ArticlePDF Available

Social capital and knowledge transmission in the traditional Kente textile industry of Ghana


Abstract and Figures

Introduction. The purpose of this study was to understand how social structures and social relations facilitate the flow of knowledge within the world of Kente, the traditional cloth of Ghana. Method. A case study method was adopted wherein data was collected using semi-structured interviews with fourteen participants who each had expert knowledge about Kente from a specific perspective through their role as weavers, sellers, fashion designers, tailors, and consumers. Analysis. Thematic analysis was used to analyse the interview data, using social capital theory as a lens to understand knowledge flow. Results. Knowledge about Kente flows from the family, mostly from the elders in the family. It is part of the socialisation process of individuals in the community and tied up with their identity as Ghanaians. Some formal education, apprenticeships, and tourism helped in transferring knowledge about Kente to young people in the community and other people in Ghana and abroad. Conclusion. Social capital is central to the flow of Kente related knowledge. Elements of social structures and social relations, such as socialisation, family, social technologies and social interactions are the loci of knowledge flow. Social media and online social interactions are also increasingly important now in this knowledge flow, even within traditional societies such as in Ghana.
Content may be subject to copyright.
VOL. 22 NO. 4, DECEMBER, 2017
Contents |
Author index |
Subject index |
Search |
Proceedings of RAILS - Research Applications, Information and Library Studies, 2016: School of Information Management,
Victoria University of Wellington, New Zealand, 6-8 December, 2016.
Boateng, H. & Narayan, B. (2017). Social capital and knowledge transmission in the traditional Kente textile industry of Ghana
In Proceedings of RAILS - Research Applications, Information and Library Studies, 2016, School of Information Management, Victoria
University of Wellington, New Zealand, 6-8 December, 2016. Information Research, 22(4), paper rails1620. Retrieved from (Archived by WebCite® at
Social capital and knowledge transmission
in the traditional Kente textile industry of
Henry Boateng and Bhuva Narayan
Introduction. The purpose of this study was to understand how social structures and social
relations facilitate the flow of knowledge within the world of Kente, the traditional cloth of Ghana.
Method. A case study method was adopted wherein data was collected using semi-structured
interviews with fourteen participants who each had expert knowledge about Kente from a specific
perspective through their role as weavers, sellers, fashion designers, tailors, and consumers.
Analysis. Thematic analysis was used to analyse the interview data, using social capital theory as
a lens to understand knowledge flow.
Results. Knowledge about Kente flows from the family, mostly from the elders in the family. It is
part of the socialisation process of individuals in the community and tied up with their identity as
Ghanaians. Some formal education, apprenticeships, and tourism helped in transferring knowledge
about Kente to young people in the community and other people in Ghana and abroad.
Conclusion. Social capital is central to the flow of Kente related knowledge. Elements of social
structures and social relations, such as socialisation, family, social technologies and social
interactions are the loci of knowledge flow. Social media and online social interactions are also
increasingly important now in this knowledge flow, even within traditional societies such as in
In this study, we sought to understand knowledge flows within a traditional
knowledge-intensive handicraft industry that thrives even within modern society.
The study is based on the Kente textile industry, which produces the cloth known
worldwide as Kente, and which has become a symbol of African pride. Kente cloth is
woven on a horizontal strip loom, in narrow bands that are four inches wide (10 cm).
Several of these strips are carefully arranged and hand-sewn together to create a
cloth of the desired size based on its purpose. A town named Bonwire in the Ashanti
region of Ghana is the traditional seat of Kente production. This study was focused
on this town, in order to understand how such traditional knowledge is passed on in
contemporary society.
Knowledge flow and knowledge sharing are key characteristics of traditional African
societies; in the old days, and even now to some extent, knowledge sharing among
individuals was done orally through face-to-face interactions or personal contacts
(Alemna and Sam, 2006). Communities were the custodians of knowledge, and
knowledge could flow only within a certain community and within physical social
networks. Individuals had to join a group such as a market women’s association,
ethnic union, social club, or social class group, to gain access to ideas, skills, and
expertise (Wilson, 1987). In many ways, ‘it is social networks that capture local
knowledge and circulate it within the communities’ (Moyi, 2003, p. 233). However,
the advent of information and communication technologies, and globalisation as well
as social dynamics have revolutionised knowledge flow among individuals,
communities, and across the globe. Some prior studies such as by Laihonen (2006)
have postulated that knowledge flow is key to understanding knowledge-intensive
organisations and by extension knowledge-intensive art and craft communities, for
knowledge flow is associated with communication, interrelationships, and
connectivity. According to Alavi and Leidner (2001), knowledge flow occurs at
different levels; for example, it can occur between groups, between individuals, from
individuals to groups, and within groups. Kente weaving is often a knowledge-
intensive art form and craft practice involving different people performing different
functions such as dyeing, weaving, designing, stitching, tailoring, marketing, and
selling. All these people have expert knowledge and play specialised roles within the
Kente world.
To address the research objective, we employed social capital theory (Coleman,
1988), which posits that social relations and social structures constitute a form of
capital which facilitates individual and collective actions. Hence, we sought to
ascertain the kind of elements of social relations and structures that facilitate the
flow of Kente-related knowledge. An understanding of knowledge flow is important
in understanding how traditional knowledge, including traditional arts and crafts,
are propagated in contemporary society.
Background and history of Kente
Before colonisation of Africa and the subsequent introduction of foreign culture and
Westernised knowledge, the traditional people had their own beliefs, practices,
known-how, skills, and knowledge accumulated over thousands of years based on
their interactions with Africa’s ecosystem. This knowledge also related to fabric
production such as weaving. What is now known as traditional knowledge is still
prevalent in most African societies despite the introduction of Western science and
technologies. A notable example is Kente weaving which is predominant among the
Asante and Ewe people of Ghana. Kente is a type of cloth that is normally hand
woven on a loom using, yarns, dyed silk, and other yarns, and features geometric
patterns and bold designs.
Initially, there were very few traditional patterns and natural colours in Kente but it
nowadays has a colourful variety of colours and patterns (see for example Figure 1).
