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African Journal of Hospitality, Tourism and Leisure, Volume 6 (4) - (2017) ISSN: 2223-814X
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1
Tshatshingo Pothole: A Sacred Vha-Venda Place
with Cultural Barriers to Tourism Development in
South Africa
Beneah D.O. Odhiambo
Department of Geography and Geo-Information Science, University of Venda
University Road, Thohoyandou, South Africa
and
Mukondeleli Manuga*
Department of Tourism Management, University of Venda
University Road, Thohoyandou, South Africa
mukondeleli.manuga@univen.ac.za
Corresponding Author*
Abstract
The Vha-Venda peoples of South Africa have sacred places like many other traditional cultures. Sacred
sites are places for communicating with spirits, observing nature and performing rituals that harbor deep
cultural meanings to society. This paper is about Tshatshingo Pothole which occurs in a geologically deep
gorge along the Tshirovha River. It is a gigantic whirlpool approximately 15m in diameters. There are three
other giant sinkholes in the same location. The Pothole is of significant heritage to the Vha-Venda people
in general and particularly to the Makani clan. By rights traditionally bestowed on the Makani clan, they
have become the sole custodians of the Tshatshingo Pothole. The Makani chief, as the ‘owner’ of the site,
is the ultimate decision maker regarding any aspects related to the use or proposed developments around
the Pothole. The articles methodology included a desktop research, interviews of the key informants, the
informal exchange of views by stakeholders and the capturing of the Tshatshingo Pothole landscape
through digital images as well as several sites visits. The article established that Tshatshingo Pothole is a
sacred place with definite potential as a tourism destination. However, fully blown tourism development is
unlikely to take place because of the prevailing deep cultural conservatism of the Vha-Venda people.
Nevertheless, it was exposed that a possible development trajectory at Tshatshingo Pothole may take place
with the approval of and needed permission of the Makani chief. However, such developments should be
culturally acceptable and sited at a suitable distance from the Pothole.
Keywords: Sacred Site, Tshatshingo Pothole, Heritage, Cultural Barriers, Tourism Development
Introduction
Sacred sites are places within the landscape that have a special meaning or significance. Hills,
rocks, waterholes, trees, plains, lakes, billabongs and other natural features can be sacred sites.
In coastal and sea areas, sacred sites may include features which lie both and above the water.
In Australia, sacred sites derive their status from being associated with particular aspects of
Aboriginal social and cultural tradition. Aboriginal sacred sites are recognized and protected as
an integral part of the Northern Territory’s and Australia’s cultural heritage, under the Aboriginal
Land Rights (Northern Territory, Act 1976), (Land Rights Act) and the Northern Territory
Aboriginal Sacred Sites Act (Sacred Sites Act, 1989).
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Aboriginal sacred sites are areas or places in the Australian landscape of significant meaning
within the context of the localized indigenous belief system, known as The Dreaming, which has
its origins in Dreamtime (Sacred Sites Act, 1989). Sites sacred to Aboriginal people are part of
Australia's cultural heritage, connecting the land with the cultural values, spiritual beliefs and kin-
based relationships of the local people. The Aboriginal population of Australia comprises many
tribes and nations, each with their own sacred places, animal totems and other items in the
geographic area known as their ‘country’. Hills, rocks, waterholes, trees, plains and other natural
features may be sacred sites. In coastal and sea areas, sacred sites may include some features
which lie both above and below water.
Plate 1: Baiame Cave, Milbrodale, New South Wales (Source: Corp Website, 2014)
Sometimes sacred sites are obvious, such as at the ochre deposits, Baiame Cave rock art
galleries (Plate 1) exist as spectacular natural features. The main figure depicted in the picture is
believed to be Baiame (the Father of All) the most important ancestor of the Aboriginal people
(Wonnarua Aboriginal Nation, 2014). In other instances, sacred sites may be unremarkable to an
outside observer, and can range in size from a single stone or plant, to an entire mountain range
(Sacred Site Act, 1989).
The Dreaming is a term used to refer collectively to Aboriginal religious beliefs. These beliefs
endeavor to explain the questions of ultimate human reality, including the origins of humans and
animals. The Dreaming is an ongoing phenomenon, incorporating the past, the present and the
future. Aboriginal people believe that the Spirits who initially inhabited the land were their
ancestors and their identity is derived from the Spirits from whom they descended. Particular
tribes have their own totem, which is an animal often native to their tribe's territory (Aboriginal
Land Right; Northern Territory Act, 1967). Their traditional way of life is based on their relationship
with the land, which they believe to be their origin, sustenance and ultimate destiny. They believe
it is their duty to look after the land and take only what is needed. The beliefs of the Dreaming are
diverse and various, depending on one’s tribe, gender, location and totem (Sacred Sites Act,
1989).
