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... As a social appraisal (Leary, 2007;Webster et al., 2003), organizational pride is distinct from broader and widely studied constructs such as affective commitment (which is a values-based appraisal) and organizational identification (i.e., overlap of individual and organizational identity), which both partially capture elements of pride. Specifically, organizational pride incorporates knowledge about what enhances value in a social setting (Thomas et al., 2018) and captures members' cognitive evaluations of their organization as doing well and that these evaluations are pleasing to them; hence, antecedents of this construct are likely to embody characteristics that generally appeal to society overall, including competence and virtuousness. Similarly, the outcomes of organizational pride are likely to mirror its antecedents, given that pride motivates individuals to achieve socially valued things (Sznycer et al., 2018). ...
... In theoretically identifying potential antecedents of organizational pride, it is important to understand that pride has evolved as a way to help individuals with "meaning creation" and enables individuals to make decisions and select courses of action that motivate them to achieve socially valued things (Sznycer et al., 2018). Although organizational pride is triggered by employees' perceptions of their organization's actions due to how they subjectively experience and relate to their work, it ultimately stems from a comparison of those actions to broader social norms (Scheff, 1988); that is, pride concerns knowledge about what enhances value in a social setting (Thomas et al., 2018). We expect, then, that organizational pride manifests from one's evaluation that the organization is behaving in a way that is deemed socially valuable. ...
... It would be interesting too to have qualitative insights on organizational pride. Because pride contains a notion of common knowledge about what enhances value in a social setting (Thomas et al., 2018), it would be helpful to know what organizational pride tends to "anchor" on. For instance, are some virtues signaled by others to be more important? ...
Article
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Companies often discuss the importance of organizational pride and what they believe leads to it, yet research on this topic in the organizational sciences has not kept pace. Our paper narrows this research-practice gap by identifying important antecedents and consequences of organizational pride. To do so, we build theory on the nature of organizational pride as an important workplace attitude by explaining how it carries prescriptive implications in addition to evaluative properties, which provides new insights into how it operates. Empirically, we demonstrate in an experiment and a field study how employee perceptions of their organization’s virtuousness and competence affect their level of pride toward the organization, which subsequently impacts their task performance and organizational citizenship behaviors. We conclude with a discussion of the implications and future research avenues.
... Common knowledge is the recursive belief state in which A knows X, B knows X, A knows that B knows X, B knows that A knows that B knows X, ad infinitum. Recent work suggests that common knowledge is an important mechanism for coordinating group behavior (Thomas, DeScioli, Haque, & Pinker, 2014;Thomas, DeScioli, & Pinker, 2018). For example, past work has found that people were more willing to attempt risky coordination when there was common knowledge about the mutually beneficial joint payoff for coordination compared to when there was only shared knowledge (such as secondary and tertiary knowledge states; Thomas et al., 2014). ...
... The goal of this project was to investigate how common knowledge promotes cooperation, testing the hypothesis that common knowledge increases cooperation by reducing uncertainty about others' cooperative behavior. Introducing thresholds to the PGG transforms the game from a pure social dilemma to an anti-coordination or coordination problem, and because common knowledge increases coordination (Thomas et al., 2014;Thomas et al., 2018), we predicted that common knowledge would increase contributions by decreasing the uncertainty surrounding whether other group members will contribute. In three studies, we manipulated the information participants had regarding what their group members knew about the threshold, as well as the level of threshold needed to receive the public good. ...
... Overall, our finding that common knowledge increased contributions supports recent work suggesting that common knowledge is an important mechanism for coordinating behavior (De Freitas et al., 2019;Thomas et al., 2014;Thomas et al., 2018). Our work builds upon this literature by showing that common knowledge not only increases cooperation in two-player coordination games, but that it can also increase cooperation in n-person coordination games that more closely model the kinds of cooperation problems we encounter in everyday life. ...
Article
Recent work suggests that an important cognitive mechanism promoting coordination is common knowledge—a heuristic for representing recursive mental states. Yet, we know little about how common knowledge promotes coordination. We propose that common knowledge increases coordination by reducing uncertainty about others' cooperative behavior. We examine how common knowledge increases cooperation in the context of a threshold public goods game, a public good game in which a minimum level of contribution—a threshold—is required. Across three preregistered studies (N = 5580), we explored how varying (1) the information participants had regarding what their group members knew about the threshold and (2) the threshold level affected contributions. We found that participants were more likely to contribute to the public good when there was common knowledge of the threshold than private knowledge. Participants' predictions about the number of group members contributing to the public good and their certainty ratings of those predictions mediated the effect of information condition on contributions. Our results suggest that common knowledge of the threshold increases public good contributions by reducing uncertainty around other people's cooperative behavior. These findings point to the influential role of common knowledge in helping to solve large-scale cooperation problems.
