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Self‐Destructive Behavior

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Abstract

Self-destructive behavior refers to a range of self-harming acts, including suicidal thoughts and behavior, nonsuicidal self-injury, and reckless behaviors, all of which are seen at high rates among youth who are involved in the juvenile justice system, especially among the high proportion of justice-involved youth who have been exposed to psychological trauma. The prevalence of suicide among samples of youth who are in correctional facilities is between 3 to 18 times higher than national averages, with increased risks for youth who are White or Native American, have mental health problems, and have experienced maltreatment. Youth in the justice system also have higher than average rates of engaging in nonsuicidal self-injury, especially amongst girls and youth who have been sexually abused. Reckless behavior also is associated with both delinquency and trauma and is conceptualized as a maladaptive strategy to create a sense of mastery over an uncontrollably stressful environment.
Self-Destructive Behavior
PATRICIA K. KERIG
e term “self-destructive behavior” refers to a
wide range of self-harming acts that are seen at
high rates among youth in the juvenile justice
system. In fact, early psychoanalytically derived
theories of delinquency posited that antisocial
behavior itself was a form of self-destructiveness,
driven by alienation, low self-regard, and per-
ceived or actual rejection by others. More recently,
in addition to overtly suicidal behavior, two other
constructs related to self-destructiveness have
received empirical attention in the literature on
justice-involved youth: nonsuicidal self-injury
and reckless behavior. Notably, all of these forms
of self-destructiveness are prevalent among the
large proportion of youth in detention and cor-
rectional settings who have been exposed to
psychological trauma.
Suicide
Completed suicide can be dierentiated from
suicidal thoughts, intentions/plans, or attempts,
although evidence indicates these constructs
are interrelated in that successfully completed
suicides by justice-involved youth typically are
prefaced by suicidal ideation and unsuccess-
ful attempts. Suicide is the third leading cause
of adolescent death in the United States and
research on community samples indicates that
theriskishighestamongstyouthwhoexhibit
delinquent behaviors, especially when these are
accompanied by depression and substance abuse
(Kerig, Ludlow, and Wenar, 2012). Moreover, the
prevalence of suicide is even greater for youth
in detention or correctional facilities, whose
ratesare3to18timeshigherthanthoseoftheir
age-mates who are not incarcerated (Casiano
et al., 2013). e rst large-scale national mor-
tality study of completed suicide among youth in
correctional facilities (Hayes, 2009) found that
race played a signicant role, with Caucasian
and American Indian youth, who respectively
e Encyclopedia of Juvenile Delinquency and Justice. Edited by Christopher J. Schreck.
© 2017 John Wiley & Sons, Inc. Published 2017 by John Wiley & Sons, Inc.
DOI: 10.1002/9781118524275.ejdj0137
comprise only 38% and 2% of the overall popu-
lation of juveniles detained in the United States,
accounting for 68% and 11.4% of those who
committed suicide. Further, almost two-thirds
of youth who killed themselves while detained
had been diagnosed with a psychiatric disorder,
particularly depression. A known history of sex-
ual abuse was present in a quarter of the cases,
but for an equal number information about prior
maltreatment was unavailable. Almost 70% of
the youth had engaged previously in suicidal
behavior, including suicide attempts (46%), sui-
cidal thoughts (31%), and self-harming (24%).
Rates for boys and girls were consistent with their
respective representation in the population of
youth in corrections, and the majority of youth
who committed suicide had been charged with
nonviolent oenses.
Regarding suicidal thoughts and behaviors, one
of the largest-scale surveys conducted to date,
which included over 1,800 youth conned in 39
correctional facilities across the United States,
found that, within the previous year, almost 22%
of the youth had seriously considered suicide,
20% had made a plan, 16% had made at least one
attempt, and 8% had made an attempt serious
enough to cause injury (Morris et al., 1995);
in each case, these rates are higher than those
reported by youth in nationally representative
community samples. Other studies nd that as
many as 50–60% of youth in detention report
suicidal thoughts, and 33–44% have histories of
suicidal behavior (Casiano et al., 2013; Esposito
and Clum, 2002). More recently, a study of 1,829
youthdetainedinChicagofoundthatonehalfof
girls and one third of boys had suicidal thoughts
in the 6 months prior to their incarceration
(Abram et al., 2014). In addition, girls and youth
with anxiety disorders were those most likely to
have made a recent suicide attempt. Strikingly,
fewer than half of the sample had conded in
anyone about their suicidal thoughts.
One study focused not on youth in detention
or correctional facilities, but rather on the larger
population of justice-involved youth who remain
in the community on diversion, probation, or
observation (Wasserman and McReynolds, 2006).
