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Citizenship: Feminist Perspectives
Abstract
The second edition of this classic text substantially revises and extends the original, so as to take account of theoretical and policy developments and to enhance its international scope. Drawing on a range of disciplines and literatures, the book provides an unusually broad account of citizenship. It recasts traditional thinking about the concept so as to pinpoint important theoretical issues and their political and policy implications for women in their diversity. Themes of inclusion and exclusion (at national and international level), rights and participation, inequality and difference are thus all brought to the fore in the development of a woman-friendly, gender-inclusive theory and praxis of citizenship.
... Kansalaisuudella voidaan viitata ainakin kansalaisasemaan, joka määrittää yksilön mahdollisuuksia osallistua kansallisvaltiossa ja sen poliittisessa järjestelmässä, yksilön identiteettiin, arvo-tai kulttuuriyhteisöön kuulumiseen sekä yksilön ymmärrykseen yhteiskunnan rakenteista ja toimintatavoista (Abowitz & Harnish 2006). Kansalaisasemassa (status) on kyse siitä, että on kansalainen täysin kansalaisoikeuksin, jotka ovat välttämättömiä edustuksellisuudelle sekä sosiaaliselle ja poliittiselle osallistumiselle (Lister 1997;Isin 2012, 109-110). Suomessa lapsi saa kansalaisen aseman useimmiten vanhempien kansalaisuuden mukaan (Suomen perustuslaki, 5 §), Aleksin sanoin "kun syntyy tänne". ...
... Tutkimuksessani valotan kansalaisuutta esimerkiksi suomalaisen hyvinvointivaltion, globaalin koronapandemian ja itsenäistymiseen liittyvien odotusten näkökulmista. Kansalaisuuteen on sisäänrakennettu ajatus siitä, että toiset ihmiset tulevat määritellyiksi kansalaisuuden piiriin ja toiset jäävät sen ulkopuolelle (Isin & Turner 2002;Lister 1997;Werbner & Yuval-Davis 1999;Isin 2008). Kansalaisuuden kokemuksiin vaikuttavat mekanismit, jotka toisinaan sysäävät itsenäistyviä nuoria ulos kansalaisena osallistumisen mahdollisuuksista sekä keskenään eriarvoisiin kansalaisasemiin, jäävät usein piiloon (Yuval-Davis 2006;Lister 2008;Fahnøe & Warming 2017, 251-252). ...
... Niissä kansalaisuutta on lähestytty naisten, lasten, nuorten, vähemmistöjen ja muiden marginalisoitujen ryhmien näkökulmasta (esim. Lister 1997;Moosa-Mitha 2005;Dominelli & Moosa-Mitha 2014). Esimerkiksi feministisen kansalaisuuskritiikin keskeisen argumentin mukaan kansalaisasemaan ja kansalaisoikeuksiin ja -velvollisuuksiin perustuva kansalaisuus on rakentunut mieheyden normille ja on patriarkaalinen rajoittaessaan yhteiskunnan täysivaltaisen jäsenyyden julkiseen sfääriin, johon naiset, mutta myös lapset ja nuoret, ovat usein miehiä heikommin kiinnittyneitä (Pateman 1988, 236). ...
... Observa-se, então, que as desigualdades persistem devido a um "falso universalismo" dos modelos convencionais de cidadania que atuariam igualmente para todas as pessoas, sem contornar diferenças de interesses e tampouco abarcar todas as possibilidades (Lister, 1997;Oliveira, 2013). Essas apreciações estão, portanto, no cerne da emergência de uma cidadania trans, articuladora de questões provenientes das experiências dissidentes que vão além de um padrão binário de entendimento dos gêneros na resposta às demandas por diversidade identitária Geisler & Martins, 2015). ...
... Além disso, o fato de pessoas trans considerarem-se transfeministas (Jesus, 2015;Nascimento, 2021), permite que estejam inseridas em ambos os espaços e sejam o elo entre eles (Lister, 1997). ...
This thesis aims to analyze the parenting experiences of trans men in Brazil and Portugal, in dialogue with the frameworks of intimate, sexual and reproductive citizenship in each context. To this end, the mechanisms for normative and social acceptance of health and parenting demands and the promotion of social policies were considered. Although some progress has been made on the subject, situations of reproductive vulnerability, social isolation and deprivation of rights were the focus of the 16 biographical-narrative interviews in this investigation. Through thematic analysis, it was possible to uncover some of the strategies used by the interlocutors to compensate for the absence of the state, such as peer support, which is fundamental in the search for acceptance and recognition, from a perspective of interdependence and the development of an ethic of trans care. Resisting the pathologizing tendency of the current biomedical panorama that informs policies and regulations, while challenging social representations of pregnancy, childbirth and responsibility for parental care, has relocated these men to different places on the scale of "being a man" in Western society. The establishment of parenting relationships, whether through biological pregnancy or as a result of affective relationships, has shown the development of skills, the learning of daily care and has allowed the re-signification of stories of abandonment and abuse that permeated their experiences. However, the lack of social and institutional recognition of these experiences revealed the systematic deprivation of access to citizenship levels, hindering the possibilities of generating offspring and exercising parental care. This situation means that not only reproductive technologies in the area of health, but also the guarantees of the law need to be put into effect, starting with the normalization of bodily and reproductive dissidence from a perspective of self-determination over sexuality, fertility and bodily and sexual integrity. As long as these experiences are excluded from regimes of intelligibility, models of reproductive practice and care will not be transformed.