... Tradicionalmente, era común ver como el profesorado trataba de mantener el control sobre las emociones dentro del aula, mostrando al estudiantado la necesidad de someter a juicios razonables cualquier reacción emocional sin profundizar en su origen [15]. Estas tendencias se acentuaban aún mas con alumnos/as universitarios a quienes por su edad se les exigen reflexiones cada vez más profundas, lo que marca un notable predominio del pensamiento sobre las emociones Hoy en día los nuevos avances en neurociencia muestran como este modelo tradicional es erróneo y obsoleto, y cómo es conveniente aprovechar el potencial emocional del alumnado en beneficio de un aprendizaje más significativo. ...
... Casi todas las reacciones emocionales que surgen ante situaciones como la actual son de carácter negativo y vinculadas al miedo. Entre ellas, destacan algunas como la soledad, la tristeza, la impotencia o la incertidumbre, las cuales a su vez pueden generar síntomas como depresión, ansiedad o bloqueo [15]. Se puede ver, como ninguna de ellas se muestra idónea a la hora de afrontar un curso académico a nivel universitario y mucho menos pruebas de evaluación. ...
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La pandemia ocasionada por el coronavirus ha provocado una crisis sin precedentes en todos los ámbitos nacionales. El sistema educativo se ha visto envuelto en un cambio nunca antes visto que ha obligado a una transformación digital acelerada, suponiendo una modificación en el modelo de enseñanza-aprendizaje al que estábamos acostumbrados. Sin embargo, en paralelo a esta transformación una gran parte del estudiantado se ha visto afectada por la enfermedad provocada por el SARS-CoV-2 e incluso han sufrido el fallecimiento de algún familiar o persona cercana. En este trabajo se pretende realizar un acercamiento a la situación real que están viviendo los estudiantes de la Escuela Técnica Superior de Edificación durante la crisis sanitaria. Para ello, con ayuda de la técnica de la encuesta online, se ha consultado al alumnado acerca de su estado emocional actual y sus emociones ante el gran número de fallecimientos que cada día se retrasmiten en los medios de comunicación. Los resultados muestran como un elevado número de participantes, el 25.5%, ha sufrido el fallecimiento de algún familiar o allegado durante este tiempo de pandemia. Esto nos hace reflexionar sobre cómo está sobrellevando el sistema educativo universitario estas difíciles situaciones, si realmente se conocen y si se deberían poner más medios para mejorar el bienestar emocional del estudiantado. Abstract The pandemic caused by the coronavirus has caused an unprecedented crisis at all national levels. The education system has been involved in a change never seen before that has forced an accelerated digital transformation, assuming a modification in the teaching-learning model to which we were used. However, in parallel to this transformation, a large part of the student body has been affected by the disease caused by SARS-CoV-2 and has even suffered the death of a relative or close person. This work aims to make an approach to the real situation that students of the Higher Technical Building School are experiencing during the health crisis. To do this, with the help of the online survey technique, the students were consulted about their current emotional state and their emotions in the face of the large number of deaths that are broadcast in the media every day. The results show how a high number of participants, 25.5%, have suffered the death of a relative or close friend during this time of the pandemic. This makes us reflect on how the university educational system is coping with these difficult situations, if they are really known and if more means should be put in place to improve the emotional well-being of the student body
... We give study participants skeletal information about core actions and personal characteristics that might elicit shame but otherwise provide little or no information about situational variables that do seem to moderate the operation of shame: the presence or absence of an audience (Robertson et al., 2018;Smith et al., 2002); the characteristics of the audience (e.g., size; demographic characteristics; relative status; the values held by audiences; see Seta et al., 1989); the degree of knowledge the audience has about the individual's disreputable action or characteristics (Thomas et al., 2018;Zhu et al., 2019); and the way audiences actually respond (Dickerson et al., 2008). Absent information about these modifiers, we might observe response coherence in shame. ...
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The synchronized co-activation of multiple responses-motivational, behavioral, and physiological-has been taken as a defining feature of emotion. Such response coherence has been observed inconsistently however, and this has led some to view emotion programs as lacking biological reality. Yet, response coherence is not always expected or desirable if an emotion program is to carry out its adaptive function. Rather, the hallmark of emotion is the capacity to orchestrate multiple mechanisms adaptively-responses will co-activate in stereotypical fashion or not depending on how the emotion orchestrator interacts with the situation. Nevertheless, might responses cohere in the general case where input variables are specified minimally? Here we focus on shame as a case study. We measure participants' responses regarding each of 27 socially devalued actions and personal characteristics. We observe internal and external coherence: The intensities of felt shame and of various motivations of shame (hiding, lying, destroying evidence, and threatening witnesses) vary in proportion (i) to one another, and (ii) to the degree to which audiences devalue the disgraced individual-the threat shame defends against. These responses cohere both within and between the United States and India. Further, alternative explanations involving the low-level variable of arousal do not seem to account for these results, suggesting that coherence is imparted by a shame system. These findings indicate that coherence can be observed at multiple levels and raise the possibility that emotion programs orchestrate responses, even in those situations where coherence is low.