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In the Venda region, which is located in the northern part of Limpopo province in South Africa,
Sacred Natural Sites are termed Zwifho (Ref). The Zwifho are places of ecological, cultural and
spiritual significance, which include forests, waterfalls, caves, mountains and springs - where the
ancestors reside. They form an interconnected network of potent places, which reach deep into
the Earth and into the cosmos. They enable Mupo (all of Creation) to regenerate and maintain
her dynamic equilibrium. It is the elder women of the Venda communities, the Makhadzi, who are
responsible for the required rituals and ceremonies, which each custodian clan needs to carry out
for maintaining the potency of the Zwifho, and thereby for the well-being of all life. After years of
colonization and encroachment of the culture from the western world onto the ways of life and
culture of the Makhadzi, they have become increasingly marginalized and silenced and their
traditional role as advisors to the chiefs, as keepers of the indigenous seeds and custodians of
the Zwifho, have been undermined. However, they are now finding their voice once again and
have been joined by elder men and chiefs of Venda, and have formed Dzomo la Mupo, “to protect
Nature in all her forms, and especially indigenous forests ... [and] to protect and preserve sacred
natural sites in Venda” (Makaulule, 2013).
Tourism, plantations and development projects have been the main threats to the sacred sites
and forests in Venda. The region is now faced with large-scale coal mining projects that threaten
to destroy some of Venda's sacred sites and forests. These projects will require amounts of water
(both surface and groundwater) and threaten to dry the rivers. Currently, the Dzomo la Mupo is
working to register and protect its Zwifho, to recognize the network of sacred sites as No-Go
zones for mining or other destructive activities (Makaulule, 2013).
Figure 1: The Tshatshingo Pothole is SE of Tshidzivhe town in Limpopo located by longitude
30°24’12.9” E and latitude 22°51’28.3” S.
Tshatshingo Pothole which occurs in a geologically deep gorge along the Tshirovha River, is a
gigantic whirlpool approximately 15m in diameters. There are three other giant sinkholes in the
same location. The Pothole is of significant heritage to the Vha-Venda people in general and
particularly to the Makani clan. By rights traditionally bestowed on the Makani clan, they have
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become the sole custodians of the Tshatshingo Pothole. The Makani chief, as the owner’ of the
site, is the ultimate decision maker regarding any aspects related to the use or proposed
developments projects around the Pothole. It is believed that this pothole was being used for ritual
purposes and also as a dumping place for people who were against the chief of the village.
As a sacred site, the Tshatshingo Pothole can be a place of interest to tourists from all over the
world, however, the fact that it is culturally owned is a barrier to development as a tourism
destination. The objective of this paper is to highlight the cultural barriers that might obstruct the
development of Tshatshingo Pothole into a renowned tourist site, and to examine how these
cultural barriers can be overcome so as to enable the development the pothole into safe and
accessible tourism attraction. This study is important because even though the area is not
developed, there are currently a large number of tourists who come to visit the place. There are
also many other sacred places around the area that are being developed into tourism attractions.
Plate 2: Looking into the Tshatshingo pothole. The giant whirlpool measures about 15m in
diameter, located at longitude 30°24’12.9” and latitude 22°51’28.3”.
Heritage/Cultural Tourism Development
Cultural tourism forms part of heritage tourism, which is distinct since visitors from outside the
host community are motivated by interest in historical, artistic, or lifestyle/heritage offerings of a
community, region, group or institution (Silberberg, 1995). While Fyall and Garrod (1998) define
heritage tourism as an economic activity that makes use of socio-cultural assets to attract visitors.
Hollinshead (1988) asserts that local traditions and community heritage can serve as attractions
and that heritage tourism embraces folkloric traditions, arts and crafts, ethnic history, social
customs, and cultural celebrations. Poria et al (2001) define heritage tourism more narrowly as “a
phenomenon based on visitors’ motivations and perceptions rather than on s pecific site
attributes”. Zeppal and Hall (1991) also emphasize motivation, and view heritage tourism, as
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“based on nostalgia for the past and the desire to experience diverse cultural landscapes and
forms”. A wide range of government owned cultural attractions and private owned cultural
attractions are available for tourists in most destinations. South Africa also has many cultural
attractions in some of the destinations. Some of the attractions are government owned and some
are private owned. Cultural attractions include heritage tours, heritage art galleries, museums,
visitor/cultural centers, heritage trails, heritage theme parks and sacred places. For the purpose
of this paper, the Tshatshingo Pothole is a private cultural attraction owned by the Makani clan
who are the custodians of the Pothole.