Figure 1: Detail of Kente cloth hanging in the Harold Washington Library Center, Chicago, IL, c. 1919
cotton, silk, and rayon (author photo). This pattern is worn by male royalty and has the name ‘The
King has boarded the ship’ with further meanings assigned to the patterns and colours. Weavers
themselves often ascribe such names, or patterns are commissioned by patrons to carry specific
meanings. (Image © B. Narayan)
Learning Kente weaving involves first learning the meanings and philosophies
behind the patterns, designs, symbols and colours that are used in the Kente cloth.
Although weavers have the liberty to innovate, the innovation must be consistent
with the belief and practices of the people. Any piece of Kente woven by a craftsman
is evaluated by the society or community for its communicative function or societal
conventions, and any piece of work that falls short is rejected by Ghanaian society
(Sabutey, 2009). Kente weaving is a male-dominated craft among the Asantes
because of the belief that women who engage in Kente weaving become barren, and
since childbirth is a mark of womanhood among the Asantes, it is taboo for a woman
to weave Kente. Nevertheless, women play an important role in Kente: in dyeing the
threads before the weaving, and in selling the finished product on the market.
However, some recent studies have shown that there are some women now who
weave Kente (Sabutey, 2009). Although men dominate Kente weaving and they
create the patterns and symbols, it is the women who own the copyright for most of
the designs (Boateng, 2007).
Kente production, selling and uses constitute an ecology of interconnected
knowledge, which has implications for traditional knowledge systems. As Rattray
(1927) put it, Kente weaving and weavers have a body of knowledge which must be
critically studied and fostered as its preservation and survival also reflect on the state
of other such traditional societies with specialised knowledge. This study seeks to
understand how Kente-related knowledge flows within communities and across the
global world, but the implications of the study are wider in scope and can be applied
to traditional knowledges the world over.
Theoretical framework
The history of Kente as described above is rooted in Ghanaian tradition and society,
and functions as a representation of one’s social status, be it worn by royalty or by a
young African-American unaware of its origins. Hence, we used social capital as a
conceptual framework to study the knowledge flow within the world of Kente.
Social capital
Social capital, according to James Coleman,
is defined by its function. It is not a single entity, but a variety of different entities having two
characteristics in common: they all consist of some aspect of a social structure and they facilitate
certain actions of individuals who are within the structure. (Coleman, 1990, p. 302)
Social capital is also based on social relations (Coleman, 1988). That is, social
structure and social relations and their elements form the bedrock of social capital
and this enables individuals to achieve goals that would otherwise have not been
possible (Coleman, 1990; Nahapiet and Ghoshal, 1998). Social capital helps people to
access others’ knowledge and it is important for the development of human and
intellectual capital (Burt, 1997; Coleman, 1990; Nahapiet and Ghoshal, 1998). From
this view, social capital manifests itself in two ways: in antecedent form and in
outcome form. However, in its antecedent form, social capital takes the form of social
structure and its elements, while in its outcome form it facilities the attainment
of ‘impossible goals’ (Miles, 2012). It is also important to point out that some social
structures and social relations may also deny people access to some knowledge
(Coleman, 1990; Portes and Landolt, 1996), such as the women who are barred from
weaving Kente. Hence, the outcome of social structures based on social capital may
not always be positive (Portes, 1998).
Social structure is normally defined via network structures and the attributes of the
network ties between people (Granovetter, 1985; Huvila, Holmberg, Ek, and Widén-
Wulff, 2010; Nahapiet and Ghoshal 1998). However, it also goes beyond that and
includes social institutions and communities (Musolf, 2003). Social institutions like
family, friends and appropriable organisations have been at the centre of the study of
social capital over the years (Coleman, 1990; Putnam, 1995, 2000). These
institutions are inherent with social capital, and facilitate human capital
development and flow of knowledge (Coleman, 1988; Nahapiet and Ghoshal, 1998).
The family, for example, is the first place of socialisation, where social norms and
social knowledge are passed on to others (Fukuyama, 1995), just as in the case of the
first author of this paper, who learned about Kente from family ceremonies.
Communities (for example, a community of practice) and family, friendship, and
voluntary community organisations also enhance social interactions and social
exchange; these are vital to knowledge flow and new knowledge creation (Coleman,
1990). Coleman asserted that ‘… social capital…is created when the relations among
persons change in ways that facilitate action’ (p. 304). Continued interaction among
the members of a social relationship creates a social network within which
knowledge can be accessed and resources mobilised via the ties within the network
(Burt, 1997). The family, friendship, community and other appropriable
organisations provide members with access to the connections and networks from
which they can have access to knowledge and to vital information (Alemna and Sam,
2006; Coleman, 1990; Nahapiet and Ghoshal, 1998). These institutions thus become
essential when understanding how social capital facilitates the flow of Kente-related
Social relations and its elements are also central to Coleman’s (1988) theorisation of
social capital. Social relations is defined by social identity and trustworthiness and is
a potential source of information (Coleman, 1988; Huvila et al., 2010). Since ‘social
relations nurture knowledge flow’ (Sorenson and Singh, 2007, p. 224), it can also be
construed that social relations might facilitate the flow and creation of Kente-related
knowledge. Social relations have several attributes, one of which is social identity
(Tzanakis, 2013). Social identity improves collective actions and concerns for each
person in a social relationship (Mu, Peng and Love, 2008), thus resulting in
exchange and opportunity to access support (Salifu, Francesconi and Kolavalli,
2010). This does not only mean that social identity constitutes social capital, and that
it can facilitate the flow of knowledge, but also that it can become a barrier for some
(Mu et al., 2008).
Coleman (1990) also notes information channels and networks as constituting social
capital. Information potentials embedded in social relations make them constitute
social capital. Information enables people to take decisions and actions. However,
acquiring information is sometimes costly, and therefore, people rely on their social
relations for information (Coleman, 1990). Information channels in this context now
also include social technologies, since the social and the technical are theorised to
be ‘ontologically inseparable from the start’(Introna, 2007, p.1).
Social capital and knowledge flow
Knowledge flow has been defined as
how knowledge flows through the activities performed by a community according to the kinds of
knowledge and knowledge sources involved in the activities, and the mechanisms used by the people
involved in the activity to obtain or share that knowledge and so forth. (Rodríguez-Elias, Martínez-
García, Vizcaíno & Favela, 2006, p. 217).