... Recently, researchers have investigated whether humans have adapted specifically to recognizing common knowledge as a separate cognitive category, distinct from both private and shared knowledge [6]. Controlled pure coordination experiments in social settings on market collaboration [56], the bystander effect [57], indirect speech [58], self-conscious emotions [59], and charity [60], consistently find that people indeed make strategically different choices under common knowledge conditions (typically presented in the form of public anouncements), compared to situations in which there is only private knowledge (in the form of private messages) or shared knowledge (private messages that elaborate on the depth of knowledge of other participants). Apart from seeing a clear benefit of common knowledge, some of these studies also showed that people have a hard time discriminating mistakenly worrying that Carol is offended by misunderstanding something Dave had said to Evelyn [42]. ...
Preprint
Common knowledge is a necessary condition for safe group coordination. When common knowledge can not be obtained, humans routinely use their ability to attribute beliefs and intentions in order to infer what is known. But such shared knowledge attributions are limited in depth and therefore prone to coordination failures, because any finite-order knowledge attribution allows for an even higher order attribution that may change what is known by whom. In three separate experiments we investigate to which degree human participants (N=802) are able to recognize the difference between common knowledge and nth-order shared knowledge. We use a new two-person coordination game with imperfect information that is able to cast the recursive game structure and higher-order uncertainties into a simple, everyday-like setting. Our results show that participants have a very hard time accepting the fact that common knowledge is not reducible to shared knowledge. Instead, participants try to coordinate even at the shallowest depths of shared knowledge and in spite of huge payoff penalties.
... With no third-party witnesses, the knowledge of exclusion is more likely to be shared, in that both parties know it occurred, rather than common, in that both parties know that the other knows that it occurred. The presence of an audience transforms the exclusion into a public and consensually undeniable fact: both parties know it occurred, and so does everyone else -which further con rms that the source and target are mutually aware of the o ense (Thomas et al., 2014(Thomas et al., , 2018. This transition from private to public recognition has the potential to make the target feel not just rejected, but stigmatized (Go man, 1963;Major & O'brien, 2005). ...
Article
Does social exclusion hurt more when an audience is present to witness it? Theories of reputation management and evolutionary fitness suggest that an audience would intensify the negative effects of social exclusion. Alternatively, the known benefits of social support suggest that an audience would buffer against the negative effects of exclusion. This question was addressed with two experiments varying the presence of an audience in an online ball-throwing game (Study 1) and in a large number of scenarios (Study 2). Findings suggest that effects of an audience depend on its physical immediacy: An audience helps when it is physically or temporally remote, but an audience hurts when it is physically present at the time of exclusion.
... The work progress has taken into account the research reflecting the main trends and strategically important ways of the development of the modern pedagogical science both in Russia and abroad (see: (Bebenina, 2018;Vinogradova, Romanova, Rydze, Kochurova, & Kuznetsova, 2011;Ivanova & Serikov, 2017;Fath, 2010;Hernández-Castillo & Pujol-Valls, 2019;Ivanov & Ivanova, 2017, Leibrandt, 2019Pache, 2012;Pinker, 2014;Thomas, DeScioli, & Pinker, 2018;Vladu, 2007;etc.). ...
... Pride is a highly pleasant emotion [49]; this internal reward can incentivize people to undertake and persevere at costly but socially valued courses of action [21,50,51]. Pride has a full-body display featuring an erect and expanded posture and gaze directed at the audience [3,48,52], and thus appears to generate common knowledge about the individual's enhanced value [53]. This display conveys achievement or dominance [3,17], is produced by congenitally blind individuals [47], and is recognized by young children [54] and by adults within and across cultures [55]. ...
Article
Pride, shame, and guilt color our highest and lowest personal moments. Recent evidence suggests that these self-conscious emotions are neurocognitive adaptations crafted by natural selection. Specifically, self-conscious emotions solve adaptive problems of social valuation by promoting the achievement of valued actions and characteristics to increase others’ valuations of the individual (pride); limiting information-triggered devaluation (shame); and remedying events where one put insufficient weight on the welfare of a valuable other (guilt). This adaptationist perspective predicts a form–function fit: a correspondence between the adaptive function of a self-conscious emotion and its information-processing structure. This framework can parsimoniously explain known facts about self-conscious emotions, make sense of puzzling findings, generate novel hypotheses, and explain why self-conscious emotions have their characteristic self-reflexive phenomenology.
... When others discover reputation-damaging information, the individual withdraws (26), appeases (27), and produces a phylogenetically ancient stereotyped nonverbal display (16,17,28) that signals subordination: that is, that less weight on their welfare is acceptable (29). When the discrediting information becomes common knowledge (30), people behave in a more cooperative fashion (22,31), a predicted response for a system designed to restore one's reputation as a good cooperative partner (32). [If cooperative overtures are not successful or cost-effective, the system can switch to aggression (33,34) as its remaining negotiating tool; one reason why people are proud of aggressive formidability, and ashamed of weakness.] ...
