Political Recruitment: Gender, Race and Class in the British Parliament
Abstract
In this compelling book Pippa Norris and Joni Lovenduski provide the first full account of legislative recruitment in Britain for twenty-five years. Their central concern is how and why some politicians succeed in moving into the highest offices of state, while others fail. The book examines the relative dearth of women, black and working-class Members of Parliament, and whether the evident social bias in the British political élite matters for political representation. Legislative recruitment concerns the critical step from lower levels (activists, local counsellors) to a parliamentary career. The authors draw evidence from the first systematic surveys of parliamentary candidates, Members of Parliament and party selectors, as well as detailed personal interviews. The study explores how and why people become politicians, and the consequences for parties, legislatures and representative government.
... Of the four models of political recruitment, the patronage model is a recruitment model that is not suitable for a democratic nomination model because its recruitment is based on informal acceptance criteria, namely the subjective views of party officials. Meanwhile, the three recruitment models are considered compatible with democracy because they are based on more formal criteria of suitability, namely choosing the right person to occupy the position (Norris & Lovenduski, 1995). From the description above, the nomination of the president by political parties participating in the postreform elections is interesting to be discussed further by formulating the problem: does the nomination of the president through political parties participating in the elections strengthen democracy in Indonesia or does it stagnate? ...
... This study also analyzes the pattern of presidential candidacy and presidential candidates in Indonesia that are supported by political parties or coalitions of political parties in every presidential election in Indonesia. The theory used in this study is the political recruitment theory proposed by Pippa Noris and Lovenduski (Norris & Lovenduski, 1995) , which divides political recruitment models into four models, namely patronage, meritocracy, affirmative action, and radical models. The use of this theory is to classify the pattern of presidential and vice presidential candidates in Indonesia based on the recruitment theory proposed by Norris and Lovenduski. ...
... Pippa Norris and Joni Lovenduski (Norris & Lovenduski, 1995), in their book entitled "Political Recruitment: Gender, Race, and Class in the British Parliament," raised several models of political recruitment, namely: the patronage model of recruitment, the meritocratic model of recruitment, the affirmative action model of recruitment, and the radical model of recruitment. The explanation of the political recruitment model associated with the recruitment of presidential candidacies is as follows: ...
... We combine Norris and Lovenduski's (1995) supplyand-demand model with Carnes and Lupu's (2023a) outline of explanations for workers' underrepresentation to delineate potential explanations for the declining proportion of workers. Three aspects of our data permit more detailed evaluations of these explanations compared to previous research. ...
... Explanations rooted in parties' promotion processes are largely untested. Some "smoking guns" in the literature include Norris and Lovenduski's (1995) finding that the British Labour Party has a higher share of workers among its applicants than among its politicians, suggesting a negative selection bias, and Carnes' (2016) finding that the share of workers in U.S. state legislatures cannot be explained by the qualifications of the working-class population in the state. In contrast with these articles, we compare workers' and non-workers career progression and whether any promotion disadvantage for workers can be explained by observable qualifications. ...
... We apply this concept to the working class and change the label to a class ceiling. 11 Empirical research on party selectors' bias against workers is rare (for exceptions, see Carnes 2016; Norris and Lovenduski 1995), but theory lets us outline several types of relevant negative beliefs that selectors might hold. Selectors might perceive workers to have lower popularity with voters for example if they use information shortcuts to equate a lower share of workers in politics with a lower level of electability (Carnes 2020;Norris and Lovenduski 1995). ...
Prior studies have documented that working-class individuals rarely become parliamentarians. We know less about when in the career pipeline to parliament workers disappear, and why. We study these questions using detailed data on the universe of Swedish politicians’ careers over a 50-year period. We find roughly equal-sized declines in the proportion of workers on various rungs of the political career ladder ranging from local to national office. We reject the potential explanations that workers lack political ambition, public service motivation, honesty, or voter support. And while workers’ average high school grades and cognitive test scores are lower, this cannot explain their large promotion disadvantage, a situation that we label a class ceiling. Organizational ties to blue-collar unions help workers advance, but only to lower-level positions in left-leaning parties. We conclude that efforts to improve workers’ numerical representation should apply throughout the career ladder and focus on intra-party processes.
... Members of social minorities continue to face barriers to accessing elected office globally (Besley et al., 2017;Clayton et al., 2019;Dancygier et al., 2015;Dancygier et al., 2021;Lajevardi et al., 2024;Lawless & Fox, 2015;O'Brien, 2015). These barriers stem from several factors, including an insufficient supply of minority aspirants (Dancygier et al., 2015;Fox & Lawless, 2011;Grahn & Thisell, 2024;Lindgren et al., 2022;van Oosten et al., 2024); as well as a lack of demand for minority candidates within political parties (Dancygier et al., 2021;Doherty et al., 2019;Norris & Lovenduski, 1995). However, some minority groups appear to challenge this trend. ...
... Previous literature offers both supply-and demand-side explanations of the political underrepresentation of minoritized candidates and officeholders Hazan & Rahat, 2010;Lajevardi et al., 2024;Lawless & Fox, 2015;Norris & Lovenduski, 1995;O'Brien, 2015;Rehmert, 2022). On the supply side, it has been shown that minority group members often lack the necessary resources for a successful political career due to exposure to discrimination, segregation and other marginalising forces (Dancygier et al., 2015;Grahn & Thisell, 2024;Lawless & Fox, 2015;Lindgren et al., 2019;Lindgren et al., 2022;van Oosten et al., 2024). ...
... In other words, having the ambition to run for office is not enough (Fulton, 2012;Lawless & Fox, 2015;Muriaas & Stavenes, 2023;Smrek, 2022a). Some political parties are known for their conservative approach to candidate selection and preference for non-minoritized candidates (Doherty et al., 2019;Fraga & Hassell, 2020;Norris & Lovenduski, 1995). Therefore, the gatekeeping practices of political parties might prevent any emerging sexuality gap in political candidacy from developing. ...
Is there a positive sexuality gap in access to political candidacy and elected office, similar to those found in other forms of political engagement? We utilise validated data on same- and different-sex families from the Swedish administrative registry to descriptively examine long-term trends in access to political candidacy and elected office among Swedish lesbian, gay, and bisexual (LGB) persons. With data covering twenty-four elections and a sample size of nearly seventy million individuals, our findings reveal a gradually emerging positive sexuality gap in access to political candidacy and a declining share of ‘sacrificial lambs’ among LGB candidates. We verify the robustness of these findings with the help of two original representative samples from the Swedish population. By shedding light on the existence and durability of a positive lavender gap in access to political candidacy, this study contributes to existing debates concerning the obstacles to minority political participation and descriptive representation and how they might be overcome.
