en métodos educativos interculturales. Las plataformas utilizan programas que se desarrollen en su lengua materna kichwa.
... Un ejemplo de estos paulatinos cambios lo hallamos en el tratamiento curricular que se está dando a las Primeras Naciones o En el caso de Estados Unidos se ha documentado como el "currículo oculto": la reproducción de la cultura dominante y el impacto de las pruebas estandarizadas han generado una narrativa escolar incompleta, que ha dañado significativamente la conciencia histórica de los estudiantes (Locke & Lindley, 2007;Martínez, 2014). Las investigaciones de Journell (2009), Warner (2015 y Jacob (2018), en torno a los estándares educativos de los estudios sociales y la legislación, han demostrado que, a pesar de los cambios realizados en relación con la educación de las Primeras Naciones, estos pueblos continúan identificándose como inhumanos o víctimas que no han aportado nada significativo a los Estados Unidos. En palabras de Warner (2015) un cambio: "states need to ensure that their social studies content standards include a diversity of representations about American Indian cultural plurality" (p. ...
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In this article we argue that including social memory in the teaching of history and social sciences for the social justice of the Mapuche people, helps to counteract the control exercised over meanings. In addition, it helps to add complexity to the stories prescribed by the curriculum and the negative representations that are distributed by School texts. The research is qualitative and takes place in an Andean mapunche community in the Panguipulli area, Los Ríos Region, Chile. The research process consisted in the application of narrative interviews and the documentary analysis of a primary source around the so-called Occupation of the Araucanía. The Findings allow us to visualize other knowledge and meanings from the mapunche perspective on the school content "Ocupación de la Araucanía". The conclusions challenge teacher education in order to teach Mapuche People's History from “a social justice perspective.
... Multiethnic 1 academic environments are especially remarkable in this respect as individuals from distinct ethnic backgrounds cohabit and interact. As many works show (Convertino 2015;Dubet and Martuccelli 1997;Jacob 2017;Martín Rojo 2010Martínez 2014;Martínez and Morales 2014;Moskal 2016;Peláez Paz 2012;Stein 2004;Tabib-Calif and Lomsky-Feder 2014;Van Praag et al. 2015;Weber 2009;Yosso 2005) people from diverse ethnic backgrounds hold distinct social positions in a given society. Hence, the theories of the cultural capital can be related to those of boundary-work and Intergroup Contact Theory. ...
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The aim of this study is to analyze the nature of multiethnic academic interactions in relation to theories of cultural capital and boundary-work. More precisely, it considers to what extent school structure is related to the cultural capital of students from different ethnic backgrounds and explores its relationship to Intergroup Contact Theory and identity. Methods include documentary analysis, participant observation, interviews, and focus groups conducted from an ethnographic perspective between 2015 and 2016. Based on data collected in a Basque school attended by a high proportion of immigrant students, intraethnic and interethnic student-student and student-teacher relationships, and inequalities within these, are analyzed. Results indicate that the distribution of students in different classes tended to be ethnically marked, as most immigrant students chose to attend classes that were taught mostly in Spanish, whereas most autochthonous students were enrolled in classes with a high Basque instruction. The study considers the effects of students' language choices and concludes that Basque has implications for the theories of identity, cultural capital, and boundary-work, as learning Basque is an academic and implicit rule in Basque education and society.
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Sociology has a long history of ignoring Indigenous scholarship and Indigenous voices. This thesis aims to answer the calls of Indigenous scholars who emphasize listening to Indigenous peoples. This research adds to existing literature by Indigenous and Indigenizing scholars by examining central themes with the Indigenous theoretical lens of circular worldview, Tribal critical race theory, and pedagogy of the oppressed, and how themes of circular worldview appear in Indigenous uses of social media. Using a qualitative content analysis, this research explores how Indigenous Storytellers use a non-Indigenous video project as Indigenizing pedagogy and meaning-making of circular worldview and Indigenous purposes of social media use as they respond to the topics of Christopher Columbus, language, R-skin, reservation, and Thanksgiving.
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This study draws attention to the role of similarly educated parents in their children’s university choice. We conceptualise, develop, and empirically test a model that links university choice with parents’ intention to recommend the university and university brand preference that stems from their own experiences during the university evaluation stage. Data from 339 parents of prospective university students were collected and analysed using structural equation modelling. The findings reveal that parents’ experience with university staff, perception of other parents, and quality of university facilities affect parents’ satisfaction. The results suggest that parents satisfied with a university are more likely to recommend that university to their children and prefer the university brand. These two constructs were found to influence university choice for those parents with non-similar education to a university programme. For parents with similar education to a university programme, only parents’ university brand preference influences university choice.