... Feminist and post-colonial scholars have convincingly shown how this abstract conception of the citizen is built around a 'false universalism where the norm for a 'citizen' is a white, heterosexual, non-disabled adult malea norm that cannot address different needs and contributions' (Warming & Fahnøe, 2017, p. 5). Scholars have shown how the contractual character of rights has in fact always been based on the exclusion of women, racialised minorities and children from the domains of participatory citizenship (Invernizzi & Williams, 2007;Lister, 1997Lister, , 1998Lister, , 2007Mills, 1997;Moosa-Mitha, 2005;Pateman, 1989). This discrepancy between, on the one hand, being granted the legal status and formal rights of citizenship and, on the other, having substantial access and real-life opportunities to exert those rights, means that the institution of citizenship entails racial, ethnic, class, gender and age-based divisions and hierarchies, which result in different modes of participation and belonging for different categories of people. ...
... Analysing experiences of leaving care from a lived citizenship perspective sheds light on the considerable gap between citizenship as status and citizenship as a practice with regard to the participants in this study (Lister, 1997). To be a citizen puts emphasis on the juridical and sociological dimensions of belonging and the formal citizenship rights necessary for social and political participation. ...
... While necessary for the quality of democracy, societal democratization faces important challenges. Who is seen as a citizen largely depends on the in/exclusionary boundaries that formally define the concept and citizenship rights in different times and contexts (Lister 1997). Even when citizens are formally equal, informal rules based on power and privilege determine who is represented (women and minoritized groups have fewer opportunities to be present and make their claims in political institutions; Phillips 1998) and who can speak in the public sphere, when democratic deliberation processes are biased toward the more powerful actors (Young 1990) in terms of gender, race, ethnicity, class, and sexuality (Fraser 1990). ...
Democracy is an ongoing process that involves society as a whole, not merely politics. Anti-gender politics challenges democratization in all areas of society. Therefore, a gendered theory of society capable of grasping the broader social logics of anti-gender politics is needed to understand the latter's challenges to societal democratization. Gender regime theory, in Sylvia Walby and Mieke Verloo's conceptualization, is proposed as the macrolevel theory of society that enhances our understanding of the gendered social relations that transnational and national anti-gender forces envision in their anti-democratic project of society. The analysis of anti-gender politics in the domains of economy, polity, violence, civil society, cathexis, and episteme, their interactions, and hegemon dynamics allows for an understanding of how anti-gender politics manifests in the different domains and how opportunities created for anti-gender projects in specific domains contribute to the development of "anti-gender regimes" and hinder societal democratization.
... As diferenças das famílias podem ser acolhidas em parceria pelos professores formando uma comunidade escolar(EPSTEIN, 2011). ParaLister (2003), é um desafio vivido por inúmeras mães e pais na atualidade, conciliar a jornada profissional, a independência financeira e a família. O stress causado pelo acúmulo de tarefas das famílias é acolhido como direito de transformar a tensão, em tempo de cuidado compartilhado (GRÖNLUND; Öun, 2020). ...
Esta revisão de literatura integrativa tem o objetivo de compreender o processo de acolhimento da criança bem pequena e dos pais no ambiente coletivo. Para a seleção dos artigos foram utilizados os descritores: adaptação, criança bem pequena, creche, pais em português, inglês e espanhol, com a combinação do operador booleano AND e OR. Os artigos foram coletados nas seguintes bases de dados: periódicos da Capes, Web of Science e EBSCO, considerando o período de 2014 a 2022. O número de artigos selecionados para leitura integral foi de 21 publicações, que levaram à discussão de cinco categorias: adaptação e acolhimento de bebês a partir da separação materna; acolhimento como direito da criança e da família; colaboração entre os professores e a família; acolhimento das identidades sociais e culturais parentais; e individuação parental como processo de acolhimento consciente. Os resultados demonstram que a adaptação de bebês como processo parental vivido em confiança, gera maior segurança na separação materna da criança. O acolhimento como direito da criança e da família, deveria respeitar mais as identidades sociais e culturais. A colaboração entre escola e família no processo de acolhimento proporciona uma individuação parental de menos sofrimento. As práticas de cuidado e educação compartilhadas, fortalecem o desenvolvimento da criança e o autoconhecimento de mães e pais.
... Kolejną ramą odniesienia są dla nas feministyczne analizy polityki społecznej czy polityki publicznej (zob. przegląd badań: Lister, 1997, s. 168-194, Kurowska i in., 2016Klimczak i Wódz, 2020, przykładowe badania uwzględniające Polskę: Szelewa, 2012Rawłuszko, 2020). Nawiązujemy przede wszystkim do używanego na ich gruncie pojęcia familializmu, którym określa się model polityki publicznej oparty na (ukrytym) założeniu o opiekuńczych obowiązkach kobiet, w którym państwo wycofuje się ze wsparcia rodziny w tym obszarze (Kurowska, 2016;Szelewa, 2017). ...