... These changes are logically the result of distinctive characteristics among more recently elected, and therefore more recently selected, MPs. This suggests that the barriers faced by female and ethnic minority aspirants may have declined since Norris and Lovenduski's (1995) ground-breaking study found that UK selectorates were biased, although the barriers faced by candidates with fewer economic and educational resources may have increased (Murray, 2021). ...
... An analysis of the selection processes and outcomes in winnable parliamentary constituencies is timely for three reasons. First, given changes in the make-up of MPs in recent elections, it is worth revisiting the three-decade old research showing that the House of Commons' un-representativeness in terms of gender and ethnicity is partly the result of biases among selectorates (Norris and Lovenduski, 1995). Second, the last two British general elections have been 'snap' elections called with little advanced notice. ...
... Under more decentralised selection processes, selectors are more concerned with selecting the 'best' candidate for their locality, regardless of the overall diversity of the candidates selected by the party. This can lead to inequitable outcomes, particularly when selectorates may be biased against candidates with certain characteristics (Bochel and Denver, 1983;Durose et al., 2013;Norris and Lovenduski, 1995). The balance of power between the central party and local units can therefore affect which types of candidates are more likely to be selected. ...
Candidate selections are seen as the ‘secret garden’ of UK politics. Hundreds of parliamentary constituencies rarely change hands, meaning that the ‘real election’ is the incumbent party’s selection process. Yet scholarship into candidate selection in the United Kingdom remains limited. In this article, we build a novel dataset of known shortlisted candidates in winnable seats to offer the first cross-party analysis of who gets shortlisted, and what factors influence success among shortlisted candidates. We find that shortlisted female and ethnic minority candidates are still less likely to be selected as parliamentary candidates, while living locally is by far the most significant factor affecting selection success. However, the nature of the 2019 snap election allowed parties to use emergency powers to advantage party insiders in late selections. We further find that, contrary to media focus, party faction was not a significant factor in Conservative or Labour Party selections.
... A considerable amount of scholarship has highlighted the ongoing barriers to women's political participation and progress. Studies by Norris & Lovenduski (1995); Spary (2020); ...
... Numerous studies have demonstrated the long-standing hurdles to women's political participation and progress. Structural impediments within political institutions, such as election systems and party dynamics, have been thoroughly examined (Norris & Lovenduski, 1995;Krook, 2010). These studies illustrate how electoral systems biassed towards plurality or majoritarian voting frequently disadvantage women candidates, while party gatekeeping mechanisms reinforce gender biases in candidate selection procedures (Matland, 2005). ...
... The literature evaluation results led to recommendations for increasing women's political engagement and leadership. To begin, policymakers should prioritise the implementation of affirmative action measures, such as quota systems, which have been shown beneficial in Rwanda, Sweden, and India (Dahlerup, 2013;Norris & Lovenduski, 1995). Second, marginalised populations require specialised support programmes such as mentoring, training, and financial help (Paxton et al., 2007;Childs & Krook, 2006). ...
This study looks into the many obstacles that prevent women from taking on leadership positions and participating in politics at different levels of government. The research explores the institutional, socio-cultural, and systemic barriers that prevent women from advancing in politics, with an emphasis on attaining gender parity in decision-making processes. Utilising an extensive array of academic literature, encompassing empirical investigations, theoretical structures, and policy evaluations, the study consolidates crucial discoveries about the obstacles encountered by female politicians. These obstacles prevent women from achieving political influence and power and include gendered prejudices, institutional biases, sociocultural norms, and election processes. Additionally, the paper examines the intersectional dynamics of race, class, gender, and other identities, emphasising the additional difficulties faced by marginalised women. The evaluation not only identifies obstacles but also assesses strategies and programs—like mentoring programmes, affirmative action laws, quota systems, and grassroots mobilisation efforts—that support women's political empowerment. This study brings insights into the intricacies of women's political empowerment and advances current conversations on promoting inclusive and equitable governance systems by synthesising and analysing the body of previous literary works.
... Las causas de este fenómeno han sido extensamente estudiadas, en particular, para los niveles nacionales de gobierno. La literatura ha destacado factores de diferente naturaleza (cultural, socioeconómica, política e institucional) que operan tanto en la oferta como en la demanda de candidaturas (Cherif, 2015;Fox y Lawless, 2014;Fulton et al., 2006;Inglehart y Norris, 2003;Hinojosa, 2012;Jones, 2009;Lawless y Fox, 2005;Norris, 2004;Norris y Lovenduski, 1995;Thames y Williams, 2010. Sin embargo, existe acuerdo en que los factores más relevantes para explicar la subrepresentación de mujeres en cargos electivos están en el nivel de la demanda y, en particular, se relacionan con las formas de reclutamiento de candidatos por los partidos políticos y con su interacción con las reglas electorales. ...
... La literatura ha señalado que en los procesos de nominación, comúnmente controlados por líderes varones o cúpulas masculinizadas, operan mecanismos de discriminación implícita o explícita hacia determinados perfiles de candidatos (Norris y Lovenduski, 1995;Norris, 2004). Estos mecanismos suelen beneficiar a los incumbentes (candidatos que buscan la reelección) o a personas con características similares a ellos, por lo general, hombres blancos. ...
... Estos mecanismos suelen beneficiar a los incumbentes (candidatos que buscan la reelección) o a personas con características similares a ellos, por lo general, hombres blancos. Este fenómeno, también llamado ventaja del incumbente, limita las posibilidades de nominación (y hasta de acceso a financiamiento) de nuevos sujetos que quieren entrar a la política, entre ellos, las mujeres (Norris y Lovenduski, 1995;Fouirnaies y Hall, 2014;Golder et al., 2017;Johnson, 2018Johnson, , 2016. Además, se ha resaltado que estos mecanismos de discriminación se acentúan (o mitigan) a partir de los incentivos que generan las reglas electorales. ...
Cardarello y Nieto repasan el papel funda�mental de la política en la toma de decisiones en los municipios. A
partir de la Ley de Descentralización y Participación Ciudadana, ley
18567, los municipios y en particular los alcaldes son figuras que cuen�tan con la legitimidad de ser electas directamente por la ciudadanía y,
en muchos casos, se transforman en líderes de sus respectivas localida�des. Precisamente, el carácter electivo ha modificado sustancialmente
su relación con los intendentes. La relación entre los municipios y las
intendencias es esencial para la coordinación de políticas y la distribu�ción de recursos. Los municipios dependen en parte de las intenden�cias para financiamiento y apoyo en diversas área
... Balancing family life and a career in parliament poses significant challenges for many individuals. Existing research consistently demonstrates that mothers experience more difficulties in reconciling parenthood with a political career compared to fathers (Bittner & Thomas, 2017a;Campbell & Childs, 2014;Joshi & Goehrung, 2018;Mckay, 2007;Norris & Lovenduski, 1995;Silbermann, 2015;Öun, 2012). Silbermann (2015) specifically investigated the impact of travel time and proximity to home on the perceived ability to balance work and family responsibilities while pursuing a political career. ...