Knowledge flow is the transfer of knowledge between individuals or groups of people,
and may also involve the transfer of knowledge through a knowledge processing
system (Zhuge, 2002). Knowledge flow can be seen as collective or individual effort.
An individual in a community can facilitate knowledge flow, or members groups
within the community can do that also. The role of the elements of social capital in
knowledge or information flow is well documented. For example, Luo and Zhong
(2015), in their study on knowledge sharing in tourist blogs, classified social ties
among tourists on social network sites into three categories: strong, middling and
weak ties. They noted that the sharing of knowledge between the tourists on a social
network site is based on extant relationships that exist among the tourists. Those
with strong ties share ideas, information, and stories at least three times a week.
Yusuf (2012) showed the role of the family in information sharing. He studied the
information seeking behaviour of women artisans in Offa, Nigeria, and noted that the
women relied on their family and friends for information relating to their
occupations due to their inability to read. Extending this view, it can be said that
family and friends can facilitate the flow of Kente-related knowledge among people,
especially in traditional communities.
Social interaction is another element of social capital, and has been noted as
facilitating knowledge flow. Social interactions are an essential element of the social
capital theory in terms of knowledge creation and knowledge flow (Tsai and Ghoshal,
1998). Face-to-face interactions, and more recently online interactions, have been
the means by which people exchange knowledge and create new knowledge (Panahi,
Watson and Partridge, 2012; Polanyi, 1966). As observed by Tsai and Ghoshal (1998,
p. 465) ‘frequent and close social interactions permit actors to know one another, to
share important information, and to create a common point of view’. Trust, another
a key element of social capital, has also been known to facilitate knowledge sharing.
As noted by Tsai and Ghoshal (1998), ‘when two parties begin to trust each other,
they become more willing to share their resources without worrying that they will
be taken advantage of by the other party’ (p. 467). The role of trust in knowledge
flow among people has been studied from different perspectives. Hsu, Ju, Yen and
Chang (2007) examined trust in virtual communities from three perspectives:
identification-based trust, economy-based trust, and knowledge-based trust.
Identification-based trust refers to ‘members’ trust due to the emotional interaction
among members’(p. 160).
Social identity, which is inherent with social capital, facilitates the flow and creation
of new knowledge (Mu et al., 2008). Social identity may also deny some people
access to knowledge. For example, an individual's gender identity as male may serve
as a social capital for the person to acquire Kente-weaving knowledge while their
gender-identity as female may deny the person access to Kente-weaving knowledge
(Sabutey, 2009). From the literature, it is clear that social capital, inherent in certain
social structures, can either facilitate or impede knowledge flow. In the light of this,
this study explores the kind of elements of social capital that facilitates the flow of
Kente-related knowledge.
The objective of this study was to understand how social relations and social
structures facilitate the flow of Kente-related knowledge flow in communities and
across the globe. Toward this objective, we employed the embedded single case study
research design. Yin (2014) recommended the case study research design for studies
that seek to address the why and how questions, which is why we used it. We chose a
well-known Kente-weaving village named Bonwire as a case study because it had
several levels of knowledge flow embedded within the village, with several nodes and
several paths of knowledge flow. In each flow, we studied knowledge flow between
Kente weavers, sellers, fashion designers, tailors, and users (consumers), for we
identified them as the main actors in the traditional world of Kente. These
participants were selected using a combination of purposive sampling technique and
snowball sampling. In each of the knowledge flow chains, we started the data
collection from a Kente weaver and tracked the knowledge flow channel until we got
a user of Kente. We used this method because we wanted participants who have
knowledge about the production and use of the Kente fabric.
Semi-structured interviews were conducted with fourteen individuals who fit into at
least one of the categories above, although there was some overlap. Of the fourteen,
nine were men and five were women. Out of the five women, two were Kente sellers,
one a fashion designer and two were Kente users. Of the nine men, three were Kente
weavers, three were tailors, one a Kente seller, and two Kente users. Twelve out of
the fourteen interviews were conducted in Twi which is the local language and were
later translated into English by the first author. The other two interviews were
conducted in English. The interviews were conducted from June 2016 to August
2016. On average, the interviews lasted for 40 minutes. All interviews were
transcribed as text before analysis, and the names assigned to the participants here
are merely to distinguish them from one another and not their real names. We
employed a thematic analysis technique to analyse the data as we read through and
coded the entire transcript, and derived themes based on the conceptual framework.
The findings of this study show that elements of social structure such as family,
formal education, apprenticeship, socialisation, social interactions, tourism and the
community have all facilitated the flow of Kente-related knowledge. Below we
elaborate on selected findings from the study.
Social structures and Kente-related
knowledge flow
Knowledge as a cultural inheritance
Our findings show that Kente-related flow is a family affair and is passed on through
family structures. During the interviews, all fourteen participants admitted that their
knowledge about Kente as far as the history and skills in weaving, sewing, selling are
concerned were all obtained through their fathers, uncles and grandfathers.
Generally, Kente-related knowledge is passed on from generation to generation. The
older generation ensures that the young generation learns everything about Kente:
the history, the skills in weaving strips of Kente and in sewing strips together.
Normally the elder males in the family such as uncles, brothers, fathers and
grandfathers pass on Kente-related knowledge to the younger generation. For
example, one of the participants tells us that:
I will say that I was born into it (i.e. I inherited it from the family), I did not intentionally learn
anything about Kente. My brothers were Kente weavers, sellers, etc. so I watched them engaging in
these activities; I also found myself selling Kente and taught myself weaving. I will say that my
brothers and my family, in general, have been the key people I acquired my knowledge about Kente
from. Kofi
The quote below from another participant, who is a weaver, also captures how he
acquired Kente-related knowledge after some of the processes of observation etc.,
and how he went on to learn Kente weaving:
My parents are also from Bonwire. Growing up in my family, I saw one of my grandfathers who
used to weave Kente and I would always go and stand by him when he was weaving; this is when I
was young. Kwadwo
Sometime later, when the grandfather realised he had an interest in weaving, he
decided to teach him by first instructing him how to fold and separate the yarns that
are used for the weaving. Within three months, he had become perfect in folding,
separating, and arranging the yarns on the loom. Finally, he was taught how Kente is
woven. In the first instance, he was taught the single weave, which is easy to learn
because this weaving does not involve a design. Even with this, it took him some time
to master it. When the grandfather noted that he had mastered the single weave, he
began to teach him the complex weaves like the double and triple. With this type, it
took him two to three weeks before he could master the weaving.