Education research demonstrates that positive and trusting family/school relationships support academic achievement but for many Indigenous parents in Canada legacies of residential schooling have made it difficult to develop strong bonds with schools and teachers. Drawing on interviews with 69 Indigenous parents and eight non-Indigenous parents of children who identify as Indigenous from two Canadian provinces, this study explores the intersection between family/school relationships and social class, and highlights distinct ways that middle-class Indigenous parents are involved in schooling. Shifting from a “deficit” approach to a “strength based” approach highlights existing resources and capacities among those who are comfortable and familiar with navigating the education system while also creating prospects to build on that capacity to empower others who are less familiar/comfortable.
This chapter explores the history, development, and role of ethnographic research in understanding de facto and de jure language policies. With its roots in anthropology, ethnography is characterized by the contextualization of cultural and linguistic phenomena and close attention to participants’ point of view. This chapter begins by framing ethnographic research in terms of its distinct ontological, epistemological, and methodological assumptions. The chapter then locates ethnographic approaches to language policy in the complementary fields of educational and linguistic anthropology and socio-educational linguistics. This is followed by an examination of key issues and findings emanating from these disciplinary fields and an exploration of core areas of new research, including critical ethnographic, sociocultural approaches to language education planning and policy, and ethnographic studies of educators as de facto language policymakers. Final sections address the implications of this work for pedagogy, policy, and praxis. Returning to Hymes’s (1980) call for an ethnographic science that is reflexive, critical, and democratizing, the authors argue for ethnographic research that engages and works to dismantle persistent linguistic inequalities in education.
In 2012 Kateri Tekakwitha became the first North American Indian to be canonized as a saint by the Roman Catholic Church, an event that American Indian Catholics have awaited for generations. Saint Kateri, known as the patroness of the environment, was born in 1656 near present-day Albany, New York, to an Algonquin mother and a Mohawk father. Tekakwitha converted at age nineteen to Christianity and took a vow of perpetual virginity. Her devotees have advocated for her sainthood since her death in 1680. Within historical Catholic writings, Tekakwitha is portrayed as a model of pious, submissive femininity. Indian Pilgrims moves beyond mainstream narratives and shows that Saint Kateri is a powerful feminine figure who inspires decolonizing activism in contemporary Indigenous peoples' lives. Indian Pilgrims examines Saint Kateri's influence on and relation to three important themes: caring for the environment, building community, and reclaiming the Native feminine as sacred. In Indian Pilgrims, Michelle M. Jacob brings a Native feminist perspective to the story of Saint Kateri. The book demonstrates the power and potential of Indigenous decolonizing activism, as Saint Kateri's devotees claim the space of the Catholic Church to revitalize traditional cultural practices, teach and learn Indigenous languages, and address critical issues such as protecting Indigenous homelands from environmental degradation. The book is based on ethnographic research at multiple sites, including Saint Kateri's 2012 canonization festivities in Vatican City and Italy, the Akwesasne Mohawk Reservation (New York and Canada), the Yakama Reservation (Washington), and the National Tekakwitha Conferences in Texas, North Dakota, and Louisiana. Through narratives from these events, Jacob addresses issues of gender justice-such as respecting the autonomy of women while encouraging collectivist thinking and strategizing-and seeks collective remedies that challenge colonial and capitalist filters.
Understanding settler colonialism as an ongoing structure rather than a past historical event serves as the basis for an historically grounded and inclusive analysis of U.S. race and gender formation. The settler goal of seizing and establishing property rights over land and resources required the removal of indigenes, which was accomplished by various forms of direct and indirect violence, including militarized genocide. Settlers sought to control space, resources, and people not only by occupying land but also by establishing an exclusionary private property regime and coercive labor systems, including chattel slavery to work the land, extract resources, and build infrastructure. I examine the various ways in which the development of a white settler U.S. state and political economy shaped the race and gender formation of whites, Native Americans, African Americans, Mexican Americans, and Chinese Americans.