... Despite efforts to increase the inclusion of mothers in parliaments, women often encounter significant disadvantages stemming from campaign financiers, media elites, and party gatekeepers. These stakeholders hinder the promotion and selection of women candidates due to 'imputed discrimination' (Bell & Kaufmann, 2015;Deason et al., 2015;Karpowitz et al., 2017;Norris & Lovenduski, 1995;Stalsburg, 2010). Imputed discrimination refers to the expected negative reaction of voters towards certain social groups. ...
... Descriptive representation fosters mutual trust, crucial for substantive and symbolic representation. Many scholars believe that descriptive representation is useful because of youth feeling represented (Bovens and Wille, 2017;Childs and Cowley, 2011;Norris and Lovenduski, 1995). Role models enhance representation legitimacy (Andeweg and Thomassen, 2011;Janssen et al., 2019). ...
... A social group's representation materialises along the political recruitment journey, where one can encounter barriers but also opportunities. The model of political recruitment (Norris and Lovenduski, 1995;Norris et al., 2006) distinguishes three stages: (1) certification (who is 'eligible'?), (2) nomination (the game of supply and demand generates the 'candidates' among the larger pool of 'aspirants' to the candidacy), and (3) election (voters' choice among candidates). We focus on the intraparty level barrier (stage 2), specifically uncovering why selectors choose who will run for office or not, following descriptive and substantive representation ideals. ...
Young people are three times more present in the population than in elected assemblies. Their critical underrepresentation has so far received much less scholarly attention than other well-studied social groups, despite, for instance, women being underrepresented in parliaments to a smaller extent. This research investigates the reasons why parties, usually pointed as those who can sway group representation in politics, do (not) select young people for parliamentary elections. In-depth interviews have been conducted with 32 key informants from 6 Belgian parties (CD&V, Ecolo, Groen, MR, PS, and Vlaams Belang) responsible for candidate selection in the Belgian PR electoral system. Our interviewees' insights allow us to assess young candidates' assets and flaws in terms of their electoral popularity, political skills, and ticket-balancing value. This study also sheds light on parties' strategic candidate selection decisions regarding long-term people's management and openness to youth wings' lobbying efforts.
... Although studies show that an insufficient supply of minority aspirants is less likely among sizeable migrant groups and does not necessarily translate into limited descriptive representation if parties have a strong will to diversify their ranks (Dancygier, 2014;Dancygier et al., 2020;Vintila et al., 2016), migrants' interest and willingness to enter politics, their familiarity with the residence country's political environment, or the socio-political capital they can mobilize electorally may still restrict the pool of viable minority aspirants that parties may approach (Ciornei, 2014;Dodeigne & Teuber, 2019;Norris & Lovenduski, 1995;Schönwälder, 2013). Moreover, the anticipation of electoral stereotyping might prevent parties from supporting minority candidates (Bloemraad & Schönwälder, 2013;Buta & Gherghina, 2023;Dancygier et al., 2015;Fieldhouse & Sobolewska, 2013). ...
... In the absence of preferential voting, voters can only elect candidates that parties (pre)select (see also Buta & Gherghina, 2023). As parties determine candidates' list positions and, implicitly, their election prospects, the system reinforces their role as gatekeepers to the elected office (Dancygier et al., 2020;Geese & Schacht, 2019;Norris & Lovenduski, 1995). ...
Research has identified an alarming gap in migrants’ descriptive representation across Western European countries with long-standing immigration while showing that not all migrant groups are equally (un)successful in gaining elected office. However, little is known about migrants’ political presence in Southern European countries, which have experienced increased immigration in recent decades. We address this research gap for Spain by focusing on the municipal level where minorities’ inclusion remains of utmost importance. Conceptually, the article tackles the question of how the interplay between migrants’ demographic concentration and specific party features shapes the outcomes of minority descriptive representation. Empirically, we bring novel evidence from an original survey with local party organizations across municipalities returning high shares of Romanian, Moroccan, Latin American, and EU14 migrants. We first demonstrate that, despite being particularly sizeable, all groups remain under-represented in Spanish local politics, although with important differences. At comparable levels of demographic concentration, EU14 and Latin American migrants are almost three times more likely than Romanian migrants and up to seven times more likely than Moroccan migrants to be fielded as candidates. EU14 candidates are also more successful in securing office. Second, our findings confirm that party features shape the contours of minority inclusion: Spanish left-wing and new parties present more diverse local candidacies and place minority office-seekers in safer electoral list positions than right-wing and established parties.
... Siguiendo a Hinojosa (2009: 384), la fase de reclutamiento de candidatos constituye un cuello de botella con efectos negativos sobre la representación de las mujeres. Son las élites partidistas las encargadas de promover candidaturas y carreras al interior de sus organizaciones otorgando mayores o menores posibilidades a las mujeres de acceder a espacios de poder (Norris y Lovenduski, 1995). ...
... Si bien hay ex primeras damas que han servido como herederas de sus maridos o padres, otras llegaron al Ejecutivo a acompañar al presidente tras haber ocupado cargos de elección popular o directivos de un partido.Las ex primeras damas que no tuvieron experiencia política antes de ocupar el cargo en el gobierno y que posteriormente se presentaron a elecciones son doce: Gloria Bejarano, Margarita Penón, Patricia de Arzú, Xiomara Castro de Zelaya, María Dolores Alemán, María Fernanda Flores de Alemán, Marta Linares, Mirta Gusinky, Susana Higuchi, Keiko Fujimori, Margarita Cedeño y María Julia Pou. En estos casos, el capital político de las ex primeras damas se construye basado en sus trayectorias como primera dama, pero sobre todo bajo la sombra del liderazgo presidencial.Por otro lado, las ex primeras damas que ocuparon cargos de elección popular o altos puestos dentro de un partido político antes de ser primeras damas fueron ocho: Hilda "Chiche" González de Duhalde(diputada 1997-2003),Cristina Fernández (diputada provincial en 1989-1995 convencional constituyente nacional en 1994; diputada nacional en 1997 y senadora nacional en 1995-1997, XimenaBohórquez (diputada 2003Bohórquez (diputada -2006, Raquel Blandón (cargos Ejecutivos en el Partido Social Cristiano de Guatemala, del que fue presidenta de facto en 1981), Sandra Torres (fundadora y secretaria general desde 2012 del Partido Unidad Nacional de la Esperanza), En estos casos, ellas tienen un capital político acumulado a lo largo de su trayectoria, donde el cargo de primera dama es uno relevante, pero parte de una lista más extensa. Su experiencia les permite usar el puesto de primera dama de manera estratégica, con el fin de avanzar en su carrera política una vez que dejan el Ejecutivo. ...
... Benoit and Laver, 2006;Kortmann and Stecker, 2019). The dominant theoretical approach to gendered candidate selection concentrates on a supply and demand model, made prominent by the seminal study by Norris and Lovenduski (1995). ...