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Human foragers are obligately group-living, and their high dependence on mutual aid is believed to have characterized our species' social evolution. It was therefore a central adaptive problem for our ancestors to avoid damaging the willingness of other group members to render them assistance. Cognitively, this requires a predictive map of the degree to which others would devalue the individual based on each of various possible acts. With such a map, an individual can avoid socially costly behaviors by anticipating how much audience devaluation a potential action (e.g., stealing) would cause and weigh this against the action's direct payoff (e.g., acquiring). The shame system manifests all of the functional properties required to solve this adaptive problem, with the aversive intensity of shame encoding the social cost. Previous data from three Western(ized) societies indicated that the shame evoked when the individual anticipates committing various acts closely tracks the magnitude of devaluation expressed by audiences in response to those acts. Here we report data supporting the broader claim that shame is a basic part of human biology. We conducted an experiment among 899 participants in 15 small-scale communities scattered around the world. Despite widely varying languages, cultures, and subsistence modes, shame in each community closely tracked the devaluation of local audiences (mean r = +0.84). The fact that the same pattern is encountered in such mutually remote communities suggests that shame's match to audience devaluation is a design feature crafted by selection and not a product of cultural contact or convergent cultural evolution.
... Pride is a highly pleasant emotion (45); this internal reward can incentivize people to undertake and persevere at costly but socially valued courses of action (46,47). Pride has a full-body display featuring an erect and expanded posture and gaze directed at the audience (12,42,48), and thus it appears to generate common knowledge about the individual's enhanced value (49). This display conveys achievement or dominance (10,12,50,51), is produced by congenitally blind individuals (45), and is recognized by young children (52) and by adults within and across cultures (53). ...
Article
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Becoming valuable to fellow group members so that one would attract assistance in times of need is a major adaptive problem. To solve it, the individual needs a predictive map of the degree to which others value different acts so that, in choosing how to act, the payoff arising from others' valuation of a potential action (e.g., showing bandmates that one is a skilled forager by pursuing a hard-to-acquire prey item) can be added to the direct payoff of the action (e.g., gaining the nutrients of the prey captured). The pride system seems to incorporate all of the elements necessary to solve this adaptive problem. Importantly, data from western(-ized), educated, industrialized, rich, and democratic (WEIRD) societies indicate close quantitative correspondences between pride and the valuations of audiences. Do those results generalize beyond industrial mass societies? To find out, we conducted an experiment among 567 participants in 10 small-scale societies scattered across Central and South America, Africa, and Asia: (i) Bosawás Reserve, Nicaragua; (ii) Cotopaxi, Ecuador; (iii) Drâa-Tafilalet, Morocco; (iv) Enugu, Nigeria; (v) Le Morne, Mauritius; (vi) La Gaulette, Mauritius; (vii) Tuva, Russia; (viii) Shaanxi and Henan, China; (ix) farming communities in Japan; and (x) fishing communities in Japan. Despite widely varying languages, cultures, and subsistence modes, pride in each community closely tracked the valuation of audiences locally (mean r = +0.66) and even across communities (mean r = +0.29). This suggests that the pride system not only develops the same functional architecture everywhere but also operates with a substantial degree of universality in its content.
... For instance, shame causes people to avoid eye contact and speaking, and to withdraw from social situations, all of which can prevent damaging common knowledge from forming in others' minds (cf. Thomas, DeScioli, & Pinker, 2018). In the characteristic display of shame, the head is tilted downward and the posture is slumped, which conveys submission and acknowledgement that one's reputation has been impaired (Fessler, 1999;Keltner & Buswell, 1997;Tracy, Robins, & Schriber, 2009). ...
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What is the trigger of shame? The information threat theory holds that shame is an evolved adaptation that is designed to limit the likelihood and costs of others forming negative beliefs about the self. By contrast, attributional theories posit that concerns over others’ evaluations are irrelevant to shame. Instead, shame is triggered when a person attributes a negative outcome to their self, rather than to a particular act or circumstance. We conduct a strong test of the information threat hypothesis. In Study 1, participants imagined taking an action that, though morally unimpeachable, could be interpreted unfavorably by others. As predicted by the information threat theory, shame increased with the publicity of this act. In Study 2, participants played a public good game and then learned that the other participants either chose to keep interacting with them (inclusion) or not (exclusion)—ostensibly because of their contributions, but in fact randomly determined by the experimenter. Exclusion increased shame. Under-contribution did not. In fact, even the highest contributors tended to feel shame when excluded. These findings strongly suggest that the true trigger of shame is the prospect or actuality of being devalued by others.
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The adaptationist approach of evolutionary psychology provides a model of substantial scope for understanding the function of human behavior, however harmful it is. In this article the evolutionary importance of social belonging is discussed, as is its relevance to why people deny stigmatised harmful behavior, and the potential problems of labeling them by it. Evolution reveals how natural selection has shaped the human nervous system for threat-detection, and cooperation. It casts a light on why people convicted of harmful and stigmatised behavior may hide, deny and lie as a means of limiting social devaluation and maintaining their fitness to belong in groups. For all our efforts as forensic practitioners to empower people to pro-socially reconnect and lead safer crime-free lives, endlessly associating them with their most unacceptable and harmful acts, might not help. Evolutionary forensic psychology and evolutionary criminology are sub-disciplines of science that are progressively emerging. They place the adaptationist approach of evolution science front and center in the study and theory of criminal behaviour. This article aims to offer an example of this synergy, but with a specific focus on forensic practice itself.