This article explores historical processes of land dispossession through an in-depth case of the Narragansett Indians of present-day Rhode Island. Using an eventful historical methodology, I uncover three primary mechanisms, each temporally situated, that dispossessed the Narragansett tribe of their land: violence, debt, and state governance. I proceed by first considering Narragansett life before the incursion of settler colonialism. Following this brief exploration, I turn to an analysis of both the historical events and processes that dispossessed the Narragansett of their land. This analysis contributes to the literature on empire and colonialism, as well as theoretical debates on primitive accumulation and settler colonialism, by exploring and identifying the mechanisms by which primitive accumulation operated within a specific settler-colonial context. In the end, I argue that sociology must expand analytically and conceptually to include indigenous experiences of ongoing dispossession in order to end the disciplines complicity in the elimination of the native.
The question before us in this volume — can schools save Indigenous languages? — requires a nuanced response. As a starting point, I understand ‘save’ to mean more than ‘preserving’ a language by documenting or archiving its lexicon and grammatical structure, although those are certainly critical tasks. To save a language, linguistic anthropologist Leanne Hinton notes, is to cultivate new speakers: ‘to find ways of helping people learn the language in situations where normal language transmission across generations no longer exists’ (Hinton 2003: 45). This includes spoken language, written language, or both.
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The Yakama Nation of present-day Washington State has responded to more than a century of historical trauma with a resurgence of grassroots activism and cultural revitalization. This path-breaking ethnography shifts the conversation from one of victimhood to one of ongoing resistance and resilience as a means of healing the soul wounds of settler colonialism. Yakama Rising: Indigenous Cultural Revitalization, Activism, and Healing argues that Indigenous communities themselves have the answers to the persistent social problems they face. This book contributes to discourses of Indigenous social change by articulating a Yakama decolonizing praxis that advances the premise that grassroots activism and cultural revitalization are powerful examples of decolonization. Michelle M. Jacob employs ethnographic case studies to demonstrate the tension between reclaiming traditional cultural practices and adapting to change. Through interviewees narratives, she carefully tacks back and forth between the atrocities of colonization and the remarkable actions of individuals committed to sustaining Yakama heritage. Focusing on three domains of Indigenous revitalizationdance, language, and foodsJacob carefully elucidates the philosophy underlying and unifying each domain while also illustrating the importance of these practices for Indigenous self-determination, healing, and survival. In the impassioned voice of a member of the Yakama Nation, Jacob presents a volume that is at once intimate and specific to her home community and that also advances theories of Indigenous decolonization, feminism, and cultural revitalization. Jacobs theoretical and methodological contributions make this work valuable to a range of students, academics, tribal community members, and professionals, and an essential read for anyone interested in the ways that grassroots activism can transform individual lives, communities, and society.
When it became public that Osama bin Laden's death was announced with the phrase “Geronimo, EKIA!” many Native people, including Geronimo's descendants, were insulted to discover that the name of a Native patriot was used as a code name for a world-class terrorist. Geronimo descendant Harlyn Geronimo explained, “Obviously to equate Geronimo with Osama bin Laden is an unpardonable slander of Native America and its most famous leader.” The Militarization of Indian Country illuminates the historical context of these negative stereotypes, the long political and economic relationship between the military and Native America, and the environmental and social consequences. This book addresses the impact that the U.S. military has had on Native peoples, lands, and cultures. From the use of Native names to the outright poisoning of Native peoples for testing, the U.S. military's exploitation of Indian country is unparalleled and ongoing.
In a world where over half of the remaining six thousand languages will most likely disappear by the end of the century, attention has finally begun to focus on the struggles of indigenous people to save their languages. Lack of knowledge concerning the vast linguistic diversity of Oregon's languages has been a major obstacle to language revitalization in this state. Native peoples were subjected to disease, displacement, and forced linguistic assimilation, leaving many languages with only a few speakers. Some languages died out, but others prevailed in the privacy of homes and longhouses. This book tells the story of perseverance and survival against unbelievable odds, using the words of today's speakers and learners of Oregon's languages. Interviews with fifty-two native speakers provide valuable insights into how languages are lost and how a linguistic heritage can be brought to life. Teaching Oregon Native Languages discusses the role of state and federal language policies, explores how archival collections can be used in language revitalization, and describes strategies for creating a successful teaching environment. A timely and necessary resource, it will educate all readers about the important efforts underway to revitalize Oregon's first languages. © 2007 by The Oregon State University Press. All rights reserved.