This is just one example of a narrative that confirms Coleman’s (1988) proposition
that the family constitutes a form of social capital that facilitates individual and
collective actions. The flow of Kente-related knowledge in this context is consistent
with Rodríguez-Elias et al.’s (2006) view of knowledge flow. According to them,
knowledge flows via performance of activities and the mechanisms employed by the
people involved. In this case, Kente-related knowledge flows through performance of
activities such as weaving, selling and sewing.
Knowledge as social property
Our findings show that knowledge acquisition occurs through socialisation, both at
the family level and at the community level. The knowledge about Kente weaving is
embedded in most families; it is part of the social skills that male children in most
families in the Bonwire Kente weaving village are supposed to acquire. Similarly, as
Kente weaving is community knowledge, growing up in the Bonwire Kente weaving
village, one is socialised with the weavers, and therefore absorb this knowledge over
time anyway. To elaborate, one participant says:
I think once someone is born into the community the person will naturally learn about Kente…also,
let me say that in this community almost every family knows how to weave Kente. Kwabena
Acknowledging how infused Kente and its weaving is to the everyday life of the
community, one participant said that one gets to learn through mere living in the
society without having being taught consciously. According to one participant:
Kente is a valuable property that has been handed over to us by our forefathers, so if you are a child
growing in this community, no one will teach you explicitly, but you will learn everything about
Kente through your interactions with your friends and brothers. Agya
That said, for those outside Bonwire, formal education has also contributed to the
flow of Kente-related knowledge. While some of the participants learned about the
history of Kente in the classroom, others have also learned about Kente from visits to
the Bonwire Kente-weaving village. One of the participants told us that she learned
about Kente in primary school as part of studying the Ghanaian culture:
When I was in primary school, there was a subject called cultural studies and on this subject, we
were taught about Ghanaian textiles, food, dance, song, norms, etc. It was then that I learned about
Kente for the first time. Akosua
Hence, socialisation, a means by which individuals learn the norms, values, social
skills and identity relevant to their society (Fukuyama, 1995), was an important
avenue for Kente weaving knowledge flow.
Knowledge as deliberate practice
Some participants said that they acquired and passed on specialised Kente-related
knowledge through apprenticeships. One participant, who is a Kente master weaver,
recounted how he learned Kente weaving as an apprentice. This participant told us
that he went into an agreement with a master-weaver after his aunt, who the master
weaver trusted, introduced them to each other. Initially, the master-weaver studied
him to ascertain if he had an interest in learning the weaving, after which the master-
weaver made a verbal agreement to teach the participant Kente weaving.
This participant has subsequently taught Kente weaving to other apprentices from
other communities. He told us that the acquisition of weaving knowledge is mainly
through observing the master weaver and practicing later:
Yes, I have taught some people. There are people who come as apprentice to learn the sewing from
me, so that is how I have shared what I know…I teach the person the basics in weaving first; for
example, how to fold the thread and the person will be observing what I am doing and later I will
ask the person to repeat and practice what they observed. Mensah
This indicates that apart from the social and cultural environment, a person needs
also engage in deliberate practice and apprenticeships in order to be a master weaver
and pass on their knowledge to others.
New knowledge acquisition through
interactions with the outside world
Social interactions among the weavers, sellers, users, designers, and tailors are
avenues for the flow of Kente-related knowledge. Some participants who were
weavers told us that they learned new Kente designs from their fellow weavers as
well as from customers who bought Kente from them. One of the weavers told us how
some Kente users had suggested new designs to them. On the other hand, some
customers told us that they had gone to learn about some of the Kente patterns and
their meanings through talking with weavers and sellers. Some of these customers
further mentioned that they had come to know the kind of Kente colours that match
a user’s complexion or intent, through interaction with other users, sellers, fashion
designers and the Kente weavers. For example, one participant who is a weaver had
this to say:
Yeah, I have shared with my customers. I tell them how it feels to wear Kente…it makes the person
look royal or African…So as I told you I gained the knowledge from others so if some customers
come I share what the other customers have suggested to me. Bonsu
Noting the flow of Kente-related knowledge through such social interactions, one
participant who is a Kente seller asserted that his knowledge of Kente is impacted
through the mere association with the people who weave and sell Kente:
I have some Kente weavers in my shop although they are not here to learn how to sell Kente as they
weave for me; they will also acquire skills in selling and may also open their own shop in the future.
The Kente cloth and Kente colours and patterns have now become part of the
tourism industry in Ghana. Many tourists from within Ghana and abroad visit the
Bonwire Kente weaving village to observe how Kente is woven. Many of the foreign
tourists even try to learn Kente weaving as part of their tours, and some even practice
the weaving when they go back to their own countries. One participant who is a
weaver and works with the tourist centre in the weaving village recounted how a
tourist had learned to weave from him. He tells us that:
I teach people how to weave Kente. I have taught so many foreigners; for example, there is a guy
from the Germany I have taught how to weave Kente. So now this person if he finds any difficulty in
weaving, he calls me. Yaw
Hence, in an increasingly globalised world, there is a notable effect of commerce and
tourism on Kente, as this once exclusive cloth reserved for royalty has become the
symbol of Ghana, Africa at large, and even African pride in the diaspora.
Social relations and Kente-related
knowledge flow
From our interviews, there were three elements of social relations that facilitated the
flow of Kente-related knowledge. These include social identity, social status and
social technologies.