... The demand side includes party elites' assessment of aspirants' abilities. These evaluations are strongly affected by the elites' preferences and opinions which in turn are heavily shaped by gender and racial biases (Norris and Lovenduski, 1995). The economic literature refers to these prejudices as 'taste-based discrimination' (Becker, 1957). ...
Candidate selection within parties is a key stage in the political process and provides an important frame for the degree of representation of social groups in parliaments. We seek to develop a better understanding of the effect of intersectionality on candidate selection processes. We do so by examining the effect of candidates' key socio-demographic characteristics, like their gender and ethnic background, on their chances of getting nominated by their party. We argue that features of the ideological background of the respective nominating party matter for the chances that women and aspirants with an ethnic background win the nomination as their party's district candidate. We make use of novel data from the 2021 German federal election that provides detailed information on the candidate selection processes of all major parties in the 299 election districts. By doing so, we apply existing theoretical expectations to an untested case and find that female competitors and aspirants with an ethnic background face difficulties being nominated, in particular in the case of parties with rather traditionalist societal policy positions. We also find that intersectionality matters: female aspirants of ethnic minorities are even less likely to be nominated by ideologically traditional parties.
... The relevant literature clearly establishes that the factors that impact the descriptive representation (Pitkin 1967) of women are diverse and interlinked: socioeconomic, institutional, cultural and ideological (Mateo Diaz 2005;Stevens 2007). All these elements affect both the propensity of women to stand for office (supply) and the possibility that the parties and the electorate will effectively choose to nominate and elect women (demand) (Randall 1982;Norris and Lovenduski 1995). Is it the election itself that is responsible for the underrepresentation of women? ...
This article uses an original dataset to sketch a portrait of women mayoral candidates and women elected as mayors in Italy in the period 1993–2021. The analysis highlights several significant findings. Women must compensate for their political marginality by deploying other resources, such as higher levels of education. Nevertheless, women are penalised not only by the reluctance of parties to put them forward as candidates, but also by the elections themselves. More specifically, the electoral presence and strength of women decreases when the population size of the municipality grows, except for municipalities with more than 100,000 inhabitants. Moreover, women candidates are most disadvantaged in geographical areas where the socioeconomic condition of women is more marginal. However, women mayors running for a second mandate have the same chance of winning as men. Finally, it is the protest parties, rather than the left-wing parties, that are revealed as doing the most to promote women.
... Previous research has tended to concentrate on obstacles that prevent women from participating in politics at the federal level, ignoring the complex dynamics that exist at the local level, where women serve as ward committee members and deputy mayors (Kenny, 2013;Dahlerup, 2015). This study draws attention to the noteworthy 46.6% of deputy mayors who declare their intention to run for mayor, suggesting a possible discrepancy between electoral results and experience that needs more investigation (Norris & Lovenduski, 1995). Furthermore, although public confidence in female leaders rose from 73% to 80.6%, public trust in male mayors stagnated, suggesting a change in public perception that has not yet been thoroughly examined (Mansbridge, 1999). ...
The proportion of women elected to local offices in 2017 was 40.95 percent. The situation improved slightly in 2022 when women accounted for 41.21 percent of all elected officials. These occurrences show that passing laws alone will not ensure women's participation; continuous monitoring is necessary to ensure the law is applied correctly. Using a combination of descriptive and analytical methods that worked better in the context of pragmatist philosophy, Descriptive techniques, such as surveys and observations, offer in-depth descriptions of phenomena; analytical techniques, such as statistical analysis and experiments, are used to test hypotheses and determine correlations between variables. The two approaches work well together to improve our comprehension of the research topic as a whole. This study combined liberal and representative political science theory with a mixed research design. The result shows that the 2022 elections offer a fantastic chance to increase women's representation in politics and build on the significant accomplishments of 2017. This is beneficial for social justice as well as aiding political parties in their election campaigns. Many women are eager to advance in their political careers, especially those who have worked in local government for the past four years. When it comes to gender equality, increasing the representation of women in public life seems like a good place to start. Consequently, there has been an improvement in the representation of women in local elections. Though the parties have exploited loopholes, the Election Commission has made progress in addressing the concerns raised regarding women's participation in the electoral process.
... Il livello locale, inoltre, è considerato spesso un buon punto di ingresso per le donne in politica. Diversi studi hanno dimostrano che le donne hanno maggiori probabilità di essere candidate a livello locale e che le cariche pubbliche a livello locale sono un importante trampolino di lancio per cariche di livello superiore(Bristow 1980;Elder 2012;Norris e Lovenduski 1995). La vicinanza territoriale del comune consente inoltre alle donne di ottimizzare il proprio tempo, conciliando la cittadinanza attiva conil lavoro di cura (Carbone e Farina 2016). ...
... Similarity attraction may seem natural and harmless, but it implies favouritism and impedes equal opportunities for all interest groups to secure access. While diversity among policymakers may mitigate such concerns, ample research has shown that, even in the most developed democracies, policymakers come from privileged socio-demographic backgrounds and are far from representative of the overall population (e.g., Bovens & Wille, 2017;Norris & Lovenduski, 1995). While it is beyond the scope of this paper to conduct a formal test of the similarity attraction theory, I explore its implications for interest group access by formulating hypotheses in the next section. ...
... Los recursos individuales como el tiempo, el dinero y la educación , necesarios para la implicación en política, son más limitados a edades tempranas, lo que nos hace pensar en una limitación de su poder explicativo. Por otro lado, la literatura sobre miembros de partidos señala que suelen ser hombres, de media edad, acomodados y mejor educados (Van Haute y Gauja 2015), características similares a las que la literatura sobre reclutamiento político y selección de candidatos ha señalado como dominantes (Norris y Lovenduski, 1995); variables que, en el caso de los jóvenes, pueden tener menor fuerza expli-cativa al encontrarse en situaciones de transición hacia roles de adultos. Dichas situaciones serán desarrolladas en los siguientes epígrafes. ...
Este trabajo se inscribe en las investigaciones sobre la desconexión de la población juvenil hacia la política al preguntarse sobre el compromiso político de alta implicación en los jóvenes miembros de organizaciones juveniles partidistas. El objetivo es examinar cómo los recursos, las aportaciones del voluntarismo cívico y las variables sociodemográficas ayudan a explicar el compromiso político, vía candidatura. Para dar respuesta a las preguntas planteadas se hace uso de una encuesta a miembros de organizaciones juveniles de partidos políticos españoles. El análisis de regresión logística revela ciertos hallazgos entre los que destacan: a) el papel de los recursos (educación, estatus y tiempo libre) como predictores de la candidatura, b) la importancia del asociacionismo previo y c) un impacto negativo en la candidatura del reclutamiento familiar.