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People often coordinate for mutual gain, such as keeping to opposite sides of a stairway, dubbing an object or place with a name, or assembling en masse to protest a regime. Because successful coordination requires complementary choices, these opportunities raise the puzzle of how people attain the common knowledge that facilitates coordination, in which a person knows X, knows that the other knows X, knows that the other knows that he knows, ad infinitum. We show that people are highly sensitive to the distinction between common knowledge and mere private or shared knowledge, and that they deploy this distinction strategically in diverse social situations that have the structure of coordination games, including market cooperation, innuendo, bystander intervention, attributions of charitability, self-conscious emotions, and moral condemnation.
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Typical human color vision is trichromatic, on the basis that we have three distinct classes of photoreceptors. A recent evolutionary account posits that trichromacy facilitates detecting subtle skin color changes to better distinguish important social states related to proceptivity, health, and emotion in others. Across two experiments, we manipulated the facial color appearance of images consistent with a skin blood perfusion response and asked participants to evaluate the perceived attractiveness, health, and anger of the face (trichromatic condition). We additionally simulated what these faces would look like for three dichromatic conditions (protanopia, deuteranopia, tritanopia). The results demonstrated that flushed (relative to baseline) faces were perceived as more attractive, healthy, and angry in the trichromatic and tritanopia conditions, but not in the protanopia and deuteranopia conditions. The results provide empirical support for the social perception account of trichromatic color vision evolution and lead to systematic predictions of social perception based on ecological social perception theory.
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We test the theory that shame evolved as a defense against being devalued by others. By hypothesis, shame is a neurocomputational program tailored by selection to orchestrate cognition, motivation, physiology, and behavior in the service of: (i) deterring the individual from making choices where the prospective costs of devaluation exceed the benefits, (ii) preventing negative information about the self from reaching others, and (iii) minimizing the adverse effects of devaluation when it occurs. Because the unnecessary activation of a defense is costly, the shame system should estimate the magnitude of the devaluative threat and use those estimates to cost-effectively calibrate its activation: Traits or actions that elicit more negative evaluations from others should elicit more shame. As predicted, shame closely tracks the threat of devaluation in the United States (r = .69), India (r = .79), and Israel (r = .67). Moreover, shame in each country strongly tracks devaluation in the others, suggesting that shame and devaluation are informed by a common species-wide logic of social valuation. The shame-devaluation link is also specific: Sadness and anxiety-emotions that coactivate with shame-fail to track devaluation. To our knowledge, this constitutes the first empirical demonstration of a close, specific match between shame and devaluation within and across cultures.
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Prior to, or concurrent with, the encoding of concepts into speech, the individual faces decisions about whether, what, when, how, and with whom to communicate. Compared to the existing wealth of linguistic knowledge however, we know little of the mechanisms that govern the delivery and accrual of information. Here we focus on a fundamental issue of communication: The decision whether to deliver information. Specifically, we study spontaneous confession to a victim. Given the costs of social devaluation, offenders are hypothesized to refrain from confessing unless the expected benefits of confession (e.g. enabling the victim to remedially modify their course of action) outweigh its marginal costs—the victim’s reaction, discounted by the likelihood that information about the offense has not leaked. The logic of welfare tradeoffs indicates that the victim’s reaction will be less severe and, therefore, less costly to the offender, with decreases in the cost of the offense to the victim and, counter-intuitively, with increases in the benefit of the offense to the offender. Data from naturalistic offenses and experimental studies supported these predictions. Offenders are more willing to confess when the benefit of the offense to them is high, the cost to the victim is low, and the probability of information leakage is high. This suggests a conflict of interests between senders and receivers: Often, offenders are more willing to confess when confessions are less beneficial to the victims. An evolutionary-computational framework is a fruitful approach to understanding the factors that regulate communication.
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Research on human cooperation has concentrated on the puzzle of altruism, in which 1 actor incurs a cost to benefit another, and the psychology of reciprocity, which evolved to solve this problem. We examine the complementary puzzle of mutualism, in which actors can benefit each other simultaneously, and the psychology of coordination, which ensures such benefits. Coordination is facilitated by common knowledge: the recursive belief state in which A knows X, B knows X, A knows that B knows X, B knows that A knows X, ad infinitum. We test whether people are sensitive to common knowledge when deciding whether to engage in risky coordination. Participants decided between working alone for a certain profit and working together for a potentially higher profit that they would receive only if their partner made the same choice. Results showed that more participants attempted risky coordination when they and their prospective partner had common knowledge of the payoffs (broadcast over a loudspeaker) than when they had only shared knowledge (conveyed to both by a messenger) or private knowledge (revealed to each partner separately). These results support the hypothesis that people represent common knowledge as a distinct cognitive category that licenses them to coordinate with others for mutual gain. We discuss how this hypothesis can provide a unified explanation for diverse phenomena in human social life, including recursive mentalizing, performative speech acts, public protests, hypocrisy, and self-conscious emotional expressions. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2014 APA, all rights reserved).
