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Residential Segregation in 5 European Countries. Technical Report
Abstract
The research project “Residential segregation in in five European countries – A comparative study using individualized scalable neighbourhoods” (ResSegr) started in August 2014 as a cooperation between researchers at Stockholm University (Department of Human Geography), the University of Oslo (Department of Sociology and Human Geography), Statistics Denmark, the Netherlands Interdisciplinary Demographic Institute and the Vrije Universiteit Brussels (Interface Demography). Funding was granted by the Joint Programme Initiative Urban Europe.
This is the technical report documenting the processes that have led to the making of the harmonized multi-country datasets with segregation indicators that was one of the main outputs of the project. In the report, we provide a description of the national datasets and the geographical coordinates, the definition of indicators and a description of the software used to produce the data. Similarities as well as differences between the different national datasets and indicators are highlighted. One chapter pays attention to the various ethical and privacy considerations that were considered in the creation of the dataset so that privacy of individuals could be protected. More information about the project can be found at www.residentialsegregation.org.
... Since the exposure time in youth is important for an assessment of later effects on outcomes we selected those that had geo-coordinates in the Statistics Sweden registers for the years 1999, 2000 and 2001. The surrounding context was based on a population 25 years and older, and its share having an equalised disposable income less than 60 percent of the median (for procedure and variable please see Nielsen et al., 2017). This corresponds to the EU at risk of poverty measure. ...
... In the regression models we control for a number of individual and family characteristics: sex, parental tertiary education, family type (single mother families), parental employment, family social assistance, parent per person disposable income (1000s of Euro), non-European background (one or two parents born outside Europe), see Nielsen et al. (2017). For the data procedure of locating every individual's closest number of neighbours at different scales we used a script called geocontext (Hennerdal, 2019). ...
Deliverable 5.3 for the EU funded (H2020) RELOCAL project:
https://relocal.eu/deliverables/
... Residential segregation of immigrant populations, and more generally the spatial inequality in urban Europe, is an emerging issue that has received increasing attention in recent years (Musterd, 2005;Arbaci, 2007Arbaci, , 2008Arbaci, , 2019Arbaci & Malheiros, 2010). Many studies have also been conducted with the aim to provide an international comparison (Musterd & Ostendorf, 1998;Musterd & van Kempen, 2009;Marcińczak et al., 2016;Tammaru et al., 2016;Musterd et al., 2017;Nielsen et al., 2017;Haandrikman et al., 2021). In 2017, the Joint Research Centre (JRC) -Knowledge Centre on Migration and Demography (KMCD) of the European Commission launched a data challenge that was called 'Integration of Migrants in Cities' (D4I). ...
The aim of this contribution is to analyse the peculiarity of the Southern European context in the European migration system. In particular, the first part of this chapter describes the transition of the Southern European countries from areas of origin to areas of destination of international migration flows. The differences in terms of country of citizenship or country of birth of the migrant populations are discussed. The second part is based on an analysis of the literature and the results of a set of studies that were previously carried out within the D4I data challenge “Integration of migrants in cities”. The levels of residential segregation in some European countries (i.e. France, Germany, Ireland, Italy, the Netherlands, Portugal, Spain and United Kingdom) are analysed comparatively, while trying to highlight existing similarities and differences in residential segregation. The causes of the differences are discussed and are mainly linked to the characteristics of the local labour markets and their capacity to integrate the migrant populations.
... These assemblages are situated within the wider hierarchies composed of gender, ethnicity, and class (Bilecen et al., 2019). Earlier research showed that material deprivation and structural barriers (Caner &Pedersen, 2019), language barriers (Hussein, 2013), difficulties in communication (Kristiansen et al., 2016;Nielsen et al., 2017), and a lack of information about available services Topal et al., 2012) are among the major factors hindering first-generation older migrants' access to formal social protection. ...
Access to social protection in old age is crucial and yet contingent upon negotiations between the social structures of the welfare states and the personal networks within which individuals are embedded. International migration, changing family dynamics, and the transformation of care and other welfare policies in the global North make it challenging for older migrants to negotiate social protection. Drawing on 45 semi-structured interviews with first-generation older Turkish migrants in London and 13 semi-structured interviews with professional service providers for the community, the paper aims to investigate the assemblages of formal and informal social protection in the lives of older migrants. Findings indicate the complexity in accessing informal social protection and the navigation of formal care support in the UK for first generation older Turkish migrants and the contingency of access to formal care services on informal support networks for participants. It has been demonstrated that built infrastructure and policies aimed at older adults have great influence on assemblages of care, highlighting the need for more age-friendly and integrated policies to facilitate access to social protection for diverse groups of older adults.