Celem artykułu jest analiza norm kulturowych i przekonań dotyczących ról płciowych ujawniających się w działaniach urzędniczek pierwszego kontaktu w powiatowych urzędach pracy w Polsce. Przedmiotem analizy jest realizacja normy obowiązku pracy oraz normy włączenia w pracę wobec „matek małych dzieci” jako grupy osób bezrobotnych, skonstruowanej w praktykach urzędniczek i wskazywanych przez nie w wywiadach. Kontekstem badania jest okres obowiązywania profilowania osób bezrobotnych w urzędach pracy w Polsce. Dawało ono personelowi PUP dodatkowe narzędzia do kategoryzowania osób bezrobotnych. Autorki zauważają, że różnicowanie oczekiwań i praktyk wobec „matek małych dzieci” może przyczyniać się do dezaktywizacji zawodowej tej grupy kobiet oraz wzmacniania polityki familializmu. Analizując działania dwóch urzędów, wyróżniają ograniczony i nieograniczony familializm. Wnioski dotyczą dalszych zmian w polityce rynku pracy.
... 1 Although intergenerational co-residence may have important implications on the economic and non-economic well-being of all co-resident household members, only few studies focus on its implications for the economic well-being of dependent children in Europe. 2 To our knowledge, the more detailed study that examines this issue explicitly is that by Verbist et al. (2020). In their study Verbist et al. (2020) analyse child poverty outcomes within three-generation households and arrive to the 1 The concept of defamilisation refers to 'the degree to which individual adults can uphold a socially acceptable standard of living independently of family relationships, either through paid work or through social security provisions' (Lister, 1997, p.173 cited in Bambra, 2007. 2 A larger body of literature examines the impact of intergenerational co-residence on other aspects of children's well-being including on children's academic, cognitive, and behavioural outcomes. Reviewing this literature is beyond the scope of the current study. ...
A non-negligible proportion of children in Europe live in multifamily households that include other adults beyond their parents: around 4% live with their grandparents and a further 7% with their adult siblings. In this paper, we investigate the extent to which living in these two household types protects children against deprivation and we provide tests of the relationship between the intrahousehold sharing of resources and children’s deprivation. We find that although most children in multifamily households face significantly higher deprivation risks than children in nuclear households this largely reflects the selection into co-residence of families facing financial difficulties rather than arising from an incomplete sharing of resources. We further show that co-residence with grandparents protects a large share of children against deprivation (i.e. they would face higher deprivation risk if they lived only with their parents) while co-residence with adult siblings has more mixed effects across countries.
... However, the acknowledgment of debates on the differences in importance among these classifications highlights the complexity and subjectivity involved in discussions about social justice. Through the political transformation in Africa people will get their social rights (Dean & Melrose, 1999;Lister, 2003). Plant (2000) suggests a perspective that social justice can be pursued through a government-market system collaboration, even though this may appear at odds with the normative principles of a neo-liberal agenda. ...
The purpose of this study is to discuss the politics of party alliances and conditions in the formation of the government in the countries of Africa. Since the 1990s, many African countries have adopted either parliamentary or presidential forms of democratic rule to strengthen the rule of law, respect human rights and the rights of minorities, children, and women. After the end of colonial rule, the South African countries started the development process and good governance for the establishment of the welfare of the people. The democratic and democratization process has been strengthening the government institutions of countries' public and private entities for better governance. This chapter used a theoretical approach of debate to discuss Samuel P. Huntington's third wave of democratization and coalition theory to understand the democratization process which has been led by democratic government through general elections. In this electoral process, only one party was unable to form the government because it did not obtain a majority in parliament. This is why many emerging coalition governments have been established in many African countries. Moreover, this research uses the qualitative approach to describe and answer many research questions about the success and failure of the coalition governments in Africa. The case study also imposed and scanned to study of the various coalition governments in the countries of Africa. As a result, the formation of coalition governments is unusual in African countries because parties are not getting the popular vote to form a single-party government.
... Hence, in this article the theoretical-political assumptions of the concept of "educational citizenship" (MACEDO; ARAÚJO, 2014;MACEDO, 2018) are addressed. This allows an understanding of the combination of education with the exercise of educational citizenship, which crosses the democratic "pedagogic rights" of "participation, inclusion and enhancement" (BERNSTEIN, 1996; with the concepts of recognition (LYNCH; LODGE, 2002), inclusion (YOUNG, 2000) and interdependence (LISTER, 1997;2007). The "educational citizenship of rights" expresses and recognizes the voice of young people in and through school culture, as well as their reflexivity and action in their contexts; in turn, the "educational citizenship of knowledge" focuses on the right to know, participating in the construction and definition of knowledge (MACEDO, 2018). ...