In terms of demand, heritage tourism is representative of many contemporary visitors’ desire to
directly experience and consume diverse past and present cultural landscapes, performances,
foods, handicrafts, and participatory activities. On the supply side, heritage tourism is widely
considered as a tool for economic development of communities and is often actively promoted by
local governments and private businesses. The lack of effective tourism planning that include
market appeal, economic factors and conservation policy assessments is evident in the way
cultural heritage places are managed around the world. Cultural destination such as Tshatshingo
Pothole require commodification to enhance the visitor experience and actualizing the tourism
potential. Since the pothole is a giant sinkhole, it is difficult for the tourists to see pothole because
of the deep gorge landscape and slippery rock pathways to the site. Development of a foot-bridge
across the pothole would be the best option because tourists would be able to see the pothole
from a distance. However, according to the Makani the custodians of the Pothole, the
development of the Pothole should only happen few kilometers from the Pothole since this pothole
is still being used as a ritual place for the clan.
Cultural barriers to Tourism Development
Cultural barriers to tourism development include cultural differences between tourist areas and
low awareness of the host communities towards the needs and demands of tourists. On the other
hand, unawareness of tourists to the culture of the host community causes many problems and
is a major obstacle to the development of tourism (WTO, 2000). Often times in different places,
the inhabitants of a place or a community have unpleasant and negative perceptions of the
tourism industry either due to ignorance or because they see some behaviors from the tourists
that is unfamiliar to them because there are cultural differences between hosts and tourists. In
some cases jobs related to the tourism industry are considered low for local people and the
natives are not willing to work in these jobs. In the case of Tshatshingo pothole the local
community members are even afraid to talk about the pothole because it is believed to be a sacred
place for traditional rituals.
In the Vha-Venda culture, a sacred place is known to be a very eerie and respected place and
even talking about it might be considered a taboo in some circles. This makes the local community
members unwilling and reluctant to give information to tourists or even to other people who are
willing to assist with the development of the pothole. This is then a major barrier for development;
because if the host community is not willing to take part in tourism development, they will not be
interested in assisting the tourists with things like providing directions to the pothole, and also, by
not giving any other required information. Another barrier to the development of the pothole is that
the host community is not aware of the economic potential of the Tshatshingo pothole and the
possible jobs opportunities in an area where there is poverty. The community is not aware of the
fact that by developing the Pothole they can alleviate poverty and bring in better infrastructure
such as tar roads, electricity provision, health facilities, running tap water, network poles etc.
Sacred sites around the world are sources of economic alleviation to local communities and boost
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the economies of the countries. In the following section, the barriers (challenges) faced are briefly
highlighted.
Tourism market barriers
Tourism market barriers such as income levels, fuel costs, job security, seasonal factors, travel
motives and communication can also prevent the development of cultural tourism destination
because if the target market cannot afford to travel to this cultural destination, the destination will
not function. Communication is a key to a destination because one needs to be able to
communicate with the host community at a cultural destination. Most of market factors are out of
control in tourist destinations and the ability of these sites to attract tourists in the long term
requires planning and flexibility. Therefore, to develop a suitable strategy some comprehensive
research of the market situation is needed (Skaran, 2001).
Educational barriers
Educational barriers and lack of skilled manpower, and lack of interest by the authorities and
policy makers in tourism industry is yet another challenge. Since the industry is relatively young
in developing countries, there is a shortage of the required professional manpower. Furthermore
training centers to train required manpower are limited or do not even exist.
Infrastructure barriers
The infrastructural barrier is considered to be another major barrier in development including lack
of, or poor transport vehicles for passengers, poor intercity roads, a lack of shopping centers,
substandard residential facilities, power, water and telecommunications, sanitation and hygiene
networks issues in tourism areas (News Staff of Tourism Week, 1998). Thus, tourism
development requires a coherent and efficient management, which identifies barriers and is able
to run developed strategies to drive it to sustainability.
Limitations at the operational level
Implementation of participatory development approaches in cultural destination is likely to meet
obstacles usually associated with the operational procedures of the task. Some of these obstacles
include centralization of public administration of tourism development, lack of co-ordination
between involved parties and lack of information made available to the local people of the tourist
destination.