... Careja and Bevelander (2018), in their study on the application of population registers for migration research, contended that register data on migrants' pre-immigration education may be biased, as such data tend to be self-reported, and migrants may not accurately report their education. Imperfection in educational attainment in register data is not peculiar to Sweden; in Denmark, for instance, information on the highest level of education for immigrants who arrived after 2006 is missing unless migrants obtained education in Denmark (Nielsen et al., 2017). Therefore, Statistics Denmark conducts an extensive survey to collect information about migrants' educational attainment. ...
Swedish register data include a number of variables related to individuals’ educational level. In contrast to many other countries, the registers even include information on the education obtained by immigrants outside Sweden. For studies on immigrants’ labour market integration, this is an important asset. However, the quality of data in terms of the source and extent of data coverage for different migrant groups is less well-known. This explorative paper investigates the sources of information for immigrants’ educational levels, and examines the time taken until their education is registered for different migrant groups. Employing register data on immigrants who arrived in Sweden in the period 2000–2016, the methods include a descriptive analysis of the main sources of educational attainment, and event history analysis to estimate survival rates for not being in the educational registers. The results indicate that the ‘survey of foreign-born’ and the Swedish Public Employment Service are the two major sources of information regarding immigrants’ educational attainment in their year of arrival. However, the survey’s non-response rate is high. Results from the event history analysis show that as the length of stay in the country increases, the share of immigrants with missing educational information decreases substantially, especially after 2 years, with rather large differences for groups of immigrants. For the majority of refugees and family migrants, 2 years after arrival their educational levels are registered, while the educational levels of many Nordic migrants remained unregistered even after 10 years. In addition, attained education of women and younger immigrants is more often registered. Measuring the educational level of refugees and family migrants from 2 years after arrival can provide a reasonable representation of their educational characteristics at the time of migration, while it is questionable to use Nordic migrants’ educational level at any time.
... Furthermore, the context of poverty was computed at two scale levels: as the at-risk-of-poverty rate individuals among the closest 200 and 12,800 persons (k200 and k12,800 in tables) (see Nielsen et al., 2017). For both scale levels, we use the concept "neighbourhood" acknowledging that, strictly speaking, an area with 12,800 inhabitants can be considered as being larger than a typical neighbourhood. ...
This paper finds convincing evidence of upward progress out of poor Swedish neighbourhoods for individuals with a Swedish background, individuals with a European background, and those with a non‐European background. We use the 1986 cohort of the Swedish population and follow them from age 15 when they are living at home to age 30. We find that by age 30, they live in a neighbourhood that in terms of the poverty level is relatively distant from the initial neighbourhood where they grew up. Mobility into less poor neighbourhoods is clearly linked to higher income, but interestingly, initial context is even more important. Mobility to less poor neighbourhoods is found for those starting in high‐poverty neighbourhoods and vice versa for those starting in low‐poverty neighbourhoods. Moreover, large‐scale context and regional context strongly influence neighbourhood mobility along the poverty gradient. The analysis shows that a large proportion of individuals with a non‐European background improve their neighbourhood status from where they were living as teenagers, to where they live after leaving home. Individuals who stay in the poorest neighbourhoods come from less favourable backgrounds, from large‐scale poverty contexts, have low school grades, tend to have children early, and have low incomes and lower educational attainment. Individuals with a non‐European background are overrepresented in this group. Thus, despite the overall gains in neighbourhood quality, the process of spatial sorting still contributes to an increased spatial concentration of vulnerable populations.
... Existing international comparative studies on residential segregation of the foreign populations in the European context are numerous (Musterd 2005;Arbaci 2007;Marcińczak et al. 2016;Nielsen et al. 2017;Andersson et al. 2018a, b; Moreno-Monroy and Veneri 2018; Nieuwenhuis et al. 2020). In the European context, numerous are also studies dealing with particular territorial partitions like the analysis of Arbaci (2008) referring to Southern Europe and the contributions that address the issue of residential segregation in reference to urban Europe or specific European cities (Mustered and Ostendorf 1998;Kesteloot and Cortie 1998;Bolt 2009: Musterd andVan Kempen 2009;Tammaru et al. 2016;Musterd et al. 2017; van Ham et al. 2018;Casacchia et al. 2019). ...