This article explores how problem-based learning (PBL) can contribute to renewing pedagogy by placing young people at the center of the pedagogical relationship of knowledge construction, and enabling them to realize their rights. The starting point is the concern about the lack of space for listening to young people in different educational contexts and the recognition of the members of this social group as subjects of the construction of their citizenship. Their voices are crossed with those of teachers and researchers. It is argued that PBL can create space for the young people to enact “educational citizenship”. Grounded on the renewal of pedagogy, PBL constitutes a participatory method based on initiative, decision-making and supportive relationships. Within the scope of the EduTransfer project, and in dialogue with educational citizenship, PBL is seen as a curriculum development process, and a teaching-learning theory and method that can create space for realizing this citizenship. PBL gains a place as a strategy for educational institutions to ensure rights. It is these aspects that we focus on throughout the article, giving rise to a reflection on the different moments of this educational strategy. After focusing on methodological and procedural options, we bring together the voices of teachers, young people and researchers to explore PBL in action. While we assert the value of this approach, we also recognize limits to its implementation.
... Para explorar como o PBL pode renovar a pedagogia, colocando as e os jovens no centro da relação pedagógica de construção do saber com realização de direitos, ou seja, permitindo compreender articulações da educação com o exercício da cidadania educacional, neste artigo abordam-se os pressupostos teórico-políticos do conceito de cidadania educacional jovem (MACEDO; ARAÚJO, 2014;MACEDO, 2018). Esta cruza os "direitos pedagógicos" democráticos de "participação, inclusão e realização de si" (BERNSTEIN, 1996; com os conceitos de reconhecimento (LYNCH; LODGE, 2002), inclusão (YOUNG, 2000) e interdependência (LISTER, 1997;2007). A "cidadania educacional de direitos" expressa e reconhece a voz das e dos jovens na e através da cultura escolar, bem como a reflexividade e ação nos seus contextos; a "cidadania educacional do saber" centra-se no direito ao saber, com participação na sua construção e definição (MACEDO, 2018). ...
Resumo Este artigo explora como a Aprendizagem Baseada na Resolução de Problemas (PBL) pode contribuir para renovar a pedagogia, colocando as e os jovens no centro da relação pedagógica de construção do saber, com realização de direitos. Parte-se da preocupação com a falta de espaço para a escuta das pessoas jovens em diferentes contextos educativos e reconhece-se os membros deste grupo social enquanto sujeitos autores e autoras da construção da sua cidadania. Assim, cruzam-se as suas vozes com as de docentes e investigadoras. Advoga-se que o recurso ao PBL pode criar espaço para o exercício da sua “cidadania educacional”. Tendo por base a renovação da pedagogia, o PBL constitui um método participativo sustentado na iniciativa, na tomada de decisão e numa relação solidária. Ao dialogar com a cidadania educacional, no âmbito do projeto EduTransfer é também central uma visão do PBL como processo de desenvolvimento do currículo, e teoria e método de ensino-aprendizagem que pode criar espaço para a realização dessa cidadania, ganhando lugar como estratégia de garantia de direitos por parte das instituições educativas. São estes aspectos que focamos ao longo do artigo, dando lugar a uma reflexão sobre os diferentes momentos desta estratégia educativa. Depois do foco nas opções metodológicas e processuais, fazemos o cruzamento de vozes docentes, juvenis e de investigação, que exploram o PBL em ação. Assumindo o valor desta abordagem, reconhecem-se também limites à sua implementação.
... It suggests that young people develop critical agency through their lived citizenship (Kallio et al., 2020;Lister, 2003;Firinci Orman & Demiral, 2023), where they interpret and negotiate the complex and contradictory messages and realities of consumerism and climate change (see 2 Firinci Orman, 2022a; Bowman, 2019;Black & Cherrier, 2010). According to the lived citizenship perspective, political participation should not be limited to formal and institutionalised practices, but rather encompass informal and everyday modes of civic engagement (Kallio et al., 2020) which allows capturing the complexity and plurality of sociospatial attachments that young people experience in their lived worlds. ...
This article argues that young people’s critical agency related to consumerism and climate change, whether individually or collectively performed, is derived from lived experiences through which young people perform their interpretive agency. Building on the performative understanding of citizenship and digital ethnographic data on early youth with diverse social positioning from different regions, I intend to show how young people in Turkey, where the authoritarian regime restrains their civic engagements immensely, practice their interpretive agency and create youthful ways to enact their environmental subjectivities. I further analyze the intersubjective, spatial and, affective character of everyday environmental practices of young people in Turkey, reflecting their ways of belonging and empowerment that translate into shared (youthful) environmental values.
... A similar approach can be taken in future family policy studies, using domain-specific knowledge to identify the relevant aspects of policy design that potentially interact with conversion factors to create variation in capabilities. For childcare, based on our earlier research and established gendered welfare state scholarship, we argue that direct public service provision offers parents across socio-economic groups the best opportunities to arrange childcare in ways they have reason to value because it provides real opportunities (Leitner, 2003;Lister, 1997;Saraceno & Keck, 2010; see also Chapter 8 by Vandenbroeck in this volume). Against this background, we focus on national childcare services across five most salient features of its potential as a means: availability, accessibility, affordability, quality, and flexibility (Bonoli & Reber, 2010;Ciccia & Bleijenbergh, 2014;Daguerre, 2006;Eydal & Rostgaard, 2011;Gislason & Eydal, 2011;Gornick & Meyers, 2003;Gornick, Meyers, & Ross, 1998;Javornik, 2010, Javornik, 2014Plantenga & Remery, 2005Saraceno, 2011). ...