2SELF-DESTRUCTIVE BEHAVIOR
In this sample, about 10% of youth reported
suicidal ideation or attempts in their lifetime
and 3% admitted to a recent suicide attempt. e
odds of a recent suicide attempt were increased
for youth who were female, met criteria for a
diagnosis of depression, and had committed a
violent oense.
One explanation for the elevated rates of sui-
cide amongst justice-involved youth is that they
demonstrate to a high degree characteristics
that are associated with increased risk of suicide
amongst adolescents generally, including mental
health disorders; substance abuse problems; his-
tories of physical, emotional, and sexual abuse;
emotional or physical separation from caregivers;
and exposure to recent interpersonal stressors,
losses, or life changing events – such as arrest
and incarceration (Kerig et al., 2012). Another
risk factor specic to youth in correctional insti-
tutions is isolation. In the national survey data
reported by Hayes (2009), over half of the youth
who committed suicide were isolated by being
placed on “room connement” at the time, usu-
ally as a punishment for committing institutional
infractions. Isolation in solitary connement is
well known to be major risk factor for suicide
amongst incarcerated adults, and clinical obser-
vations of adolescents concur: “When placed in
a cold and empty room by themselves, suicidal
youth have little to focus on – except all of their
reasons for being depressed and the various ways
that they can attempt to kill themselves” (Boesky,
2002: 210).
A history of sexual abuse also appears to be
a particularly strong predictor of suicide for
justice-involved youth. For example, one study of
youth in a correctional facility found that sexual
abuse was associated with a more than two times
greater likelihood of suicidal ideation and almost
three times greater likelihood of suicide attempts
(Morris et al., 1995).
Nonsuicidal Self-Injury
Nonsuicidal self-injury (NSSI), also termed
intentional self-harm, self-injury, self-mutilative
behavior, or parasuicide, refers to youth pur-
posefully engaging in acts that cause physical
pain or harm to themselves in the absence of
intentions to actually commit suicide. Common
examples of NSSIs among adolescents include
cutting, burning, head-banging, severe scratch-
ing, or interfering with the healing of wounds.
Youth in secure settings whose access to sharp
implements is restricted may nd surreptitious
ways of inicting self-injury, such as by digging
ngernails into the skin or showering in scalding
hot water. Although such behaviors might be dis-
missed as “attention seeking,” evidence suggests
they should be taken seriously given that they
are robust predictors of actual suicide attempts
and completions, perhaps because they serve as a
form of “practicing” (Joiner et al., 2005).
Inasystematicreviewoftheavailablestudieson
youth in correctional facilities, Casiano and col-
leagues (2013) found a wide variety of prevalence
rates in NSSI, ranging from 6% to 44%. However,
generally, investigators nder higher rates of
NSSI in samples of detained youth in comparison
to community populations. Rates of self-harm
are highest amongst justice-involved youth who
exhibit psychiatric problems, including depres-
sion, borderline personality traits, substance
abuse, anxiety, and impulse control disorders. For
example, in one study of justice-involved youth
who were referred for a mental health evalua-
tion, 30% reported engaging in self-mutilating
behavior while in detention (Penn et al., 2003).
In addition, just as with samples of youth in
clinical and community populations, studies of
detained youth nd that engagement in NSSI is
predicted by exposure to childhood trauma and
subsequent symptoms of posttraumatic stress
(Weierich and Nock, 2008). In particular, child-
hoodsexualabuseisfoundtobetheformof
maltreatment that is most strongly predictive of
engagement in NSSI amongst justice-involved
adolescents (Chaplo et al., 2015), particularly
girls (Belknap, Holsinger, and Little, 2012).
In order to understand the phenomenon of
NSSI, investigators have interviewed adolescents
about the functions such behavior serves. Notably,
youth provide a wide variety of responses and
there appear to be signicant individual dier-
ences in the motivations for such behavior (Nock
and Prinstein, 2005). For example, some youth
report that injuring themselves helps distract
them from their emotional pain, whereas others
report that focusing on the pain of self-injury
helps them to end episodes of dissociation by
reassuring themselves that they are “real”; some
SELF-DESTRUCTIVE BEHAVIOR 3
report that self-injury serves to punish them-
selvesorothers;andyetotheryouthreportthat
self-injury and the resulting marks on their bod-
ies attract wanted attention or provide evidence
that they are “tough” or “cool” (Klonsky, 2007).
However, a primary motivation for self-injury
appears to be the function it serves for regulating
emotion (Klonsky, 2009). A majority of youth
who self-injure report feeling a release of emo-
tional pressure aer self-harming and that the
behavior is in a sense “addictive” in that no other
method so eectively imparts relief from their
emotional distress.