Social identity
Our findings show that Kente cloth is clearly associated with one’s identity. For
example, as Schramm (2010) describes, African-Americans have adopted Kente to
reconnect to their African heritage. Kente thus plays an integral role in the annual
Kwanzaa festival in the United States. This has implications for Kente-related
knowledge flow also: we observed from the interviews that social identity has also
facilitated the flow of Kente-related knowledge. Through social identity, Kente-
related knowledge has entered the global world. During the interview with one of the
participants who is from Ghana but based in the United States, they said that:
Kente is so very important in the history of Asantes and Ghanaians in general. It portrays the
Asante and the Ghanaian culture … whenever I wear Kente, it reminds me of my culture. It
showcases my African origins …. I tell my friends over here about it whenever they see me wearing
it. Afia
So in a way, the Kente cloth is not only worn to make one feel connected to their
identity as Ghanaians or Africans, but also functions as a talking point, or as a
conscious cue to invoke questions that elicit stories of their identity. As another
participant affirms:
The first thing that comes to mind [when you see a person wearing Kente] is this person is probably
attending a special occasion. There are times too when people see others wearing Kente, they ask if
the person is from Bonwire. Bonsu
Many Ghanaians who travel abroad, and Africans in the diaspora, sometimes wear
Kente to show their African and Ghanaian identities overseas. As such, many people
outside Ghana have come to acquire knowledge about Kente through these
Ghanaians and Africans in the diaspora who want to communicate their identity via
Kente. This kind of symbolic meaning about social identity in the contemporary
world supersedes the original traditional symbolic meanings of the patterns and
colours embedded within the Kente cloth itself.
Social status
Social status also emerged in the interview data as one of the elements of social
relations that facilitates the flow of Kente-related knowledge. All the participants
mentioned that wearing Kente creates and enhances their social status one way or
another. One of the users said:
The first thing that comes to mind is prestige and dignity and it is the reason I wear Kente for
functions like festivals. Kwaku
A weaver also told us how wearing Kente gave him a royal status and the privileges
that come with it:
I knew that I might not be allowed to get in because the event was for dignitaries from Ghana and
other countries. So I decided to wear Kente so when I got to the entrance, the security men and
women did not even search me but tried to create space for me to enter as there were a lot of people
at the gate who wanted to enter the stadium. When they saw my Kente they thought I was a King or
one of the invited guests so they shouted, open the gate for Nana (chief) to enter. Kwadwo
According to the participants, wearing Kente makes one royal and honourable. A
person is even perceived as rich if they wear Kente. This has contributed to the
adoption of Kente by many people, and has also, in effect, facilitated the flow of
Kente-related knowledge. Many of these users have come to know the names of the
various patterns and their meanings as well.
Social technologies
The participants indicated that the use of social technologies in promoting the sale
and wearing of Kente is increasingly common. Some Kente sellers these days use
social media like WhatsApp and Facebook to market Kente and inform people about
the various patterns of Kente and their meanings. Social media has also helped
people with design selection and improved exchange of information between sellers,
buyers, designers and tailors. The following quote by a seller illustrates this:
All that I do is to send the designs available to the person through WhatsApp and the customer will
make their choice and send it to me through WhatsApp ... even we have been using Facebook and
Instagram to showcase Kente to the world. Ama
Through social media platforms, customers send photos of different designs to the
Kente weavers for weaving and delivery. One of the weavers also sells directly to the
Of late I receive orders from customers through WhatsApp. They normally send me photos of the
designs they want. Kwame
Participants indicated that users also take photos and post on social media platforms
like Facebook and Instagram, for wearing Kente is a matter of pride, identity, and
status, and hence it is widely shared, although sadly, not everyone knows the
symbolic meanings of the patterns or the colours. Thus, social technologies have
shaped the selling and promotion of Kente, and the resulting flow of Kente-related
Discussion and conclusion
The objective of this study was to understand how social structures and social
relations facilitate the flow of Kente-related knowledge. The findings show that
several elements of social structures and social relations facilitate the flow of Kente-
related knowledge within communities and across the globe.
The social capital theory posits that social structures and social relations constitute
social capital, which promotes collective action (Coleman, 1988; Putnam, 2000). The
findings of this study are in line with this assertion. We found that many elements of
social structure and social relations have facilitated the flow of Kente-related
knowledge among people within communities and across the globe. For instance,
families have over the years preserved Kente-related knowledge by making sure the
knowledge is passed on from one generation to next, mostly through oral
transmission. As the first place of socialisation, the family has ensured that members
acquire Kente-weaving knowledge as part of their socialisation process. We find this
consistent with Fukuyama (1995) that the family constitutes a social capital that
supports the socialisation of people. We also found that institutions such as tourist
centres, educational institutions and apprenticeships have contributed to the flow of
Kente-related knowledge. These institutions have helped the flow not only in the
Bonwire Kente weaving village, but also in Ghana generally, and overseas. This is in
line with Coleman’s (1988) view that social capital results from appropriable
organisations. Although some of these institutions have been intentionally set up to
promote the flow of Kente-related knowledge, in other institutions, the flow of
Kente-related knowledge is a result of other activities performed by those
institutions. Furthermore, the findings of this study show that social interactions
promote the flow of Kente-related knowledge through exchange of ideas and
information related to Kente among the people within the Bonwire Kente weaving
village. When Kente weavers, users, sellers, tailors and fashion designers meet, they
also share Kente-related knowledge.
According to Coleman (1988), information is vital for individuals’ decision-making;
however, acquiring such information can be costly, thus people rely on their social
relations for information which is free. He thus sees social relations as constituting a
social capital. Parallel to this assertion, we noted that social technologies, which are
now an element of social relations, have become a channel for Kente-related
knowledge flow. This has not only made it possible for people to access Kente-related
knowledge free of charge, it has also made it easier and faster for the flow of Kente-
related knowledge. Additionally, the need for communicating social identity and
social status has also contributed to the flow of Kente-related knowledge. By trying to
communicate their social identity and social status, many users have shared Kente-
related knowledge with other people. From the results of this study, we conclude that
social structure and social relations are key to the flow of traditional Kente-related
knowledge within the Bonwire Kente weaving village, whilst digital social media has
contributed to the spread of knowledge about Kente and its associated connotations
of an African identity across the globe.
This study has contributed to the understanding of how traditional knowledge and
knowledge embedded in cultural artifacts flows, for the knowledge embedded within
an artifact such as Kente would be lost without the social knowledge created and
maintained by the community. The study also shows the importance of both formal
and informal institutions and how socialisation is essential for the flow of knowledge
and knowledge retention in traditional communities. In this view, knowledge flow
can be said to be a collective effort rather than just through individual learning. The
study confirms that social technologies themselves constitute a form of social capital
and that they are interwoven with social relations. The findings also show that social
identity is an element of social relations that constitutes a form of social capital
although studies that have employed social capital to study knowledge-flow rarely
address social identity.