Residential segregation is a well studied subject especially after the publication of the pioneering and seminal contribution of Duncan and Duncan (Am Sociol Rev 41:210–217, 1955). Considering the theoretical and methodological advances made since then, the contribution endeavours in describing and understanding the differences in residential segregation in an international perspective using 2011 population census data. The contribution analyses the residential segregation of migrants (here foreign citizens or foreign born) usually resident in the 493 Functional Urban Areas (FUAs) of selected European Union countries. The analysis is conducted using 2011 census data on regular grid (100 mt × 100 mt) provided by the Data Challenge on ‘Integration of Migrants in Cities’ (D4I) and refers to all migrants and to two sub groups (EU 28 and non EU 28). In a first step the levels and spatial patterns of residential segregation across all FUAs of France, Germany, Ireland, Italy, Portugal, Spain, The Netherlands and the United Kingdom are analysed. Particular attention is paid to identifying differences and similarities between the FUAs, among and within the single countries. In a further analysis the relationship between the level of residential segregation in the metropolitan FUAs of the selected EU countries and contextual demographic and socio-economic factors are investigated. Results indicate that, even if, the larger metropolitan areas attract more migrants, the highest levels of residential segregation are observed in smaller urban areas. Moreover important national peculiarities emerge clearly with countries of northwestern Europe recording lower levels of residential segregation compared to the Southern European countries. Finally, residential segregation shows clear relationships with some contextual factors, especially the ones related to economic well-being and the labour market in a positive manner.
... To facilitate comparative analyses, we have aimed to make the data as similar as possible across countries. The process of harmonizing the national data sets is documented in Nielsen et al. (2017) and was the aim of the ResSegr project. 1 The k-nearest neighbours approach to measuring segregation is well suited for comparative analyses, as it provides a comparable definition of a neighbourhood; the k-nearest neighbours of each individual. This partially circumvents the Modifiable Areal Unit Problem (Hennerdal and Nielsen 2017) by allowing for a comparison of residential patterns that do not rely on administrative borders. ...
In a previous study, Andersson et al. (A comparative study of segregation patterns in Belgium, Denmark, the Netherlands and Sweden: neighbourhood concentration and representation of non-European migrants. Eur J Popul 34:1–25, 2018) compared the patterns of residential segregation between non-European immigrants and the rest of the population in four European countries, using the k-nearest neighbours approach to compute comparable measures of segregation. This approach relies on detailed geo-coded data and can be used to assess segregation levels at different neighbourhood scales. This paper updates these findings with results from Norway. Using similar data and methods, we document both similarities and striking differences between the segregation patterns in Norway and Belgium, Denmark, the Netherlands and Sweden. While the segregation patterns in Norway at larger scales are roughly comparable to those found in Denmark, but with higher concentrations of non-European immigrants in the most immigrant-dense large-scale neighbourhoods, the micro-level segregation is much lower in Norway than in the other countries. While an important finding by Andersson et al. (2018) was that segregation levels at the micro-scale of 200 nearest neighbours fell within a narrow band, with a dissimilarity index between 0.475 and 0.512 in the four countries under study, segregation levels at this scale are clearly lower in Norway, with a dissimilarity index of 0.429. We discuss possible explanations for these patterns.
Studies of neighbourhood effects typically measure the neighbourhood context at one specific spatial scale. It is increasingly acknowledged, however, that the mechanisms through which the residential context affects individual outcomes may operate at different spatial scales, ranging from the very immediate environment to the metropolitan region. We take a multi-scale approach to investigate the extent to which concentrated poverty in adolescence is related to obtained education level and income later in life, by measuring the residential context as bespoke neighbourhoods at five geographical scales that range from areas encompassing the 200 nearest neighbours to areas that include the 200k+ nearest neighbours. We use individual-level geocoded longitudinal register data from Sweden and the Netherlands to follow 15/16-year-olds until they are 30 years old. The findings show that the contextual effects on education are very similar in both countries. Living in a poor area as a teenager is related to a lower obtained educational level when people are in their late 20s. This relationship, however, is stronger for lower spatial scales. We also find effects of contextual poverty on income in both countries. Overall, this effect is stronger in the Netherlands than in Sweden. Partly, this is related to differences in spatial structure. If only individuals in densely populated areas in Sweden are considered, effects on income are similar across the two countries and income effects are more stable across spatial scales. Overall, we find important evidence that the scalar properties of neighbourhood effects differ across life-course outcomes.