Comparative family policy research has advanced significantly in recent years. The growing availability of more and better data have improved our understanding of cross-national similarities and differences in family policies, as well as how they shape the lives of different families. Despite these advancements, comparative family policy research continues to face difficulties. The multifaceted nature of family policies makes cross-country comparisons complex. Conceptualizing our theoretical understanding of which policy aspects matter and why as well as operationalizing them into measurable indicators, often remains problematic for comparative analyses. Using examples of British and Swedish policies on childcare, a policy area particularly prone to conceptual challenges, we discuss the difficulties involved in conceptualizing family policies in comparative research. We argue that taking a capabilities approach provides a useful way forward in the field and show how such a conceptual framework allows us to more meaningfully analyze both work-family policies and their outcomes.
Northern Ireland has been without a Childcare Strategy for more than a decade – the only region in the United Kingdom (UK) that does not have one. As a devolved responsibility, progress in childcare has been significantly limited, and there is currently no government-funded childcare provision available. This is compared to England, Scotland, and Wales, where investment to expand provision has been introduced to help parents meet the cost of childcare by providing funded entitlement. This article examines and discusses policy developments in early education and childcare in Northern Ireland and the other UK nations. It is argued that the lack of progress by the Northern Ireland Executive to develop a Childcare Strategy overlooks it’s economic and social importance and reflects how childcare continues to be underfunded and undervalued.
Instances of popular mobilization are often analyzed through their most prominent repertoires and demands. However, protest waves encompass diverse aspirations, modalities, temporalities, and emotional intensities, reflecting varied lived experiences. The complex interplay between mobilization, everyday politics, and local struggles often remains underexplored. This article deploys lived citizenship as a device for capturing the differentiated social locations, relations, practices and emotions that mediate subject relations with the state in episodes of mass mobilization. Focusing on the Arab uprisings, it offers a novel and comprehensive reading of the literature from the perspective of citizenship and everyday lived realities. In approaching the uprisings as lived and performed in the squares, on the margins, in mass demonstrations, violent reprisals, resource reclamation and everyday encroachment, it brings to the fore the myriad practices of citizenship enacted in the course of the uprisings and their aftermath. In surveying the literature, it highlights the innovative ways in which the contributions to this special issue engage with notions of lived citizenship in the context of the uprisings, examining its connections to questions around subjectivation, infrastructure, grabbing back, brokerage of care, and practices of voice, exit and loyalty.
This article reveals the role of Surabaya environmental cadre group participation in solving the waste problem in the city of Surabaya. Author want to find out the role of environmental cadres in responding to environmental conditions and city government policies regarding waste and unhealthy environments. The research method is a qualitative approach, by exploring information in depth through observation and in-depth interviews through participant observation with environmental cadre activists. The main focus is on waste and environmental management themes carried out by cadres and their relationship with the city government’s environmental policies. The research findings show that in managing waste and environmental problems, environmental cadres position themselves as articulators of public services. This means that the environmental cadre group ‘carries out/replaces’ the function of the city government in waste management. The cadre group acts as a partner as well as a pressure group for the city government to carry out its public duties. The activities of environmental cadre groups become environmental agents and actors who bridge the relationship between the general public and the city government.
There is an urgent need to advance our global understanding of the fragile contexts that threaten children, increase their vulnerability to extreme violence and insecurity, and diminish their agency to positively impact global peace and security. These challenges perpetuate cycles of inequality and violence that continue over generations. Creating and collectively building a global Children, Peace, and Security (CPS) agenda would address these challenges by placing a primacy on children’s perspectives and their protection in our efforts to achieve sustainable peace. Preventing children’s involvement in and exposure to armed violence, coupled with concerted efforts to work directly with children and youth to build and sustain peace is necessary to break intergenerational cycles of armed violence. A Children, Peace, and Security aoxy_insert_endgenda would complement existing frameworks, such as the Women, Peace, and Security (WPS) agenda and the Youth, Peace, and Security (YPS) agenda. While these policy frameworks are recognized as being interlinked, they are rarely discussed in terms of mutually reinforcing action. This chapter proposes that building lasting peace and security requires a new approach that addresses the unique challenges that children face before, during, and after conflict and one that recognizes that children’s perspectives and protection are at the core of our humanity. It will conclude by exploring the role that Canada may play in the development and implementation of this agenda and its relationship to fulfilling its ratification of the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child.