Centralization of public administration of Tourism
Formulation and implementation of any kind of community participation approach requires
decentralization of the political, administrative and financial powers of central government to local
government at least to some extent. However, as the UN (1981:15) noted, in many developing
countries planning is a highly centralised activity. The planning and organization has been
established at national level and is under the direct management of a national chief political
executive. The election of this is individual is to restrict the influence of community-level groups
on the planning process, and implementing of plans. Under these circumstances, centralisation
is popular for participation in planning. It has increased the vertical distance between planners
and the broad mass of the population.
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Lack of co-ordination
The lack of co-ordination and cohesion within the highly fragmented tourism industry is a well-
known problem to tourism professionals (Jamal & Getz, 1995:186). It is obvious that no one
business or government establishment can operate in isolation' (Gunn, 1988:272). Thus,
development of co-ordination mechanisms among the formal bodies, between the public and the
private sector, and among private enterprises is essential for the highly fragmented tourism
industry (Inskeep, 1991). However, it is often the case in cultural tourism destinations that the
planning process is a very fragmented one, authority being concerned with the impetus for
development, while others are expected to manage the impact of the development (Jenkins,
1982:241). In many tourist destinations in developing countries such as Turkey (Tosun, 1998c),
Thailand (Elliott, 1983), Kenya (Dieke, 1991) and Bali (Jenkins, 1982), this may be a missing
ingredient in the tourism development process. In this regard, it is argued that tourism projects
did not benefit from a full coordination between local and tourism planners (Jenkins, 1982) owing
to the fact that there is a traditional powerful bureaucracy which dominates legislative and
operational processes. Any approaches which are in conflict with this unnecessary traditional
bureaucracy, are not acceptable to the powerful bureaucrats. Particularly, this traditional
bureaucracy is an obstacle to establishing co-ordination and co-operation between and among
the various stakeholders. Moreover, there is also immense bureaucratic jealousy’s among official
authorities. For example, the custodians of cultural attractions/ sacred places may not tolerate
any bureaucratic department trespassing on what it regards as ‘their territory’. Ultimately, this may
create a lack of co-ordination amongst agencies (Tosun, 1998) and is not helpful.
Lack of Information
On the other hand, decision-makers may not have up-dated information about socio-economic
structures of local communities in tourist destinations due to the fact that gathering such data
requires continuous research that is not possible in the absence of financial resources and
expertise. The implication of the above argument may be that greater awareness and interest
among members of local communities could be achieved if meaningful and comprehensible
information contained in reports and plans is disseminated. Thus, for the purpose of achieving
better tourism development through community participation, information about the site is critical.
Lack of expertise and trained Manpower
It is contended that although community participation seems to be highly desirable, few
developing countries have sufficient experience in this area. There is a lack of qualified personnel
and the working attitudes of professionals who have been trained in traditional planning
techniques do not necessarily involve community participation, and have scant idea of how to
incorporate it into their planning (Desai, 1995). This is particularly true for the tourism industry in
developing countries, since tourism has recently been recognized as a highly professional area
in the developing countries. That is to say, owing to its relatively short history in the economies of
these countries, as Inskeep (1988) has stated, the services of tourism planners for projects in
both the public and private sectors are currently in demand in developing countries that still lack
expertise in tourism planning even though they may have qualified urban and regional planners.
Lack of appropriate legal system
Participatory tourism development strategies may bring unorganized groups into the policy-
making process. Creating opportunities for those who are poorly organized, may not negate the
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influence of the interest groups already active in tourist development. Thus, a legal structure which
can defend community interests and ensure a community's participatory right in tourism
development may be needed. However, legal structures in many developing countries do not
encourage local people to participate in their local areas; rather the legislative structure puts a
distance between grassroots and formal authorities, and it is difficult to understand how it is
operated from a lay person's point of view. In this context, it is argued with special references to
India that, participatory attempts are not elective and efficient owing to the lack of enabling
environment. The legal structure does not encourage education of communities about their rights
and how they can establish organizations to promote their interests. Moreover, such organizations
must get government approval. This requires a level of literacy, that the poor clearly lack (Mathur,
1995).
Relatively high cost of community participation
Community participation requires considerable time, money and skills to organize and sustain
participation (Paul, 1987). That is to say, &it is more time consuming and may lead to conflicting
objectives amongst the local aims' (WTO, 1994:10) since it may raise expectations in the
community, which may not be easy to meet. On the other hand, as Murphy (1985) noted, elective
management of tourism industry requires day-to-day and season-to-season operational
decisions. It may not be possible to ask community to participate in these day-to-day decisions.