Trauma-informed theories also suggest that
NSSI serves the function of an emotion regula-
tionstrategy.Whenayouthsadaptivecapacities
for self-regulation have been overwhelmed
by exposure to traumatic stress, particularly
when trauma occurs in a context in which it is
inescapable, such as via parental abuse, youth
may resort to maladaptive strategies such as NSSI.
One particular posttraumatic symptom of dys-
regulated emotion – dissociation, a state of mind
in which the self or surroundings are experienced
as unreal – also has emerged as a predictor of
NSSI in a variety of samples, including adoles-
cents in the justice system (Kenny, Lennings,
and Munn, 2008). For example, in one study of
detained youth, both emotional dysregulation
and dissociation accounted for the link between
trauma exposure and NSSI, and this eect was
particularly strong for girls (Chaplo et al., 2015).
Reckless Behavior
A large body of research has accumulated to
conrm that exposure to traumatic stress is a
signicant predictor of adolescent involvement
in the juvenile justice system in general (see
Kerig and Becker, 2010, 2015), and that trauma
increases the risk of suicidal and nonsuici-
dal self-injury amongst justice-involved youth
in particular (Chaplo et al., 2015). erefore,
trauma-informed theories of delinquency have
emerged, which propose that posttraumatic
reactions contribute to diverting youth down the
pathway to antisocial behavior by disrupting their
capacities for adaptive self-regulation and infor-
mation processing (Ford et al., 2006). Moreover,
clinical observations of the reactions displayed by
troubled adolescents in the aermath of trauma
have suggested a new category of symptoms,
termed “reckless or self-destructive behavior,”
which was recently incorporated into the revised
diagnosis of posttraumatic stress disorder (Amer-
ican Psychiatric Association, 2013). In addition
to overtly suicidal behavior and NSSI, this new
category of symptoms includes more covert
actions such as dangerous driving, excessive
substance use, thrill seeking, and engaging in
high-risk activities, which may not be recog-
nized by youth or those around them as forms of
self-destructiveness. Engagement in these kinds
of behaviors, in which youth put themselves at
risk by rushing headlong into unsafe situations,
may reect a kind of fear-deance that is charac-
teristic of those traumatized youth who engage
in delinquency (Ford et al., 2010; Bennett et al.,
2014); moreover, engaging in these kinds of risky
activities may in fact be what brings a teenager
into contact with the juvenile justice system in
the rst place. As Pynoos and colleagues (2009)
suggest, the experience of childhood trauma
interferes with the stage-salient development in
adolescence of a balance between the need for
safety and the drive for self-ecacy; the result
is a youth with an impaired ability to accurately
recognize danger combined with precocious
independence and denial of the need for pro-
tection. is can propel adolescents toward
increasing engagement in reckless or high-risk
behaviors, especially those that confer a false
sense of safety and self-suciency, such as get-
ting high on drugs or experiencing the thrill of
surviving a dare-devil stunt.
Because this category of posttraumatic reck-
lessness is such a new addition to the diagnostic
criteria for PTSD, only a few studies have begun
to investigate its association with adolescent
involvement in the justice system. Compelling
research also has emerged from another con-
text, that of youth living in communities under
the constant threat of terrorist violence. In a
study of Israeli adolescents exposed to recurrent
terrorist attacks, Pat-Horenczyk and colleagues
(2007) found that higher levels of exposure to
violence were related to posttraumatic stress
symptoms which, in turn, were related to engage-
ment in risk-taking behaviors such as drug use,
driving recklessly, having unprotected sex, car-
rying a weapon, defying authorities, and other
4SELF-DESTRUCTIVE BEHAVIOR
dangerous behaviors. e investigators suggest
that engaging in these behaviors may be an ado-
lescent’s maladaptive way of attempting to regain
a developmentally important sense of mastery
andcontrolinthefaceofunpredictableand
uncontrollable stress.
SEE ALSO: Gender (Correlations and Contexts
of Delinquency); Juvenile Victimization; Mental
Illness and Competency; Physical Abuse; Psycho-
logical eories of Crime; Sexual Abuse; Victim-
ization as a Correlate of Oending
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SELF-DESTRUCTIVE BEHAVIOR 5
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Hoven, C. W., , Wasserman, D. (2014). Life-time
prevalence and psychosocial correlates of adolescent
direct self-injurious behavior: A comparativestudy of
ndings in 11 European countries. Journal of Child
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traumatic brain injury, and mental health disorders
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behavior in a community corrections s ample. Journal
of the American Academy of Psychiatry and the Law,
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delinquency: New directions in research and interven-
tion.NewYork:Routledge.
Nock, M. K. (2012). Future directions for the study of
suicide and self-injury. Journal of Clinical Child &
Adolescent Psychology, 41(2): 255–259.