... I. IntroduccIón * El tema de la subrepresentación femenina es uno de los principales argumentos de los movimientos feministas, quienes luchan por la inclusión de las mujeres en la toma de decisiones públicas. Desde una perspectiva feminista, los estudios legislativos buscan cuestionar las narrativas establecidas y analizar cómo las mujeres son incorporadas en los espacios políticos, tomando en cuenta sus condiciones de elegibilidad, los recursos simbólicos y materiales disponibles para ellas (Krook y Mackay, 2010;Norris y Lovenduski, 1995;Rezende, 2017). Incluso después de su elección, diversos estudios analizan el posicionamiento de las mujeres en las dinámicas internas del Legislativo, donde se observa un sesgo de género en la lucha por el poder (Krook, 2010;Marques, 2019). ...
Este artículo identifica los factores relacionados con la participación de las mujeres en las comisiones parlamentarias. Se analizan datos de legislaturas de América Latina y se prueban tres factores interactivos con el género: ideología, experiencia parlamentaria previa y participación en la coalición de gobierno. A partir de un análisis multivariado, los resultados indican que, a pesar de haber conquistado importantes espacios de representación, las mujeres aún enfrentan desventajas y ocupan posiciones subordinadas dentro de esta institución, lo que afecta su desempeño y su carrera política.
... Third, research indicates that women's representation in political institutions, such as parliaments and local governments, is crucial for advancing gender equality and addressing women's issues. Countries with higher levels of women's political participation tend to have more inclusive policies and greater attention to women's rights (Norris & Lovenduski, 1995). ...
... Alternatively, party selectors may not hold outgroup candidates to a higher standard. The quality gaps between ingroup and outgroup MPs might instead result from self-selection, driven by fears among outgroup aspirants of facing discrimination or stereotyping in politics (Fox & Lawless, 2010;Lawless & Fox, 2015;Norris & Lovenduski, 1995;Radojevic, 2023). Supporting this view, experimental studies find only limited evidence of outright bias against outgroup candidates (Carnes & Lupu, 2016;Schwarz & Coppock, 2022;van Oosten et al., 2024). ...
Are candidates from underrepresented demographics in politics held to a higher standard in candidate selection processes? We explore whether women, youths, and immigrants are required to demonstrate a greater commitment to the party line to be deemed suitable for office. Our focus is specifically on loyalty to the party line, a key selection criterion in most political systems. We analyze data from an original conjoint experiment involving 1,300 party selectors from six major political parties in Sweden, along with validated roll-call voting records and renomination data for all Swedish MPs elected between 2002 and 2022. Our findings suggest that Swedish party selectors do not demand greater loyalty from candidates belonging to political outgroups. On the contrary, equally loyal outgroup candidates are at least as appealing to party selectors as their ingroup counterparts, if not more so. This result contributes to debates on political representation and party politics and may also be of interest to practitioners focused on minority empowerment.
... Studies indicate that not everyone, however, receives it. Women are less likely to receive encouragement and are recruited less intensely than men Norris & Lovenduski, 1995). Moreover, evidence shows that party leaders, who exert considerable influence over candidacy decisions, actually dissuade some women who come forward (Crowder-Meyer, 2013;Niven, 2006;Sanbonmatsu, 2006). ...
Does the election of politicians from historically underrepresented groups spur others to enter politics? Some political scientists and policymakers posit that the election of women and people of color to prominent political offices can inspire others to run for office, yet prior research has yielded mixed results. We contribute to the literature on representation by exploring the impact of role models on candidate emergence at the local level, where aspiring politicians typically begin to climb the political ladder. Using data from Brazilian elections and a set of regression discontinuity designs, we find no evidence that the election of a woman or Afro-Brazilian mayor spurs women and Afro-Brazilians to run for city council positions. Our results, which are robust to several alternative specifications, suggest that even if the election of a woman or minority politician inspires others to enter politics, barriers may impede them from running for office.
... Specifically, at one end of the spectrum, leaders from political dynasties, despite with political capital, encounter informal institutions that constrain their autonomy in cabinet appointment due to the weight of legacy and expectations (Besley and Reynal-Querol 2011). On the other end, leaders without familial political ties often lack the necessary institutional support and networks for effective political maneuvering (Jalalzai 2013;Norris and Lovenduski 1995). In contrast, leaders with moderate family ties benefit from enough political capital to influence appointments but are not restricted by the burdensome legacy of dynastic ties or completely shielded from external pressures for cabinet diversity. ...
This study investigates the nexus between the rise of female leaders and the appointment of women to cabinets and how family ties, crucial for women’s political ascendance, impact these appointments. Using a unique dataset across 160 countries from 1966 to 2021, we find that female leaders generally appoint more women to their cabinets and key cabinet roles. However, this effect is significantly moderated by the “Goldilocks” principle, defined by the nature of a leader’s family ties. Specifically, female leaders with moderate family ties are most likely to appoint women. In contrast, their counterparts from political dynasties and those without familial political ties are less inclined to do so. The exploratory analysis suggests potential mechanisms driving this dynamic: female leaders with a “just-right” degree of political lineage are more likely to have advanced degrees and Western education, potentially aligning them more closely with liberal and feminist values.
... Conversely, this does not mean that the elected representatives do not have to have the necessary knowledge. Parties will have to focus more on this in the future, knowing that the recruitment process is not an easy undertaking (Norris & Lovenduski, 2004). ...
Background: Financial crises have characterized economic history since the Roman Empire. Despite intensive political debate and extensive scientific research, parliaments in their role as legislators have failed to develop effective protection mechanisms. The example of the financial crisis of 2008 showed a major lack of political foresight with regard to the long-term consequences of decisions. Aim: The paper aims to provide insights into how financial politicians use their individual knowledge in policymaking and how knowledge management tools can help achieve financial market stability. Methods: Seven qualitative interviews with Members of national Parliaments in Europe were conducted in mid-2023. The evaluation was carried out using qualitative content analysis. Results: The results show that while the majority have the skills and understanding, the topic itself is underrepresented in everyday parliamentary life. The article concludes with a discussion of the need to introduce knowledge management systems in the parliamentary context. Practical relevance: This paper helps to uncover structural knowledge deficits among MPs. Knowledge management instruments could provide easy-to-implement support.
... Sin embargo, hay menor consenso en determinar el peso de las diferentes causas. Una de las mayores contribuciones a la hora de ordenar estas dimensiones del problema vino de la mano de Norris y Lovenduski a mediados de los años noventa, cuando establecieron dos grandes categorías: la oferta, que agrupa cuestiones relacionadas con las potenciales candidatas, y la demanda, que engloba los aspectos relativos al sistema de selección (Norris y Lovenduski, 1995). Siguiendo esta clasificación, se desarrollaron numerosos estudios, incluso con resultados contradictorios (Ashe y Stewart, 2012). ...