Therefore, this time consuming and complex process of participatory development strategy may
lead to delay in decision-making, which may burden the developers with high loan interest (Fogg,
1981). This may also disappoint those who expect a quick return from investment. Moreover,
public bodies may not want to spend their limited financial resources on organizing community
participation when the benefits appears to be only relatively long term.
Chiefs as the custodians of the Sacred Sites
The traditional custodians of the sacred sites in an area are the tribal elders. "Sacred sites give
meaning to the natural landscape. They anchor values and kin-based relationships in the land.
Custodians of sacred sites are concerned for the safety of all people, and the protection of sacred
sites is integral to ensuring the well-being of the country and the wider community. These sites
are, or were, used for many sacred traditions and customs. Sites used for male activities, such
as initiation ceremonies, may be forbidden to women; sites used for female activities, such as
giving birth, may be forbidden to men. For example according to Aboriginal law of custodians of
sacred sites allow a site to be damaged, other Aboriginal people will hold them responsible. This
can lead to revenge or sanctions with Aboriginal society and the community. It can also lead to
recrimination against non-Aboriginal people who damage such places. In the case of Tshatshingo
pothole, the Makani clan are the custodians of the sacred site. It is they who are the clan that
perform rituals there. If there is anyone in the sacred site, they are expected to be made aware
thereof and also required to grant permission.
Members of the public may seek permission to visit the site by requesting access from the Makani
chief. The chief may grant them permission to visit the sacred site or he may not. If the chief
grants permission he will also provide advice as to where sacred sites are likely to be risky if
visitors were to go without more detailed information being first sought. The chief also provides
visitors with a guide who will take them to sacred site. When they go to obtain permission they
need to bring along a ‘Mufaro’ token of appreciation to the chief because without this ‘Mufaro’ the
chief will not open the gate for them. It is also considered highly disrespectful to arrive without a
‘Mufaro’.
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Conclusions and Recommendations
Historic sacred places are valuable community assets. They help to encourage spiritual growth,
provide a focal point for the community, and are an economic attractor due to tourism. A cross-
cultural perspective shows the variety of experiences, behaviors, and identities that create sacred
places. This perspective helps to identify some of the challenges planners face trying to preserve
these important community assets. Appreciating the social and cultural barriers around the
Tshatshingo pothole and in consultation with the Makani Chief, the following are the proposed
models that could be utlised to overcome the cultural barriers and enable development of the
Tshatshingo pothole area into a pristine tourism destination which is sustainable.
The area needs a comprehensive plan for cultural tourism development. This requires an
interaction with powers of cultural heritage and the custodians of the geoheritage sites.
The community should be enlightened about the benefits of geotourism.
The area being in proximity to the route to the Kruger National Park (KNP), aggressive
marketing and availability of information about the heritage destinations should be availed
to tourist planning to visit KNP through the internet and social media. Hard copies of
brochures for the site should also be made.
Education and empowerment of the local into an effective man-power to manage the
geosite is essential.
In terms of infrastructure development, there is already an entertainment center, the
Muswubi Entertainment Centre next to the Tshatshingo Pothole. A good untarred road
passes about 1km from the pothole. These facilities solve the accommodation problems
and access to the area.
To overcome other obstacles like decision-making and prioritize the destination for
economic and cultural benefits for the community, it should be reemphasized that the Chief
of the Makani clan is the most important link to achieve this.
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Acknowledgments
This study would not have been possible without the assistance and indepth knowledge of the following persons; Mr.
Mashudu Dima, a Vha-Venda cultural and spiritual world expert and Mr. Nelson Tshimangadzo, a Certified Nature Tour
Guide and Certified Cultural Tour Guide and an expert in the Venda Spiritual World. In addition the enthusiasm of Mr.
Maphaha and his knowledge of the ecology and routes by Lake Fundudzi and to the Tshatshingo Pothole is highly
appreciated. Last but not least,, the authors would like to acknowledge the Research and Innovation Directorate of the
University of Venda and the timely support by the Deputy Vice Chancellor (Academic) Professor J.E. Crafford, for the
permission and financial travel grant to attend and present the findings of this brief study at the 2017 International
Conference on Hospitality, Leisure, Sports and Tourism in Sapporo, Hokkaido, Japan.