Este artículo examina la emergencia del constitucionalismo neoliberal como una forma de régimen político distinta tanto del autoritarismo competitivo como de la democracia plena. Se argumenta que este modelo, inspirado principalmente en el pensamiento de Friedrich Hayek, pero también influenciado en su versión Ordo, por ideas de Carl Schmitt, busca establecer un gobierno de leyes (rule by law) que neutralice la voluntad ciudadana y la acción legislativa que pueda amenazar el nomos del mercado. El estudio analiza la reinterpretación hayekiana de la tradición republicana y su propuesta de una nomocracia que eleva al mercado como soberano. Se plantean dos hipótesis: primero, que la preferencia de Hayek por un autoritarismo liberal no es una excepción, sino una advertencia contra las democracias radicales; segundo, que existe una influencia conjunta, aunque a veces contradictoria, de Hayek y Schmitt en la Constitución chilena de 1980. El artículo explora las concepciones de democracia y república desde las tradiciones griega y romana, examina la reconfiguración de Hayek de estas ideas y rastrea elementos hayekianos y schmittianos en la Constitución chilena, ilustrando cómo el constitucionalismo neoliberal busca limitar la democracia para preservar un orden de mercado.Palabras clave: Constitucionalismo neoliberal, Hayek, Schmitt, Nomocracia, Democracia limitada Neoliberal Constitutionalism: The Hayek-Schmitt Confluence and Its Impact on the Chilean Constitution of 1980AbstractThis article examines the emergence of neoliberal constitutionalism as a distinct form of political regime, situated between competitive authoritarianism and full democracy. The argument put forth is that this model, which draws primarily on the ideas of Friedrich Hayek, but also, in its Ordo version, on the concepts of Carl Schmitt, seeks to establish a rule-by-law that neutralises citizen will and legislative action that might threaten the nomos of the market. The study analyses Hayek's reinterpretation of the republican tradition and his proposal for a nomocracy that elevates the market as sovereign. Two hypotheses are proposed. The first is that Hayek's preference for liberal authoritarianism is not an exception, but a warning against radical democracies. The second is that there is a joint, though sometimes contradictory, influence of Hayek and Schmitt on the 1980 Chilean Constitution. The article examines the conceptualisation of democracy and the republican tradition in Greek and Roman thought, analyses Hayek's reconfiguration of these ideas, and traces Hayekian and Schmittian elements in the Chilean Constitution. It illustrates how neoliberal constitutionalism seeks to limit democracy in order to preserve a market order.Keywords: Neoliberal constitutionalism, Hayek, Schmitt, Nomocracy, Limited Democracy ARK CAICYT: https://id.caicyt.gov.ar/ark:/s16668979/c55k4frw7
Drawing upon the work of Sara R Farris on femonationalism, this
article presents an empirical study of the men’s group activities
of ‘Vi är Sverige’ (‘We are Sweden’), an NGO that educates male
migrants in gender equality. How are problems of gender
inequality presented in this context? What versions of gender
equality are being taught, and what are the pros and cons
thereof from a feminist perspective? Methodologically, this paper
draws upon a thematic analysis of public documents and media
postings from Vi är Sverige, as well as on observations and
individual interviews with members of one of its men’s groups.
Our findings indicate that, in these activities, problems of gender
inequality were attributed to non-Western men and their
perceived lack of Swedish attitudes and values; while injustices
done by native Swedish men were passed over in silence. Hence,
we have found femonationalist tendencies in civic-integration
programmes implemented by an organisation in Sweden that
work with men’s groups. However, these programmes did
promote a dynamic view of masculinity, thereby providing
opportunities for change also to male migrants from societies
with a predominantly Muslim population. The participants
themselves expressed a favourable attitude towards gender
equality, thereby constructing a non-white Swedish masculinity.
Informal childcare care by grandparents, other relatives or friends is an important source of support in many Western countries, including Germany. Yet the role of this type of care is often overlooked in accounts of social policies supporting families with children, which tend to focus on formal childcare. This article examines whether the large formal childcare expansion occurring in Germany in the last two decades has been accompanied by similar or opposite trends in informal childcare usage. It argues that accounting for both formal and informal childcare can offer a more accurate assessment of defamilisation effects of family policies. Drawing on representative data from the German Socio‐Economic Panel the analysis identifies long‐run developments of childcare arrangements for children aged 1–10 between 1997 and 2020, offering for the first time a comprehensive picture of how families with children of different ages mix informal care and service provision. Results show that on average the expansion of formal childcare was not associated with an equal reduction in informal childcare, lending little support to the crowding‐out hypothesis. Further analyses distinguishing between population groups with different propensity to use formal childcare reveal, unexpectedly, remarkable similarities in the use of informal care throughout the period examined. The only exception are families with a migrant background, who tend to use informal childcare less than their counterparts. The general trend is, however, one whereby informal and formal care are increasingly combined.
This chapter draws on Winker and Degele’s (Eur J Women’s Stud 18(1):51–66, 2011) multilevel intersectional analysis framework to discuss social policy and social work responses to homelessness. This multilayered intersectional analysis of homelessness examines institutionalised social structures, identity constructions, and symbolic policy representations to enhance understandings about overlapping social inequalities in welfare states, social policymaking processes, and social work practice and research. Homeless identities are discursively and symbolically constructed, shaping institutionalised and systemic barriers in social work and homelessness. Policy identity categories, inclusionary and exclusionary citizenship, and transnational welfare responses exist within unequal power relations and intersecting global and local social inequalities. The chapter argues that concepts of relational identity and intersectionality are useful for interrogating social constructions of homelessness and homeless people. However, policy processes often reproduce rather than challenge intersecting inequalities, and this needs to be made visible.