The findings have implications for practice and research. Firstly, the findings imply
that the social capital theory offers a way of understanding information flow, offering
insights on knowledge flow within traditional communities situated in the
information age. The findings imply that knowledge flow is shaped by the extent of
closeness and social interactions that occur among individuals within social
institutions and communities. Social capital remains in close association with social
interactions between trusted individuals within a community and can help leverage
access to information. This implies that information professionals who seek to
provide specific information to traditional communities need to understand the
social structures and the resulting social identities within these communities. The
close ties and continuous interactions among members of the community enable
tacit knowledge to be transferred to others while knowledge is retained within the
community. That is, social capital does not only facilitate the flow of knowledge, it
also helps to retain knowledge within a community.
About the authors
Henry Boateng (corresponding author) is a PhD candidate in Communication at
the Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences, University of Technology Sydney, 15
Broadway, Ultimo NSW 2007, Australia. He received his Bachelor's degree in
Information Studies and Master of Philosophy in Business Administration from the
University of Ghana, Legon Ghana. He can be contacted
Bhuva Narayan is a Senior Lecturer and Course Coordinator in the Information
and Knowledge Management Program at the University of Technology Sydney
(UTS), Australia. She has an MLIS from the iSchool at the University of Pittsburgh
and a PhD from the Queensland University of Technology, Australia. Her research
interests are in information behaviour, human learning, design thinking, digital
social media, and in social justice issues. She can be contacted
Alavi, M. & Leidner, D. E. (2001). Review: knowledge management
and knowledge management systems: Conceptual foundations and
research issues. MIS Quarterly, 25(1), 107-136.
Alemna, A. A. & Sam, J. (2006). Critical issues in information and
communication technologies for rural development in
Ghana. Information Development, 22(4), 236-241.
Boateng, B. (2007). Walking the tradition modernity tightrope:
gender contradictions in textile production and intellectual property
law in Ghana. Journal of Gender, Social Policy & The Law, 15(2),
Burt, R. S. (1997). The contingent value of social
capital. Administrative Science Quarterly, 42(2), 339-365.
Coleman, J. S. (1990). Foundations of social capital
theory. Cambridge, MA: Belknap Press of Harvard University.
Coleman, J. S. (1988). Social capital in the creation of human
capital. American Journal of Sociology, 94, S95-S120.
Fukuyama, F. (1995). Trust: social virtues and the creation of
prosperity. London: Hamish Hamilton.
Granovetter, M. (1985). Economic action and social structure: the
problem of embeddedness. American Journal of Sociology, 91(3),
Hsu, M.H., Ju, T.L., Yen, C.H., & Chang, C.M. (2007). Knowledge
sharing behavior in virtual communities: the relationship between
trust, self-efficacy, and outcome expectations. International Journal
of Human-Computer Studies, 65(2), 153-169.
Huvila, I., Holmberg, K., Ek, S., & Widén-Wulff, G. (2010). Social
capital in Second Life. Online Information Review, 34(2), 295-316.
Introna, L. D. (2007). Towards a post-human intra-actional account
of sociomaterial agency (and morality).Paper prepared for the
Moral Agency and Technical Artefacts Workshop, The Hague,
Netherlands, Institute for Advanced Study. Retrieved from
(Archived by WebCite® at
Laihonen, H. (2006). Knowledge flows in self-organizing
processes. Journal of Knowledge Management, 10(4), 127-135.
Luo, Q. & Zhong, D. (2015). Using social network analysis to explain
communication characteristics of travel-related electronic word-of-
mouth on social networking sites. Tourism Management, 46, 274-
Miles, J. A. (2012). Management and organization theory. Hoboken,
NJ: Jossey-Bass.
Moyi, E. D. (2003). Networks, information and small enterprises:
new technologies and the ambiguity of empowerment. Information
Technology for Development, 10(4), 221-232.
Mu, J., Peng, G. & Love, E. (2008). Interfirm networks, social capital,
and knowledge flow. Journal of Knowledge Management, 12(4), 86-
Musolf, G. (2003). Structure and agency in everyday life: an
introduction to social psychology (2nd ed.). Lanham, MD: Rowman
and Littlefield Publishers.
Nahapiet, J. & Ghoshal, S. (1998). Social capital, intellectual capital,
and the organizational advantage. Academy of Management Review,
23(2), 242-266.
Panahi, S., Watson, J., & Partridge, H. (2012). Social media and tacit
knowledge sharing: developing a conceptual model. In World
academy of science, engineering and technology, (WASET), Paris,
France(pp. 1095-1102). Retrieved from (Archived by WebCite® at
Polanyi, M. (1966). The tacit dimension. New York: Anchor Day.
Portes, A. (1998). Social capital: its origins and applications in
modern sociology. Annual Review of Sociology, 24(1), 1-24.
Portes, A. & Landolt, P. (1996). The downside of social capital. The
American Prospect, 94(26), 18-21.
Putnam, R.D. (1995). Bowling alone: America's declining social
capital. Journal of Democracy, 6(1), 65-78.
Putnam, R.D. (2000). Bowling alone: the collapse of America’s
social capital. New York: Simon and Shuster.
Rattray, R.S. (1927). Religion & art in Ashanti. London: Oxford
University Press.
Rodríguez-Elias, M.O, Martínez-García A. I., Vizcaíno A. & Favela J.,
(2006). Identifying knowledge flows in communities of practice. In E.
Coakes and S. A. Clarke (Eds.), Encyclopedia of communities of
practice in information and knowledge management. Hershey, PA:
IGI Global.
Sabutey, G. T. (2009). Aesthetics, appreciation and criticism among
traditional Asante Kente weavers: implications for art education
and national development. (Doctoral thesis, Kwame Nkrumah
University of Science and Technology, Kumasi, Ghana).
Salifu, A., Francesconi, G. N. & Kolavalli. S. (2010). A review of
collective action in rural Ghana (Discussion Paper 00998).