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What function do facial expressions have? We tested the hypothesis that some expressions serve as honest signals of subjective commitments-in particular, that angry faces increase the effectiveness of threats. In an ultimatum game, proposers decided how much money to offer a responder while seeing a film clip depicting an angry or a neutral facial expression, together with a written threat that was either inherently credible (a 50-50 split) or less credible (a demand for 70% of the money). Proposers offered greater amounts in response to the less credible threat when it was accompanied by an angry expression than when it was accompanied by a neutral expression, but were unaffected by the expression when dealing with the credible threat. This finding supports the hypothesis that angry expressions are honest signals that enhance the credibility of threats.
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Many puzzling social behaviors, such as avoiding eye contact, using innuendos, and insignificant events that trigger revolutions, seem to relate to common knowledge and coordination, but the exact relationship has yet to be formalized. Herein, we present such a formalization. We state necessary and sufficient conditions for what we call state-dependent equilibria --- equilibria where players play different strategies in different states of the world. In particular, if everybody behaves a certain way (e.g. does not revolt) in the usual state of the world, then in order for players to be able to behave a different way (e.g. revolt) in another state of the world, it is both necessary and sufficient for it to be common p-believed that it is not the usual state of the world, where common p-belief is a relaxation of common knowledge introduced by Monderer and Samet [16]. Our framework applies to many player r-coordination games --- a generalization of coordination games that we introduce --- and common (r,p)-beliefs --- a generalization of common p-beliefs that we introduce. We then apply these theorems to two particular signaling structures to obtain novel results.
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In two studies we found that feelings of guilt provoke individuals to cooperate in repeated social bargaining games (a prisoner's dilemma in Study 1 and an ultimatum game in Study 2). Feelings of guilt were either experimentally manipulated (Study 1) or assessed via self-report (Study 2) after participants had played one round of a social bargaining game. As predicted, individuals who experienced feelings of guilt (compared to individuals who felt no guilt) after pursuing a non-cooperative strategy in the first round of play, displayed higher levels of cooperation in the subsequent round of play (even one week later). Results are discussed in terms of an “affect-as-information” model, which suggests that non-cooperating individuals who experience the negative affective state associated with guilt in a social bargaining game may be using this feeling state as “information” about the future costs of pursuing an uncooperative strategy. Because in guilt the focus is on the specific, individuals are capable of ridding themselves of this emotional state through action (Lewis, 1993, p. 570)
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Self-conscious emotions (e.g., shame, pride) are fundamentally important to a wide range of psychological processes, yet they have received relatively little attention compared to other, more "basic" emotions (e.g., sadness, joy). This article outlines the unique features that distinguish self-conscious from basic emotions and then explains why generally accepted models of basic emotions do not adequately capture the self-conscious emotion process. The authors present a new model of self-conscious emotions, specify a set of predictions derived from the model, and apply the model to narcissistic self-esteem regulation. Finally, the authors discuss the model's broader implications for future research on self and emotion.
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The classical definition of altruism in evolutionary biology requires that an organism incur a fitness cost in the course of providing others with a fitness benefit. New insights are gained, however, by exploring the implications of an adaptationist version of the 'problem of altruism,' as the existence of machinery designed to deliver benefits to others. Alternative pathways for the evolution of altruism are discussed, which avoid barriers thought to limit the emergence of reciprocation across species. We define the Banker's Paradox, and show how its solution can select for cognitive machinery designed to deliver benefits to others, even in the absence of traditional reciprocation. These models allow one to understand aspects of the design and social dynamics of human friendship that are otherwise mysterious. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
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ABSTRACT In this article, we report investigations of four role-playing experiments and one laboratory manipulation that examine the effects of confession on forgiveness and other related judgments. The basic paradigm in the simulation studies was to reveal that a political figure or student in a class confessed either following or not following an accusation, or denied personal responsibility for the act. Among the variables manipulated were the attributions for the wrongdoing and the spontaneity of the confession. The dependent variables in one or more investigations included the perceived personal character of the trangressor, attributions of responsibility for the act, affective reactions of sympathy and anger, forgiveness, and behavioral judgments such as sanctioning and voting likelihood. In the laboratory manipulation study, a mixed-motive game setting was used in which a confederate confessed to having prior knowledge that resulted in his winning the game. We then examined whether this admission influenced subsequent cooperation and competition, as well as the other players' perceptions of the confederate's personality and character. Confession was found to have strong beneficial effects, particularly when given without a prior accusation and in ambiguous causal situations.