Pendidikan kewarganegaraan memberikan pengetahuan tentang hak dan kewajiban warga negara agar hidup sesuai aturan, tujuan dan cita-cita bangsa. Pendidikan kewarganegaraan ini mulai diajarkan sejak para peserta didik berusia dini sampai perguruan tinggi, hal ini dilakukan agar dihasilkan para penerus bangsa yang memiliki kompeten dan siap menjalankan hidupnya dengan Benar di masyarakat dan paham menjadi masyarakat yang beretika, berbudaya dan berbangsa. Selain itu, hakikat pendidikan kewarganegaraan yang diajarkan di sekolah dan instansi pendidikan tinggi yakni sebagai bentuk program pendidikan bernilai Pancasila yang dipelajari untuk dilestarikan dan diterapkan dalam kehidupan sehari-hari. Buku ini terdiri dari 10 (sepuluh) bab, yang terdiri dari: hakikat, fungsi, dan tujuan pendidikan kewarganegaraan; identitas dan integrasi nasional; negara dan konstitusi; model pembelajaran pendidikan kewarganegaraan; sistem pemerintahan di Indonesia; ketahanan nasional Indonesia; penegakan hukum di Indonesia; hubungan negara dengan warga negara; hak asasi manusia; demokrasi di Indonesia dan pendidikan demokrasi.
Citizenship generally refers to people’s legal status of a nation state obtained by birth or naturalization. T H Marshall linked citizenship to rights obtained in a linear fashion, first political rights, then civil rights and lastly social rights (now highly contested), contributing to citizenship as status or practice. The lived experience of the embodied citizen surpasses the notion of citizenship as merely status or practice. How people live their citizenship, how they feel about it and emotions caused by inclusion/exclusion or intersubjective experiences with others are embodied citizenship that can be spatial and performative, outside the realm of formal politics. Refusal and disruption of conditions of citizenship can lead to protest against prevailing regimes of citizenship. The affective turn in citizenship studies shows that emotions are deeply involved in lived citizenship. This chapter shows that the lived experience of sexual violence in South Africa informs women’s citizenship in ways that can be considered “ruptures of citizenship”. These women are activist citizens in Isin’s terms, rather than active citizens, through exercising embodied citizenship of disruption and refusal. Acts of lived citizenship will be illustrated with #EndRapeCulture and transgender students’ refusal to be treated as though they are not citizens, showing how nakedness and rage inform acts of citizenship. The chapter also engages issues of solidarity in conditions of the refusal of citizenship.
This chapter examines women’s solidarity initiatives with Syrian women in Turkey. Syrians’ settlement, even if supposedly temporary, has generated xenophobic responses from large segments of Turkey’s population. However, it has also motivated others in Turkey to work with Syrian newcomers to find ways of living together. The chapter explores the potential of women’s solidarity initiatives to open communities to newcomers, creating ways of living together as part of a politics of “transgressive citizenship,” which fosters feminist transversal politics and facilitates Syrian women’s “lived citizenship” despite their temporary protection status. In the chapter, we draw on arts and cultural initiatives in Turkey including the Haneen Women’s Choir, an art workshop organized in 2017 by a Turkish artist with Syrian women and supported by Istanbul Foundation for Culture and Arts, and the Women’s Kitchen Workshop organized by Kırkayak Cultural Center in Gaziantep, Turkey. The discussion contributes to normative and theoretical thinking about gender and citizenship by showing how Syrian and local women in Turkey find creative ways of place-making. By creating new spaces to learn about one another, women build feminist forms of transversal politics, fostering connection and belonging, and contributing to Syrian women’s sense of everyday lived citizenship in the city.
Gender and sexuality are among the most intensely conflictual aspects of religion around the world. Religion is a key contributor to the continuation of inequalities linked to gender and sexual orientation, and therefore also to unequal citizenship between women and men, and between heterosexual and LGBTQ+ people. Moreover, religion is deeply implicated in the history of nations in the Global North and their colonial rule and imperialist expansion, with long-lasting stereotyping and othering of indigenous peoples, ethnic minorities, and people of colour, including of their religious and spiritual beliefs and practices. While religion can provide limitations and barriers to equal citizenship, it can also provide resources and opportunities for everyday citizenship practices such as in the mobilisation for political demands. This chapter revisits existing scholarship on gender, religion, and citizenship and outlines a new multidimensional, multilevel conceptualisation of religious citizenship that foregrounds how religion and citizenship intersect with gender and other identities and structures of inequality. It proposes a new definition of religious citizenship that forefronts its legal-political, participatory, embodied, material, affective, and care dimensions, while also discussing select empirical cases from around the world that demonstrate the entanglement of these six dimensions of religious citizenship.
This chapter argues that the concept of gendered academic citizenship provides a multi-dimensional and context-sensitive tool for analysing gendered and intersectional hierarchies in academic institutions. The framework not only covers the formal membership of academic institutions, but also refers to the relational and emotional aspects of lived citizenship that contribute to the (re)production of gendered and intersectional inequalities within academic institutions. Highlighting the multiple ways in which gendered power relations influence academic resources, recognition and belonging, it distinguishes four ideal-types of academic citizenship: Full, secondary, and probationary academic citizenship, along with non-citizenship. It further argues that attention to the subjective experiences of power, rewards and ‘voice’ within academic workplaces requires the collection of sophisticated data, using a combination of complimentary (qualitative and quantitative) research tools. Whilst women have made significant inroads into academic institutions, the distribution of resources and recognition remains highly gendered, as does the ‘sense of belonging’ to the academic community. However, the gendering of academic citizenship comes under various guises in different organizational and/or national contexts.