Comparative research aiming to explain differences in segregation on national level is highly desirable for public policy in increasingly diverse countries including new immigrant destinations. This study explores residential segregation of non-European migrants in Czechia using the individualised scalable neighbourhood method based on anonymised geocoded register data. Czechia is the main immigrant-receiving country in Eastern European post-socialist context. To place our results in a comparative perspective we replicated the methodology of recent comprehensive study of residential segregation in Northwest Europe by ResSegr project. The comparison indicate overall similarity of residential segregation of non-European migrants in selected Northwest European countries (Belgium, Denmark, the Netherlands, Norway and Sweden) and in Czechia across spatial scales when measured by index of dissimilarity for individualised neighbourhoods. However, the decomposition to neighbourhood concentration and neighbourhood representation indices challenges this result. Non-European migrants are less concentrated in Czechia at all scales. Lower over-representation and higher under-representation in neighbourhoods in Czechia provide an evidence that large-scale neighbourhoods with a considerable non-European migrant concentration known from other European countries are close to non-existent in Czechia. In the conclusion, we draw implications for neighbourhood research and policy and question the pertinence of the term segregation in European context.
The purpose of this study is to compare socioeconomic segregation patterns and levels in Brussels, Copenhagen, Amsterdam, Oslo, and Stockholm with uniform measurements. Previous research has been hampered by conceptual and methodological shortcomings. We use harmonized datasets containing geocoded indicators based on a nearest-neighbors approach. Our analyses offer an unprecedented comparison of patterns and levels of socio-spatial inequalities in European capitals at multiple scales. Using maps, segregation indices and percentile plots, we find that for all cities, the segregation of the rich is much stronger than the segregation of the poor. Macro-scale poverty segregation is most prominent in Stockholm and Brussels, and quite low in Amsterdam, while macro-scale affluence segregation is most pronounced in Oslo. At micro-scales, Brussels and Stockholm stand out with very high local poverty concentrations, indicating high levels of polarization. We interpret differences in the light of spatial inequalities, welfare regimes, housing systems, migration and area-based interventions.
In 2009, Sweden experienced a wave of urban unrest concentrated in areas with large foreign-born populations. This episode was seen by many as reflecting a trend towards increased ethnically based residential segregation, in line with scholarly literatures that correlate inequality and rising segregation with increases in unrest or rebellion. In this paper, we analyze the empirical connection between ethnic residential segregation and episodes of urban unrest in Sweden. Unrest is measured by the number of car burnings reported to police between 2002 and 2009. We find a positive and statistically significant link between residential segregation and car burnings at the scale of municipalities and metropolitan districts. Unrest/rebellion is also correlated with high proportion of young adults and social welfare assistance.
More and more countries are using register data to replace traditional Censuses. Moreover, official statistics as well as research are increasingly based on register data or combinations of survey and register data. Register-based statistics offer wonderful new opportunities. At the same time, they require a new approach to how data are processed and managed. In this article, we present the System of social statistical datasets (SSD), a system of interlinked and standardized registers and surveys. All production processes within Statistics Netherlands that pertain to social or spatial statistics converge in the SSD, which thus constitutes a shared output-oriented system. The SSD contains a wealth of information on persons, households, jobs, benefits, pensions, education, hospitalizations, crime reports, dwellings, vehicles and more. In the Netherlands it is the most important source for official social statistics and, because the data are available on request by means of remote access, also very popular in the social sciences. This article describes the contents of the SSD as well as the underlying process and organization, and demonstrates its possibilities.
Immigration is a major component of population change for countries across Europe. However, questions remain about where immigrants go after they arrive in a new country. What are the patterns of internal migration of minorities (immigrants and their descendants), and what are the causes and implications of these flows? Migration within a nation state is a powerful force, redistributing the population and altering the demographic, social and economic composition of regions, cities and neighbourhoods. Yet relatively little is known about the significance of ethnicity in migration processes, or how population movement contributes to immigrant and ethnic integration. Minority internal migration is an emerging field of academic interest in many European countries in the context of high levels of immigration and increased political interest in inter-ethnic relations and place-based policies. This book brings together experts in the fields of migration, ethnicity and diversity from across Europe to examine patterns of residential mobility of minorities, and to synthesise key themes, theories and methods. The analyses presented make important contributions to theories of migration and minority integration and may inform policies that aim to respond to local population change and increasing diversity. The conclusions of the book form an agenda for future research on minority and immigrant internal migration in developed societies.