Washington, DC: International Food Policy Research Institute.
Retrieved from
filename/2986.pdf (Archived by WebCite® at
Schramm, K. 2010. African Homecoming: Pan-African Ideology and
Contested Heritage. Walnut Creek: Left Coast Press.
Sorenson, O. and Singh, J. (2007). Science, social networks, and
spillovers, Industry and Innovation, 14(2), 219239.
Tsai, W., & Ghoshal, S. (1998). Social capital and value creation: the
role of intrafirm networks. Academy of Management Journal, 41(4),
Tzanakis, M. (2013). Social capital in Bourdieu’s, Coleman’s and
Putnam’s theory: empirical evidence and emergent measurement
issues. Educate, 13(2), 2-23.
Wilson, D. (1987). Traditional systems of communication in modern
African development: an analytical viewpoint. Africa Media Review,
1(2), 87-104.
Yin, R. (2014). Case study research: design and methods (5th ed.).
Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications.
Yusuf, T. I. (2012). Information needs, sources, and information
seeking behavior of women artisan in Offa Metropolis. Library and
Philosophy and Practice (e-journal), paper 1201. Retrieved from (Archived by
WebCite® at
Zhuge, H. (2002). A knowledge flow model for peer-to-peer team
knowledge sharing and management. Expert Systems With
Applications, 23(1), 23-30.
... Kente can be described as a type of jewellery in Ghana, as traditionally, it not only distinguishes social classes but also is often worn as a sign of achievement (e.g. at graduation or formal meetings) and to adorn oneself during festivities (e.g. weddings) (Badoe & Opoku-Asare, 2014;Boateng & Narayan, 2017). Kente has a long-standing tradition and plays a vital role in the country's history. ...
... To explain, Kente is the heritage textile of Ghana and produced either in Western or in Southeast Ghana (Asmah et al., 2015;Smulders Cohen, 2019). The values, beliefs, and traditions are woven into the textiles, providing hidden meanings and story-telling connotations, thus preserving culture through symbols and colours (Badoe & Opoku-Asare, 2014;Kwakye-Opong, 2014;Boateng & Narayan, 2017). Each Kente strip has a meaning and philosophy embedded in the patterns and designs (ibid.) that are carefully placed to tell a story and portray standing in society or mark a specific occasion (Boateng, 2011;Boateng & Narayan, 2017). ...
... The values, beliefs, and traditions are woven into the textiles, providing hidden meanings and story-telling connotations, thus preserving culture through symbols and colours (Badoe & Opoku-Asare, 2014;Kwakye-Opong, 2014;Boateng & Narayan, 2017). Each Kente strip has a meaning and philosophy embedded in the patterns and designs (ibid.) that are carefully placed to tell a story and portray standing in society or mark a specific occasion (Boateng, 2011;Boateng & Narayan, 2017). For example, the 'Mako Maso Adeae' pattern holds the same meaning as giving someone a heart necklace or ring, as literally translated it means 'my heart's desire', and proclaims love (Kitenge, 2017). ...
This chapter is focused on Kente textiles as a form of luxury jewellery, considering its production process and whether and how the visual identity of the finished product communicates that these jewellery items have been produced in a more sustainable manner. We thus propose that heritage should be part of the sustainability framework, as it provides an anchor in the past, whilst also preserving skills for the future, which is vital in ensuring that current and future generations can enjoy the same resources.
... To explain, although the handloom is an upgrade from the methods used in weaving in the past [4,7], it does not stray from the idea that the hands still do the weaving and the handloom only helps to keep threads in line and makes the overall weaving of the textiles easier and more manageable. The art of weaving with the handloom dates back to the seventeenth century in Africa [12]. Even before handlooms were created, there were different ways by which weaving was achieved. ...
... Weaving in Bonwire is a predominantly male trade that is supported by females in the early and late stages of the production process. To explain, women, in the past, have processed and dyed yarns in order to be woven into the Kente strips, as well as sell the finished products on the market [12,42]. In more recent years, yarns are not dyed and spun by women anymore but are rather outsourced due to the lack of care given to the weaving industry and high demand for imitated textiles [11,12,31]. ...
... To explain, women, in the past, have processed and dyed yarns in order to be woven into the Kente strips, as well as sell the finished products on the market [12,42]. In more recent years, yarns are not dyed and spun by women anymore but are rather outsourced due to the lack of care given to the weaving industry and high demand for imitated textiles [11,12,31]. Interestingly, it is a taboo for women to weave the actual Kente strips for fear of being barren [12]. ...
Handloom artistry dates back to the seventeenth century in Africa. In Ghana, the handloom is used to produce the traditional Kente textiles, which form part of the country’s identity. This research focuses on Bonwire, Ghana a weaving community in the Ashanti region that is specialised in the weaving of the Kente textile. However, modernisation and globalisation are seemingly threatening this industry, as a new trade law allowed imports of printed Kente-inspired textiles from Europe, America and Asia. This chapter focuses on the artisans involved in the handweaving process of the Ghanaian Kente textiles, by investigating the role of the handloom on the identity of the weavers. Weaving with a handloom has a long-standing tradition in Bonwire, thus exploring the implications of modernisation and globalisation on this traditional trade and subsequently on the identity of the weavers which will be explored. This qualitative enquiry draws on 20 semi-structured interviews with artisans involved in the Kente weaving process, to explore the role of the handloom on their identity. Initial findings highlight that the art of using the handloom is infused into the culture of the weavers of Bonwire. The weavers have taken the handloom to represent a part of their identity, and in that without the handloom, it will appear as though they have no identity.
Full-text available
African Americans and others in the African diaspora have increasingly "come home" to Africa to visit the sites at which their ancestors were enslaved and shipped. In this nuanced analysis of homecoming, Katharina Schramm analyzes how a shared rhetoric of the (Pan-)African family is produced among African hosts and Diasporan returnees and at the same time contested in practice. She examines the varying interpretations and appropriations of significant sites (e.g. the slave forts), events (e.g. Emancipation Day) and discourses (e.g. repatriation) in Ghana to highlight these dynamics. From this, she develops her notions of diaspora, home, homecoming, memory and identity that reflect the complexity and multiple reverberations of these cultural encounters beyond the sphere of roots tourism.