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We hypothesize that there is a general bias, based on both innate predispositions and experience, in animals and humans, to give greater weight to negative entities (e.g., events, objects, personal traits). This is manifested in 4 ways: (a) negative potency (negative entities are stronger than the equivalent positive entities), (b) steeper negative gradients (the negativity of negative events grows more rapidly with approach to them in space or time than does the positivity of positive events, (c) negativity dominance (combinations of negative and positive entities yield evaluations that are more negative than the algebraic sum of individual subjective valences would predict), and (d) negative differentiation (negative entities are more varied, yield more complex conceptual representations, and engage a wider response repertoire). We review evidence for this taxonomy, with emphasis on negativity dominance, including literary, historical, religious, and cultural sources, as well as the psychological literatures on learning, attention, impression formation, contagion, moral judgment, development, and memory. We then consider a variety of theoretical accounts for negativity bias. We suggest that I feature of negative events that make them dominant is that negative entities are more contagious than positive entities.
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People often use indirect speech, for example, when trying to bribe a police officer by asking whether there might be “a way to take care of things without all the paperwork.” Recent game theoretic accounts suggest that a speaker uses indirect speech to reduce public accountability for socially risky behaviors. The present studies examine a secondary function of indirect speech use: increasing the perceived moral permissibility of an action. Participants report that indirect speech is associated with reduced accountability for unethical behavior, as well as increased moral permissibility and increased likelihood of unethical behavior. Importantly, moral permissibility was a stronger mediator of the effect of indirect speech on likelihood of action, for judgments of one's own versus others' unethical action. In sum, the motorist who bribes the police officer with winks and nudges may not only avoid public punishment but also maintain the sense that his actions are morally permissible.
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Prevailing theory assumes that people enforce norms in order to pressure others to act in ways that they approve. Yet there are numerous examples of “unpopular norms” in which people compel each other to do things that they privately disapprove. While peer sanctioning suggests a ready explanation for why people conform to unpopular norms, it is harder to understand why they would enforce a norm they privately oppose. The authors argue that people enforce unpopular norms to show that they have complied out of genuine conviction and not because of social pressure. They use laboratory experiments to demonstrate this “false enforcement” in the context of a wine tasting and an academic text evaluation. Both studies find that participants who conformed to a norm due to social pressure then falsely enforced the norm by publicly criticizing a lone deviant. A third study shows that enforcement of a norm effectively signals the enforcer’s genuine support for the norm. These results demonstrate the potential for a vicious cycle in which perceived pressures to conform to and falsely enforce an unpopular norm reinforce one another.
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In recent studies of the structure of affect, positive and negative affect have consistently emerged as two dominant and relatively independent dimensions. A number of mood scales have been created to measure these factors; however, many existing measures are inadequate, showing low reliability or poor convergent or discriminant validity. To fill the need for reliable and valid Positive Affect and Negative Affect scales that are also brief and easy to administer, we developed two 10-item mood scales that comprise the Positive and Negative Affect Schedule (PANAS). The scales are shown to be highly internally consistent, largely uncorrelated, and stable at appropriate levels over a 2-month time period. Normative data and factorial and external evidence of convergent and discriminant validity for the scales are also presented. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2010 APA, all rights reserved)
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focus on a unique set of [self-conscious] emotions that emerge late and that require certain cognitive abilities for their elicitation / [focus] on shame, pride, guilt, and embarrassment / articulate the role of self in their elicitation / [elaborate] a working definition through a cognitive–attributional model (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
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"Passions Within Reason" re-evaluates the traditional models of human behavior in light of "a simple paradox," as Frank states, "namely, that in many situations the conscious pursuit of self-interest is incompatible with its attainment." The self interest theory inspires self-interest; we expect the worst of others and act accordingly. But Frank shows, with many eloquent examples taken from a whole range of human behavior, that pure self interest leads to disaster, for oneself and society. In "Passions Within Reason" Frank incorporates new developments from biology, psychology, and game and bargaining theory into a micro-economic theory that transcends the traditional "rational choice" model. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
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According to appeasement hypotheses, embarrassment should have a distinct nonverbal display that is more readily perceived when displayed by individuals from lower status groups. The evidence from 5 studies supported these two claims. The nonverbal behavior of embarrassment was distinct from a related emotion (amusement), resembled the temporal pattern of facial expressions of emotion, was uniquely related to self-reports of embarrassment, and was accurately identified by observers who judged the spontaneous displays of various emotions. Across the judgment studies, observers were more accurate and attributed more emotion to the embarrassment displays of female and African-American targets than those of male and Caucasian targets. Discussion focused on the universality and appeasement function of the embarrassment display. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
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ABSTRACT In this study, the correlates of embarrassability, or chronic susceptibility to embarrassment, were examined. Competing theoretical models suggest either that embarrassable people should be especially concerned about others' evaluations of them or that they should lack social skills. Further, shyness and embarrassment are typically considered to be closely related states. To test these propositions, 310 participants provided extensive self-reports of social skill, fear of negative evaluation, self-esteem, self-consciousness, and negative affectivity. Regression and factor analyses indicated that, compared to those of low embarrassability, highly embarrassable people are particularly concerned with the normative appropriateness of behavior and are more motivated to avoid rejection from others. In contrast, shyness was best predicted by low social self-confidence and low social skill. The data best support a social-evaluation model of embarrassment and argue that embarrassability is linked to the appropriateness of social behavior, and shyness to its effectiveness.