This article documents a new macro-segregation, where the locus of racial differentiation resides increasingly in socio-spatial processes at the community or place level. The goal is to broaden the spatial lens for studying segregation, using decennial Census data on 222 metropolitan areas. Unlike previous neighborhood studies of racial change, we decompose metropolitan segregation into its within- and between-place components from 1990 to 2010. This is accomplished with the Theil index (H). Our decomposition of H reveals large post-1990 declines in metropolitan segregation. But, significantly, macro-segregation—the between-place component—has increased since 1990, offsetting declines in the within-place component. The macro component of segregation is also most pronounced and increasing most rapidly among blacks, accounting for roughly one-half of all metro segregation in the most segregated metropolitan areas of the United States. Macro-segregation is least evident among Asians, which suggests other members of these communities (i.e., middle-class or affluent ethnoburbs) have less resistance to Asians relocating there. These results on emerging patterns of macro-segregation are confirmed in fixed-effects models that control for unobserved heterogeneity across metropolitan areas. Unlike most previous studies focused on the uneven distribution of racial and ethnic groups across metropolitan neighborhoods, we show that racial residential segregation is increasingly shaped by the cities and suburban communities in which neighborhoods are embedded.
There continues to be cross-disciplinary interest in the patterns, extent, and changing contexts of segregation and spatial inequality more generally. The changes are clearly context dependent but at the same time there are broad generalizations that arise from the processes of residential sorting and selection. A major question in U.S. segregation research is how the growth of Asian and Hispanic populations is influencing patterns of segregation and diversity at the neighborhood level. In this article we use a variant of a nearest neighbor approach to map, graph, and evaluate patterns of race and ethnicity at varying scales. We show that using a multiscalar approach to segregation can provide a detailed and more complete picture of segregation. The research confirms work from other studies that segregation is decreasing between some groups and increasing between others, and the patterns, and processes can be described as dynamic diversity. In a series of maps of ethnic clusters and population homogeneity we show how metropolitan areas, represented in this case by Los Angeles, now display patterns of complex living arrangements with multiple groups inhabiting both local neighborhoods and wider community spheres.
Neighborhoods and neighborhood change are often at least implicitly understood in relation to processes taking place at scales both smaller than and larger than the neighborhood itself. Until recently our capacity to represent these multiscalar processes with quantitative measures has been limited. Recent work on “segregation profiles” by Reardon and collaborators expands our capacity to explore the relationship between population measures and scale. With the methodological tools now available, we need a conceptual shift in how we view population measures in order to bring our theories and measures of neighborhoods into alignment. I argue that segregation can be beneficially viewed as multiscalar; not a value calculable at some “correct” scale, but a continuous function with respect to scale. This shift requires new ways of thinking about and analyzing segregation with respect to scale that engage with the complexity of the multiscalar measure. Using block-level data for eight neighborhoods in Seattle, Washington, I explore the implications of a multiscalar segregation measure for understanding neighborhoods and neighborhood change from 1990 to 2010.
This paper conceives of residential segregation as a multidimensional phenomenon varying along five distinct axes of measurement:
evenness, exposure, concentration, centralization, and clustering. Twenty indices of segregation are surveyed and related
conceptually to one of the five dimensions. Using data from a large set of U.S. metropolitan areas, the indices are intercorrelated
and factor analyzed. Orthogonal and oblique rotations produce pattern matrices consistent with the postulated dimensional
structure. Based on the factor analyses and other information, one index was chosen to represent each of the five dimensions,
and these selections were confirmed with a principal components analysis. The paper recommends adopting these indices as standard
indicators in future studies of segregation.
Nearly all segregation measures use some form of administrative unit (usually tracts in the United States) as the base for the calculation of segregation indices, and most of the commonly used measures are aspatial. The spatial measures that have been proposed are often not easily computed, although there have been significant advances in the past decade. We provide a measure that is individually based (either persons or very small administrative units) and a technique for constructing neighborhoods that does not require administrative units. We show that the spatial distribution of different population groups within an urban area can be efficiently analyzed with segregation measures that use population count-based definitions of neighborhood scale. We provide a variant of a k-nearest neighbor approach and a statistic spatial isolation and a methodology (EquiPop) to map, graph, and evaluate the likelihood of individuals meeting other similar race individuals or of meeting individuals of a different ethnicity. The usefulness of this approach is demonstrated in an application of the method to data for Los Angeles and three metropolitan areas in Sweden. This comparative approach is important as we wish to show how the technique can be used across different cultural contexts. The analysis shows how the scale (very small neighborhoods, larger communities, or cities) influences the segregation outcomes. Even if microscale segregation is strong, there may still be much more mixing at macroscales.