... Self-harming behaviors in particular have been interpreted in this light. For example, when a youth's capacity to self-regulate is overwhelmed by exposure to traumatic stress, inflicting physical pain on the self may serve as a strategy for escaping from overwhelming emotional pain (Kerig, 2017b). Briere and Runtz (2002) term such maladaptive strategies "tension reduction" activities, which serve the function of externalizing emotional pain by distracting, soothing, or reducing internal distress through taking one's anger out on others, using sex to avoid negative mood states, distracting oneself by behaving dramatically, or hurting oneself in an attempt to escape from upsetting thoughts or feelings. ...
... Consistent with this idea, in a study of adolescents exposed to ongoing terrorism-related violence in Israel, Pat-Horenczyk et al. (2007) found that exposure to terrorist threats was linked to elevated involvement in risk-taking behaviors (e.g., substance use, lawbreaking, hitchhiking, defying authorities, unprotected sex, driving dangerously, carrying a weapon), and that these results were especially strong for the boys in their sample. A kindred construct consistent with that of mastery motivation is fear defiance, the idea that "youth who put themselves at risk by rushing headlong into unsafe situations" (Kerig, 2017b, p. 3) do so in an attempt to gain mastery over their underlying trepidation and sense of vulnerability (Ford, Elhai, Connor, & Frueh, 2010). ...
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A substantial body of research confirms that trauma exposure predicts adolescent involvement in the justice system, although the mechanisms accounting for this association are not well understood. The most recent revision of the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual (DSM‐5; American Psychiatric Association, 2013, Washington, DC) diagnosis of posttraumatic stress disorder introduced a new symptom, that of “self‐destructive or risky behavior,” which may have particular relevance to understanding posttraumatic reactions in the adolescent period and the processes by which trauma becomes associated with offending. The present article reviews evidence supporting the link between trauma exposure and self‐harming or recklessness and outlines theories that propose biological and psychological functions of these behaviors, which can be understood as representing the proposed construct of posttraumatic risk‐seeking. Implications for future research and interventions with traumatized youth are discussed.
... Self-harming behaviors in particular have been interpreted in this light. For example, when a youth's capacity to self-regulate is overwhelmed by exposure to traumatic stress, inflicting physical pain on the self may serve as a strategy for escaping from overwhelming emotional pain (Kerig, 2017b). Briere and Runtz (2002) term such maladaptive strategies "tension reduction" activities, which serve the function of externalizing emotional pain by distracting, soothing, or reducing internal distress through taking one's anger out on others, using sex to avoid negative mood states, distracting oneself by behaving dramatically, or hurting oneself in an attempt to escape from upsetting thoughts or feelings. ...
... Consistent with this idea, in a study of adolescents exposed to ongoing terrorism-related violence in Israel, Pat-Horenczyk et al. (2007) found that exposure to terrorist threats was linked to elevated involvement in risk-taking behaviors (e.g., substance use, lawbreaking, hitchhiking, defying authorities, unprotected sex, driving dangerously, carrying a weapon), and that these results were especially strong for the boys in their sample. A kindred construct consistent with that of mastery motivation is fear defiance, the idea that "youth who put themselves at risk by rushing headlong into unsafe situations" (Kerig, 2017b, p. 3) do so in an attempt to gain mastery over their underlying trepidation and sense of vulnerability (Ford, Elhai, Connor, & Frueh, 2010). ...
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Full-text available
A substantial body of research confirms that trauma exposure predicts adolescent involvement in the justice system, although the mechanisms accounting for this association are not well-understood. The most recent revision of the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual (DSM-5; American Psychiatric Association, 2013) diagnosis of posttraumatic stress disorder introduced a new symptom, that of “self-destructive or risky behavior,” which may have particular relevance to understanding posttraumatic reactions in the adolescent period and the processes by which trauma becomes associated with offending. The present paper reviews evidence supporting the link between trauma exposure and self-harming or recklessness and outlines theories that propose biological and psychological functions of these behaviors, which can be understood as representing the proposed construct of posttraumatic risk-seeking. Implications for future research and interventions with traumatized youth are discussed.
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... Kerig (2019) introduced the term "post-traumatic risk-seeking" to describe this phenomenon; as individuals exposed to traumatic stress may seek out potentially dangerous experiences to serve a range of functions. These functions may include affective regulation, mastery over a previously painful experience, and activation of reward centers in the brain (Kerig, 2017;Pynoos et al., 2009;Weiss, 2002). It is also posited that survivors of traumatic stress may demonstrate issues with risk perception and/ or may be drawn to potentially risky relationships with others due to insecure attachment problems caused by previous trauma exposures (Noll & Grych, 2011;Wolfe & Wekerle, 1997). ...
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