La presente investigación tiene como objetivo contribuir al estudio de los factores que causan la infrarrepresentación de las mujeres en los Parlamentos, centrándose en el caso del Congreso de los Diputados español, donde parece existir una correlación inversa entre el crecimiento de un partido de derecha radical y antifeminista como Vox y el menor número de parlamentarias en la Cámara. Analizando las candidaturas y los resultados electorales de cada partido político en cada una de las elecciones, se ha medido la efectividad de la cuota por circunscripción y partido político. Los resultados nos demuestran que el número de mujeres electas depende fundamentalmente de la voluntad de los partidos políticos a la hora de elaborar las candidaturas y situar a mujeres en puestos de salida.
... A célok tekintetében alapvető a pártok szerepének vizsgálata. Mind a nemzetközi szakirodalom, mind a hazai elemzések rámutattak, hogy a nők politikai esélyeit döntően befolyásolják a párton belül uralkodó viszonyok (Norris-Lovenduski, 1995;Várnagy-Ilonszki, 2012;Vajda-Ilonszki 2021), valamint a pártokon belüli "gendered" 6 gyakorlat. Ezért a női jelöltek állítása szempontjából sarkalatos, hogy milyen hatásokat várhattunk a pártok együttműködésétől. ...
Írásunk célja annak bemutatása, hogy az ellenzéki előválasztás választási eredményekre fókuszáló elemzésén túlmutatóan egyéb szempontok is érdemben hozzájárulnak az esemény értékeléséhez. Ezek sorába tartozik maga a jelöltállítás és annak eredményei, különös tekintetettel a női jelöltek és az új jelöltek megjelenésére, előválasztási sikerére. Az elemzés bemutatja az előválasztás mint intézmény jellemzőit, és feltárja, hogy a jelöltek számára az intézményi és politikai feltételek milyen korlátokat és kockázatokat jelentettek. A pártok által állított korlátok jelentősen befolyásolták a jelöltállítást, maga az előválasztási forma is hátrányokkal járt a nők és az új jelöltek számára. Végeredményben az ellenzéki előválasztás a női képviselet tekintetében a korábbi választási évekhez képest hatástalan maradt és bár az új jelöltek esetében az előválasztási siker jelentős volt, ez elenyészett a parlamenti választásokra. A képviselet megújítása szempontjából a várt hatás elmaradt.
... Pursuant to the rational choice theory, candidates may run for various positions only if applicable. Norris and Lovenduski (2004) believe that these opportunities are determined by the institutional and political situation as well as by the specific structure of elected positions and the rules. Therewith, the paramount importance is attached to the values dominating in a particular society, which in their turn influence the social and political roles of women and men. ...
Purpose
The article aims to identify the main mechanisms for promoting more Kazakhstani women participation in the legislative authorities based on a study of the competition of political parties in 2023.
Design/methodology/approach
Utilizing the structural-biographical method, the article investigates the ways of increasing women’s participation in the political life of Kazakhstan. This empirical study comprises a total of 18 biographies of women deputies / candidates on party lists who were elected to the legislative body. Content analysis was also conducted to investigate the pre-election programs of the political parties.
Findings
This study has identified that political party is the main resource for promoting gender equality and involving women in the decision-making process. All 18 women deputies of the Mazhilis, the lower house of parliament, are members of political parties. The findings show that women candidates without party affiliation were unable to get into representative body. The results of the election campaign of 2023 provided evidence for determining the gender order in the Kazakhstani political space. The party has become an effective channel for promoting women participations in the parliament of the country. By comparison, in single-mandate constituencies no woman was able to pass to the elected body.
Originality/value
This study contributes to the literature of gender equality and women’s political participation in Kazakhstan and may be relevant for other countries. It also has practical significance and policy implications for the government and political parties.
... With Fallon ultimately resigning due to sexual harassment in 2019, while he continued in elected office after a wrongly claimed mortgage repayments scandal in 2007, our work helps explain potential variation in these outcomes by suggesting that the electoral penalty for candidates embroiled in sexual harassment scandals is greater than campaign finance scandals. This is particularly salient in light of the rich literature that suggests that both individual candidates (Jacobson, 1989) and responsible political parties (Norris & Lovenduski, 1995;Sanbonmatsu, 2006) are strategic units trying to maximize their probability of electoral success. Our results suggest that responsible party networks may work to shed themselves of co-partisans caught in sexual harassment scandals rather than other types of scandals, given the fact that the electoral costs of such scandals are greater. ...
Introduction
The rich literature on valence finds that involvement in scandals results in potential sanctions by voters on the basis of low assessments of valence attributes. However, the literature largely does not differentiate between whether some scandals are more politically costly to elites than others, particularly with respect to the (recently) heightened salience of sexual harassment scandals.
Methods
To assess the presented theoretical framework, we recruit 241 respondents and employ a conjoint experimental design to estimate and compare the causal effect of various types of political scandals on evaluating electoral candidates. Because each of our respondents evaluates a total of 6 pairs of candidates, the total sample size for analysis is 2892 under our design.
Results
Candidates who are involved in any type of scandal are statistically less preferred by the experimental respondents. Between the selected scandal types, a candidate’s preference drops the most while he is involved in sexual harassment. Finally, except when the voters’ and candidate’s gender are in congruence, the negative effect of sexual harassment is conditional.
Conclusions
We find strong evidence that involvement in sexual harassment scandals lowers candidate support to a greater degree than other types of scandals. We also find that male voters tend to ease the negative effect of sexual harassment when the violators are male candidates.
Policy Implications
With sexual harassment’s large and various (i.e., on victims, citizens, and parties) impacts, our findings emphasize the need for better finding responsible parties that may pressure candidates involved in sexual harassment scandals to either resign if they are currently serving in office or withdrawal from electoral competition.
... 8, núm. 1, e223, Marzo-Agosto, ISSN: 2545 (1997) y los textos de Amelia Valcárcel (1991;, que, desde un punto de vista filosófico, aportan conceptualizaciones claves para abordar la presencia de mujeres en el espacio público y el ejercicio del poder. Por su parte, Joni Lovenduski y Pippa Norris (1995) bucean sobre la selección de candidaturas y hacen aportes para dilucidar "el jardín secreto de la política". Y vinculados a la cuestión de la teoría de la democracia, entre otros, cabe mencionar los clásicos de Anne Philips (1991Philips ( , 1995Philips ( , 1996 y Carole Pateman (1995) como textos ineludibles para analizar los cruces entre democracia, representación, poder y ciudadanía. ...
El dossier reúne cuatro artículos que se enfocan en la discusión sobre quién, dónde y cómo se representa, desde una perspectiva de género y a partir del análisis de casos empíricos de América Latina, tanto nacionales como subnacionales, en la etapa que se inicia en la tercera ola democrática. Se articulan entre sí en torno a la pregunta por la cantidad de mujeres en cargos de representación popular y en el cómo ejercen esa representación (representación descriptiva y sustantiva), observando el impacto de las medidas correctivas de la representación, tales como las cuotas y la paridad. Se preguntan cómo acogen las instituciones estas medidas y cómo impacta la mayor presencia de mujeres en la distribución interna de espacios de poder. En consecuencia, a más de tres décadas del inicio de estas medidas, el dossier ofrece un balance, basado en evidencia empírica, de los resultados de su aplicación en tres países, Argentina, Brasil y Costa Rica.