Recent decades have witnessed waves of populism, diverse civil conflicts as well as political, economic, demographic, and environmental disruptions. While both scholars and the general public often talk about the 'crisis of citizenship', we chart several important elements of this 'crisis' and explain why they can be viewed as an important and, perhaps, promising transformation. In view of this transformation, the current understanding of citizenship should be decoupled from the normative ideals which associate it with the liberal nation-state, reconsidered to include conflict as its constitutive dimension, expanded by incorporating a diverse array of forms and ways of participation in community life and interactions with the environment, and grounded in a realistic understanding of political psychology.
This paper examines declining political trust at the onset of the coronavirus pandemic in the informal settlements of Mukuru Kayaba, Mukuru kwa Njenga, and Mukuru kwa Ruben; part of the Mukuru Informal Settlement located in Nairobi, Kenya. The average resident lives on 1.90–3.50/day with no financial security net. During the COVID-19 pandemic governmental restrictions on movement and business operations, residents of Mukuru living at the extreme poverty level were unable to meet their basic needs. Trust in government was diminished, made worse by excessive force from armed officers of the Provincial Administration. Using qualitative and quantitative data, this research concludes that the lack of state support during the pandemic has led to further decline of political trust from residents of Mukuru Slum.
The introduction of Universal Credit, a new means-tested benefit for working-aged people in the UK, entails a significant expansion of welfare conditionality. Due to mothers’ disproportionate responsibility for unpaid care, women are particularly affected by the new conditionality regime for parents who have the primary responsibility for the care of dependent children. This article draws upon qualitative longitudinal research with twenty-four mothers subject to the new conditionality regime to analyse the gendered impacts of this new policy and whether there is variation in experiences according to social class. The analysis demonstrates that the new conditionality regime devalues unpaid care and is of limited efficacy in improving sustained moves into paid work. It also shows that the negative gendered impacts of the conditionality within Universal Credit are at times exacerbated for working-class mothers.
This article contributes to research on citizenship and belonging in the post-Brexit white East European migration to the UK. It explores wearing a garment as an act of citizenship and an embodied methodology. It is formed of two interrelated parts: the first presents the argument that wearing a particular garment at a specific spatio-temporal juncture can be considered an act of citizenship. The second part proposes wearing as an affective method in researching citizenship that has the potential to explore the sensory and emotional dimensions of (non)belonging. White embodiments and discomfort are two threads that connect the main arguments. The article builds on autoethnographic notes made after preparing for a job interview as a white East European woman wearing a Victorian male costume while travelling from East to South London in the wake of the General Election on 12 December 2019.
Anchored in transnational feminist citizenship theories, this narrative inquiry study delves into the lived experiences and citizenship education pedagogies of a female migrant social studies teacher named Ms. Bailey who works in a school in New York City. The findings of the study demonstrate the ways Ms. Bailey incorporates multiple borders and private/informal arenas in her senses of belonging and caring practices. The findings also highlight how Ms. Bailey’s transnational trajectories inform her perceptions and pedagogies of citizenship education, which are centred on affective, cultural, and trans-communal realms. By illuminating Ms. Bailey’s fluid and multilayered citizen-subjects as well as her distinctive citizenship education, this study challenges and complicates normative, patriarchal, political-juridical, and nation-centric ideas of citizens. The study also contributes to an emergent body of work on migrant social studies teachers’ citizenship education and the ways it is shaped by their distinctive personal, familial, and transnational experiences.
b centre for South asian Studies, university of edinburgh, edinburgh, Scotland, uK; c Karelian Institute, university of eastern Finland, Joensuu, Finland ABSTRACT Our central purpose in this viewpoint is to briefly overview the existing literature on the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) and argue both how pivotal it is in underlining the experiences of local communities and do so from a gendered perspective. If the BRI is a global project in the making, as many argue, then it is important to appreciate how local people make claims, contest when their claims are ignored, refuted, or misrecognized, and through this understand how gendered notions of citizenship are disrupted and enacted. Therefore, we call for further research that genders the BRI to understand the interconnections along the axes between citizenship, claims and contestations to assess the spatial and temporal changes that a global project, such as the BRI, may bring about.
In this essay we highlight the value of transfeminist theory for understanding the digital public sphere. Transfeminism allows us to challenge the devaluation of femininity that affects all women and femmes, while specifically challenging the marginalisation of people whose gender expression does not match societal stereotypes of the gender and sex binary, particularly those who experience oppression on multiple axes. Building on existing intersectional approaches to social media, we demonstrate how transfeminism’s capacity to deconstruct binaries, such as online/offline and public/private, and the essential concepts it provides us, such as transmisogyny and networks of care, are crucial for understanding the operation of contemporary transphobia as well as possibilities and opportunities for resistance and solidarity. Using two recent cases in the UK, we firstly consider the circulation of transphobic discourse in the hybrid media system through the onslaught of abuse faced by Trades Union Congress Policy Officer for Industry and Climate, trans woman Mika Minio-Paluello. Secondly, we reflect on the possibility of transfeminist counterpublics of care emerging from protests around Drag Queen Story Hours. This discussion is not meant to be exhaustive but rather a call to action for further transfeminist scholarship in this area.
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