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Utterances are housed not in paragraphs, but in turns at talk-occasions implying a temporary taking of the floor, as well as an alternation of takers. Turns themselves are naturally coupled into two-party interchanges. Interchanges are linked in runs marked off by some sort of topicality. One or more of these topical runs make up the body of a conversation. This interactionist view assumes that every utterance is a statement establishing the next speaker's words as a reply, or a reply to what the prior speaker has just established, or a mixture of both. Utterances, then, do not stand by them¬selves-indeed, they often make no sense when so heard-but are constructed and timed to support the close social collaboration of speech turn-taking. In nature the spoken word is only found in verbal interplay, being integrally designed for such collective habitats. However, this paper considers some roguish utterances that appear to violate this interdependence, entering the stream of behavior at peculiar and un-natural places, producing communicative effects but no dialog. The paper begins with a special class of spoken sentences and ends with a special class of vocalizations-the first failing to qualify as communication, the second failing not to.
Chapter
IntroductionThe Characteristics That Distinguish Basic EmotionsDoes Any One Characteristic Distinguish the Basic Emotions?The Value of the Basic Emotions PositionAcknowledgementsReferences
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Economic theories of legal compliance emphasize legal sanctions, whereas psychological and sociological theories stress the perceived legitimacy of law. Without disputing the importance of either mechanism, we test a third way that law affects behavior, an expressive theory that claims law influences behavior by creating a focal point around which individuals coordinate. We investigated how various forms of third-party “cheap talk” influence the behavior of subjects in a Hawk/Dove or Chicken game. Despite the players’ conflicting interests, we found that messages highlighting an equilibrium tend to produce that outcome. Most striking, this result emerged even when the message was selected by an overtly random, mechanical process. We obtained a similar result when the message was delivered by a third-party subject; the latter effect was significantly stronger than the former only when the subject speaker was selected by a merit-based process. These results suggest that, in certain circumstances, law generates compliance not only by sanctions and legitimacy, but also by facilitating coordination around a focal outcome.
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The notions of common knowledge or common belief play an important role in several areas of computer science (e.g. distributed systems, communication), in philosophy, game theory, artificial intelligence, psychology and many other fields which deal with the interaction within a group of “agents”, agreement or coordinated actions. In the following we will present several deductive systems for common knowledge above epistemic logics –such as K, T, S4 and S5 –with a fixed number of agents. We focus on structural and proof-theoretic properties of these calculi.
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Confessions after failures are socially desirable. However, confessions also bear the risk of punishment. In a laboratory experiment I examine how confessions work. I analyze whether the willingness to punish harmful failures depends on how the harmed party has learned about the outcome. The harmed party can learn about the outcome via random detection or self-report by the performer. I find that confessions are a powerful instrument: punishment for confessed failures is less likely than for randomly detected failures.
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Prevailing theory assumes that people enforce norms in order to pressure others to act in ways that they approve. Yet there are numerous examples of "unpopular norms" in which people compel each other to do things that they privately disapprove. While peer sanctioning suggests a ready explanation for why people conform to unpopular norms, it is harder to understand why they would enforce a norm they privately oppose. The authors argue that people enforce unpopular norms to show that they have complied out of genuine conviction and not because of social pressure. They use laboratory experiments to demonstrate this "false enforcement" in the context of a wine tasting and an academic text evaluation. Both studies find that participants who conformed to a norm due to social pressure then falsely enforced the norm by publicly criticizing a lone deviant. A third study shows that enforcement of a norm effectively signals the enforcer's genuine support for the norm. These results demonstrate the potential for a vicious cycle in which perceived pressures to conform to and falsely enforce an unpopular norm reinforce one another.
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To examine the Social Self Preservation Theory, which predicts that stressors involving social evaluative threat (SET) characteristically activate the hypothalamic-pituitary-adrenal (HPA) axis. The idea that distinct psychosocial factors may underlie specific patterns of neuroendocrine stress responses has been a topic of recurrent debate. Sixty-one healthy university students (n = 31 females) performed a challenging speech task in one of three conditions that aimed to impose increasing levels of SET: performing the task alone (no social evaluation), with one evaluating observer, or with four evaluating observers. Indices of sympathetic (preejection period) and parasympathetic (heart rate variability) cardiac drive were obtained by impedance- and electrocardiography. Salivary cortisol was used to index HPA activity. Questionnaires assessed affective responses. Affective responses (shame/embarrassment, anxiety, negative affect, and self-esteem), cortisol, heart rate, sympathetic and parasympathetic activation all differentiated evaluative from nonevaluative task conditions (p < .001). The largest effect sizes were observed for cardiac autonomic responses. Physiological reactivity increased in parallel with increasing audience size (p < .001). An increase in cortisol was predicted by sympathetic activation during the task (p < .001), but not by affective responses. It would seem that SET determines the magnitude, rather than the pattern, of physiological activation. This potential to perturb broadly multiple physiological systems may help explain why social stress has been associated with a range of health outcomes. We propose a threshold-activation model as a physiological explanation for why engaging stressors, such as those involving social evaluation or uncontrollability, may seem to induce selectively cortisol release.