... This means that in nominating Irna as a candidate for Regional Head of Pandeglang, there was no agenda brought up, either gender issues as a female leader or ideological issues as party identity. This indirectly embodies what Norris said: that at certain times substantial agendas are often overlooked in the political party recruitment process (Pippa Norris, 1995). ...
... Local political parties are viewed as easily approachable, particularly for historically marginalized groups (Bird et al., 2010) and act as "gatekeepers" (Norris & Lovenduski, 1995) through candidate selection. Nevertheless, with a few exceptions (Buta & Gherghina, 2023;Soininen & Qvist, 2021), more focus is needed on the inclusiveness of processes to select candidates with an immigrant background, as this is a critical moment for representation. ...
Political parties can be crucial gatekeepers to the political participation of immigrants. This article analyzes the political selection strategies of political parties at the local level. The case study focuses on the multi-ethnic city of Bolzano in Northern Italy, which is home to a significant migrant population as well as three autochthonous language groups: Italian, German, and Ladin. First, the article gives an overview of the political lists presented at the last local elections in 2020. Second, it discusses party strategies to recruit candidates with an immigration background. The presented insights are drawn from seven “elite” interviews (i.e., with high-ranking party representatives). Overall, the findings indicate that diversity stemming from migration does not have a significant impact on the recruitment strategies of the province’s political parties’: Despite electoral lists containing an increasing number of immigrants, who have migrated to South Tyrol since the 1990s, neither newer nor traditional parties adopt significant strategies to recruit candidates with an immigration background. Overall, the diversity on political lists mostly reflects the existing language cleavages of the autochthonous population, while diversity stemming from immigration is still largely overlooked. However, the results also show that while neither of the parties is fully inclusive or exclusive in their selection methods, we identify a tendency toward selective inclusiveness of certain immigrant groups.
... Most researchers' findings and recommendations are of the view that party and electoral quotes should increase the numbers of women in legislatures (Dahlerup 2006;Krook, 2009). Lovenduski (1981), Randal (1982), and Lovenduski and Norris (1995) examined women and politics in a more traditional sense. Their works x-rayed electoral institutions, political parties and political behaviours, showing where women fit and what their impact is. ...
The Female folk have over the years lagged behind in politics, not withstanding their numerical strength. The world's conferences of women in Mexico in 1975; Copenhagen in 1980, Narobi in 1985, and Beijing in 1995, organized by the United Nations have no maximal effects or impacts on the total number of women's involvement/representation in decision making the world over. This study is an examination of the effects of female's misrepresentation/under-representation in politics on the socio-societal development of the Country, with focus on Akwa Ibom State Civil Service. Related literatures were reviewed and liberal feminist theory was used as the theoretical framework. The study adopted a descriptive survey research design and the purposive sampling technique. Data were collected from 260 respondents through the use of questionnaire and determined via the Taro Yamane, while the simple percentage was used as a method of data analysis. Findings from the study revealed that, poor representation/ involvement of the women folk in politics has negative effects on the socioeconomic or socio-cultural development of the society. The study recommends that, concrete policies/laws should be enacted and adopted for female's proper involvement/representation in politics and decision making. Stereotyping cultural norms should be abolished and women should be sponsored to get involved in politics.
... Barriers to women's greater political representation are typically classified as structural or socioeconomic, institutional or political, and cultural or ideological. Under the "supply and demand" model (Norris and Lovenduski 1995) used to analyze which phases of the political process are most critical for women's representation, structural factors are seen as largely having an impact on the "supply" of women candidates (i.e., the store of qualified women willing to run) and institutional factors on the "demand" for women candidates (i.e., willingness of parties to nominate women in winnable positions). But, as Krook (2010) reminds us, ideological or cultural factors underlie both supply and demand. ...
We examine cultural and ideological barriers to gender equality in a young democracy, Indonesia, where women’s political representation has increased slowly since democratization, but where survey results point to declining support for women’s political leadership. In both country and comparative literature, the effect of ideological factors—including religion—on voter support for women candidates is contested. Using results of a nationally representative survey, we group respondents according to a “political patriarchy” index. We find that being a Muslim is a strong predictor of holding patriarchal attitudes; university education is associated with gender-egalitarian views. Patriarchal views, in turn, are associated with opposition to increasing Indonesia’s gender quota and with lower levels of self-reported voting for female candidates. Our findings suggest that patriarchal attitudes drive both policy preferences and voter behavior. We conclude that Indonesia’s recent conservative Islamic turn likely underpins widespread—and increasing—opposition to gender equality in politics.
... We begin our analyses with a theoretical and contextual background on ethnic minority under-representation with a focus on the role of party gatekeepers in shaping ethnic minorities' political under-representation. While there has been research on the role of group representation in terms of gender, economic or professional background (Norris and Lovenduski 1995), less is known about the role of political parties in ethnic minority under-representation, especially in terms of how parties respond to changing attitudes towards race in different societal contexts. Our work fills the research gap and also contributes to understanding the under-representation of ethnic minority groups in Australia's federal political institution. ...
Political representation of ethnic minorities in a liberal democratic system is a crucial step towards having the interests of ethnic minority groups heard. The under-representation of ethnic minorities in a political institution can exacerbate inequality between majority and minority populations and increase feelings of alienation among minority groups. As a country observing increasing ethnic diversity, Australia saw record-level ethnic minority candidates elected in the 2022 federal election. However, the shares of candidates and elected Members of Parliaments with ethnic minority backgrounds are still much lower than their relative shares in the population. In this regard, Australia has lagged behind other major settler countries. In this paper, we examine the political representation of ethnic minorities in Australia’s federal election. Drawing on data from the 2022 federal election and 2021 population census, we find a positive association between ethnic minority concentration and ethnic representation. However, for the two major parties, ethnic minority candidates are less likely to be in safe seats, even when the seat observes high ethnic minority concentration. Findings suggest that ethnic voting is evident but it is perhaps too early to celebrate higher levels of ethnic representation in Australian politics as political parties act as gatekeepers in safe seats.