Scholars of the theory of the firm have begun to emphasize the sources and conditions of what has been described as “the organizational advantage,” rather than focus on the causes and consequences of market failure. Typically, researchers see such organizational advantage as accruing from the particular capabilities organizations have for creating and sharing knowledge. In this article we seek to contribute to this body of work by developing the following arguments: (1) social capital facilitates the creation of new intellectual capital; (2) organizations, as institutional settings, are conducive to the development of high levels of social capital; and (3) it is because of their more dense social capital that firms, within certain limits, have an advantage over markets in creating and sharing intellectual capital. We present a model that incorporates this overall argument in the form of a series of hypothesized relationships between different dimensions of social capital and the main mechanisms and processes necessary for the creation of intellectual capital.
The abstract for this document is available on CSA Illumina.To view the Abstract, click the Abstract button above the document title.
Journal of Democracy 6.1 (1995) 65-78 As featured on National Public Radio, The New York Times, and in other major media, we offer this sold-out, much-discussed Journal of Democracy article by Robert Putnam, "Bowling Alone." You can also find information at DemocracyNet about the Journal of Democracy and its sponsor, the National Endowment for Democracy. Many students of the new democracies that have emerged over the past decade and a half have emphasized the importance of a strong and active civil society to the consolidation of democracy. Especially with regard to the postcommunist countries, scholars and democratic activists alike have lamented the absence or obliteration of traditions of independent civic engagement and a widespread tendency toward passive reliance on the state. To those concerned with the weakness of civil societies in the developing or postcommunist world, the advanced Western democracies and above all the United States have typically been taken as models to be emulated. There is striking evidence, however, that the vibrancy of American civil society has notably declined over the past several decades. Ever since the publication of Alexis de Tocqueville's Democracy in America, the United States has played a central role in systematic studies of the links between democracy and civil society. Although this is in part because trends in American life are often regarded as harbingers of social modernization, it is also because America has traditionally been considered unusually "civic" (a reputation that, as we shall later see, has not been entirely unjustified). When Tocqueville visited the United States in the 1830s, it was the Americans' propensity for civic association that most impressed him as the key to their unprecedented ability to make democracy work. "Americans of all ages, all stations in life, and all types of disposition," he observed, "are forever forming associations. There are not only commercial and industrial associations in which all take part, but others of a thousand different types -- religious, moral, serious, futile, very general and very limited, immensely large and very minute. . . . Nothing, in my view, deserves more attention than the intellectual and moral associations in America." Recently, American social scientists of a neo-Tocquevillean bent have unearthed a wide range of empirical evidence that the quality of public life and the performance of social institutions (and not only in America) are indeed powerfully influenced by norms and networks of civic engagement. Researchers in such fields as education, urban poverty, unemployment, the control of crime and drug abuse, and even health have discovered that successful outcomes are more likely in civically engaged communities. Similarly, research on the varying economic attainments of different ethnic groups in the United States has demonstrated the importance of social bonds within each group. These results are consistent with research in a wide range of settings that demonstrates the vital importance of social networks for job placement and many other economic outcomes. Meanwhile, a seemingly unrelated body of research on the sociology of economic development has also focused attention on the role of social networks. Some of this work is situated in the developing countries, and some of it elucidates the peculiarly successful "network capitalism" of East Asia. Even in less exotic Western economies, however, researchers have discovered highly efficient, highly flexible "industrial districts" based on networks of collaboration among workers and small entrepreneurs. Far from being paleoindustrial anachronisms, these dense interpersonal and interorganizational networks undergird ultramodern industries, from the high tech of Silicon Valley to the high fashion of Benetton. The norms and networks of civic engagement also powerfully affect the performance of representative government. That, at least, was the central conclusion of my own 20-year, quasi-experimental study of subnational governments in different regions of Italy. Although all these regional governments seemed identical on paper, their levels of effectiveness varied dramatically. Systematic inquiry showed that the quality of governance was determined by longstanding traditions of civic engagement (or its absence). Voter turnout, newspaper readership, membership in choral societies and football clubs -- these were the hallmarks of a successful region. In fact, historical analysis suggested that these networks of organized reciprocity and civic solidarity...
This paper makes a case for the utilization of traditional systems of communication in the development process. The paper underscores the usefulness of traditional systems of communication by noting that they are instrumental in the mobilization of people at the grassroot level for community development and national consciousness; the enlightenment of people in cultural, political, health, and other programmes leading toward self-actualization; public entertainment through arts, cultural festivals, musicals and dramatic performances; and intra-cultural, intercultural and other communication purposes leading to group and national cohesiveness. Contending that the traditional newsman is the only credible source of information for the rural areas, the author urges that his (the traditional newsman's) mobility and hardware be improved to facilitate his work. Resume L'article ci-apres est une defense de l'utilisation des systemes de communication traditionnels dans le processus de deVeloppement n de'montre l'utilite' de ces systefmes en faisant remarquer qu'ils servent la mobilisation des populations au niveau des communaute's de base pour le developpement communautaire et la conscience nationale; leur ouverture a des programmes culturels, politiques, sanitaires et autres devant conduire a d'autres fins intra-culturelles et interculturelles visant a la concision nationale et de groupe. L'auteur affirme que la journaliste traditionnel est la seule source d'informations credible dans les zones rurales et lance un appel afin que soient ameliores sa mobilite'et ses moyens pour faciliter son travail.
Social networking sites (SNSs), which are platforms based on user interactions, currently play increasingly important roles in sharing electronic word-of-mouth (eWOM) among tourists. Viewing eWOM communication on SNSs as a network based on the users' social relationships, this study applied social network analysis to examine the communication characteristics of travel-related eWOM on SNSs from the perspective of both ego and whole networks. Results show that travel-related eWOM communication via SNSs relied on existing social relationships, ties of which can be categorized as strong, of middling strength, or weak. Furthermore, the effect of transmitted information was stronger than that of influential decision-making. The communication network studied was found to be structured, loose-knit, flat, and of high centrality. These results enrich current research on the effects of eWOM and provide a dynamic perspective for understanding how eWOM disseminates and influences users through interactions.