... La literatura especializada en política y género suele considerar los problemas de inclusión de las mujeres en la política como dificultades en el acceso a cargos políticos o desafíos para mantenerse en ellos y progresar en sus carreras políticas. Entre las razones que explican estas dificultades, estudios previos han destacado los sesgos en los métodos de reclutamiento de los partidos políticos (Htun 2016;Norris y Lovenduski 1995;Norris 2004;Thames y Williams 2010;Tripp y Kang 2008), así como los niveles más bajos de ambición entre las mujeres, atribuidos a formas específicas de socialización y mayores cargas domésticas (Lawless y Fox 2005;. No obstante, investigaciones más recientes han comenzado a llamar la atención sobre la violencia política como otra causa que contribuye a las dificultades de la inserción política de las mujeres (Albaine 2015;Bardall 2018;Bardall et al. 2020;Biroli 2016;Krook 2017;Krook y Restrepo Sanín 2016). ...
Estudios recientes ponen énfasis en la relevancia de la violencia contra las mujeres en la política como un factor que limita su inclusión en la política. La literatura ha generado tipologías de las diversas formas de violencia que pueden sufrir las mujeres políticas debido a su género, tanto durante las campañas electorales como en los periodos interelectorales. Este artículo sostiene que resulta fundamental tener en cuenta las características del entorno nacional para caracterizar y comprender adecuadamente el fenómeno de la violencia contra las mujeres en la política en casos particulares. A partir de evidencia cuantitativa y cualitativa para el caso de Uruguay, este artículo profundiza en las narrativas de las mujeres políticas en torno a sus experiencias de violencia política. A diferencia de otros países de América Latina, en Uruguay no se registran casos extremos de violencia física contra las mujeres políticas. No obstante, los relatos de las mujeres entrevistadas evidencian una alta prevalencia de violencia psicológica y simbólica, ejercida a través de diversas prácticas patriarcales arraigadas en todo el sistema político. Las reflexiones de las mujeres políticas también indican que este fenómeno tiene impactos negativos en sus carreras políticas y que los incipientes mecanismos de denuncia y sanción introducidos están lejos de resolver el problema.
The role played by the education system in the creation and reproduction of governing elites, and its countervailing potential to create a more meritocratic and egalitarian society, has been a topic of enduring concern. However, these debates have been rendered opaque by an inability to directly compare elite formation systems both within and between countries. To resolve this problem, we employ elite formation quantitative indices to compare the roles of the secondary school and higher education systems, of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland, in the formation of its political elite—cabinet ministers—between 1922 and 2022. Our findings show that the universities educating cabinet ministers have been more elite and influential than the secondary schools, but not more exclusive. Additionally, while only a small number of universities and schools supplied more than one cabinet minister over the century, a very small number of universities and schools supplied a great many.
The scientific literature on politicians has predominantly focused on political professionalism. Scholars have defined the profile of the professional politician – characterized by a long political career involving roles in local, national and European institutions – and of the successful outsider – who enters politics thanks to external resources. However, there has been little attention to individuals, with contrasting profiles, who stand for election without prior institutional experience. Our research addresses this gap in the literature by examining candidates without electoral experience – referred to as amateurs – in the 2022 Italian general election. Through analysis of the CVs they submitted at the time of their nomination as candidates, the study explores their profiles and proposes a classification based on their previous positions in associations and political parties. The study highlights the different distributions of these two variables and illustrates the different selection strategies pursued by political parties. Moreover, the research confirms the significance of a classification system, demonstrating that different types of amateur candidates, with varying backgrounds, tend to be placed in different positions on party lists and in the district and have different chances of being elected.
By looking at research on the demographic makeup and political experience of candidates and elected representatives running for European Parliament (EP) elections in Slovenia during the last twenty years, a few general patterns start to crop up: the clear prevalence of middle-aged, university-educated men among the candidates and elected MEPs, as well as the fact that most parliamentary (i.e. established) political parties do not nominate their current high-profile politicians for EP elections. Some changes can probably be expected in these areas due to shifting demographics and changes in the political environment.
En reconstituant le profil socio-démographique et idéologique des 24 députés conservateurs élus ou réélus en 2019 et identifiés comme « BAME » (« Black, Asian and Minority Ethnic »), cet article essaie de comprendre les motivations qui animent des députés partagés entre leur appartenance à une communauté ethnique dont ils ne cherchent pourtant pas à représenter les intérêts et leur positionnement au sein du parti, attesté par un discours pro-Brexit et anti-immigration. Répondant à une logique de représentation substantive (les valeurs du parti) et non descriptive (leur communauté), ces acteurs sont ainsi au cœur d’un dilemme identitaire entre d’un côté l’image de la diversité qu’ils projettent pour répondre à la stratégie de modernisation entreprise par le parti conservateur depuis leur retour au pouvoir en 2010 et l’uniformité idéologique que produisent leur discours et leur positionnement sur les enjeux culturels et sociétaux les plus clivants pour l’identité du pays.
Na última década, o número de organizações da sociedade civil que oferecem treinamento e apoio a pessoas interessadas em se candidatar a um cargo eletivo tornou-se bastante significativo no Brasil. Com o objetivo de renovar os quadros políticos, muitas dessas organizações focam também em promover mais diversidade na política, apoiando principalmente grupos que estiveram à margem da esfera decisória até então, como mulheres, pessoas negras, indígenas e pessoas LGBTQIAP+. No caso brasileiro, as iniciativas de apoio a candidatas e candidatos são atores políticos mais recentes, tendo se consolidado, de fato, para a disputa das eleições de 2018. Das 53 iniciativas mapeadas em atuação no Brasil, 40 (75%)
concordaram em participar da nossa pesquisa. A seguir,
apresentamos análise inédita, em abrangência, sobre o trabalho
dessas iniciativas e seu papel de promover as candidaturas de pessoas de grupos marginalizados nas eleições nacionais de 2022.
This essay assesses the pre-adoption, adoption, implementation and impact of party parity penalties established in 2002 to promote gender equality in the National Assembly. The analysis argues that while the penalties were implemented and increased over the years and had some success in enhancing women’s numerical representation, from 12.3% of all MPs in 2002 to 38.7% in 2017, rather than being “more than meets the eye,” the parity sanctions were actually far less. The limited scope and authority of the parity penalties and the gender-biased norms of key gatekeepers and political elites in the political parties and the high courts have circumscribed the extent of the progress in women’s numerical representation and the quality of that representation; women MPs in the National Assembly still remain marginalized in a variety of ways in comparison with their male counterparts. Thus, the outcome of the party parity sanctions, in GEPP terms, is “gender accommodation” over “transformation.”
Este livro promove uma discussão sobre o contexto no Brasil e os indicadores que permitem acompanhar a implementação da Plataforma de Ação de Pequim, com o propósito de contribuir para o debate técnico-político sobre o fortalecimento das políticas para as mulheres na gestão pública, a continuidade e a aceleração de investimentos em órgãos especializados de políticas para as mulheres e a transparência para o controle social. Possibilita, ainda, o compartilhamento de dados e informações do Brasil com a comunidade internacional, elevando a qualidade dos diálogos políticos e técnicos no contexto dos esforços empreendidos pelos Estados-membros da ONU para que nenhuma mulher ou menina fique para trás.
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