Conference Paper

Climate Deterrence: Disasters and Security After COP 21

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Abstract

The Paris Agreement (COP 21) indicates an effort of nations towards the creation of a worldwide mechanism to control climate. Estimated to enter into force in 2020, the Agreement recognizes that countries may be affected not only by climate changes, but also by the impact of the actions taken in response to those changes. The objectives of this paper are: to excite the discussion about securitization of climate change, discussing its relation with disasters and conflicts; and to identify items which have constructed the current status of climate change in political and security agendas, highlighting the contribution of COP 21. For that purpose, a corpus formed by 51 items, produced between the beginning of the Cold War (1945) and July 2016, has been examined according to the analysis units proposed by the Copenhagen School, mainstream for this research. The results obtained indicate: (i) construction of climate change as a threat to international security (linked to conflicts and disasters); (ii) building of financial mechanisms, among others, to align the conduct of countries in a political agenda; and (iii) increase of military sector participation in the debate about climate change and preparation for increased action in disasters. This study makes two contributions to the existing literature. First, it provides a framework of items which clarify the securitization process of climate change and its relation with security, disasters and the armed forces. Second, through this analysis, it underlines the inclusion of the military sector in the relation between climate change, security and disasters.

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This article explores the escalating impact of climate change and the global green transition on international relations, particularly in the aftermath of the Paris Agreement in 2015. While physical risks stemming directly from climate change consequences are a concern, the rise of transition risks associated with the global green shift poses significant threats to societies, political systems, and economies. The current emissions reduction targets outlined in the Paris Agreement are deemed inadequate to address the mounting physical risks, underscoring the imperative of enhancing states’ climate security. Transition risks are intricately linked to the fragmentation of global politics, driven by varying climate ambitions and disagreements on decarbonization methods among states. Fault lines emerge based on factors such as fossil fuel abundance, states’ positions in energy geopolitics, socio-economic development levels, utilization of green transition opportunities, and participation in international climate agreements. In this context, Russia confronts numerous risks, compelling the nation to articulate and advocate its unique vision of decarbonization while fostering alliances with non-Western states in this critical domain.
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Disasters exact a heavy toll globally. However, the degree to which we can accurately quantify their impact, in particular mortality, remains challenging. It is critical to ensure that disaster data reliably reflects the scale, type, and distribution of disaster impacts given the role of data in: (1) risk assessments; (2) developing disaster risk management programs; (3) determining the resources for response to emergencies; (4) the types of action undertaken in planning for prevention and preparedness; and (5) identifying research gaps. The Sendai Framework for Disaster Risk Reduction 2015–2030s seven global disaster-impact reduction targets represent the first international attempt to systematically measure the effectiveness of disaster-impact reduction as a means of better informing policy with evidence. Target A of the Sendai Framework aims to “substantially reduce global disaster mortality by 2030, aiming to lower the average per 100,000 global mortality rate in the decade 2020–2030 compared to the period 2005–2015.” This article provides an overview of the complexities associated with defining, reporting, and interpreting disaster mortality data used for gauging success in meeting Target A, acknowledging different challenges for different types of hazard events and subsequent disasters. It concludes with suggestions of how to address these challenges to inform the public health utility of monitoring through the Sendai Framework.
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International Security Studies (ISS) has changed and diversified in many ways since 1945. This book provides the first intellectual history of the development of the subject in that period. It explains how ISS evolved from an initial concern with the strategic consequences of superpower rivalry and nuclear weapons, to its current diversity in which environmental, economic, human and other securities sit alongside military security, and in which approaches ranging from traditional Realist analysis to Feminism and Post-colonialism are in play. It sets out the driving forces that shaped debates in ISS, shows what makes ISS a single conversation across its diversity, and gives an authoritative account of debates on all the main topics within ISS. This is an unparalleled survey of the literature and institutions of ISS that will be an invaluable guide for all students and scholars of ISS, whether traditionalist, 'new agenda' or critical.
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Richard H. Ullman, Professor of International Affairs at Princeton University's Woodrow Wilson School of Public and International Affairs, spent the 1982-83 academic year as a visiting member of the Institute for Advanced Study. 1. The Leviathan (1651), Part I, Ch. XIII. 2. There is no better place to begin that discussion than Robert Jervis, Perception and Misperception in International Politics (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1976), chapter 3. 3. This is not to say that there are not recriminations following wars or military crises. Indeed, the governments that lead nations when war is thrust upon them—or when they initiate war themselves—are often subject to pillory. It may be alleged that their complacence allowed their nations' defenses to atrophy to a point where their military forces no longer deterred attack. Or they may be accused of recklessness that brought on a needless and expensive war. But while the war is still in prospect, or while it is actually underway, there are too seldom any questions of leaders' abilities to command the requisite resources from their perceptibly threatened countrymen. 4. The same is true, it should be noted, about some "ordinary" foreign threats. In 1975 a majority of Senators and members of Congress did not believe that the presence of Soviet-supported Cuban troops in Angola posed a significant threat to U.S. security, and legislated limits on potential American involvement. Three years earlier they imposed a cutoff on U.S. bombing of targets in Cambodia and North Vietnam on the supposition that continued bombing would no longer (if it ever did) promote U.S. security. For a discussion of these Congressional curbs on the President's ability to commit American military resources, see Thomas M. Franck and Edward Weisband, Foreign Policy By Congress (New York: Oxford University Press, 1979), esp. pp. 13-23 and 46-57. 5. For a recent authoritative study, see An Assessment of the Consequences and Preparations for a Catastrophic California Earthquake: Findings and Actions Taken (Washington: Federal Emergency Management Agency, 1980). For a summary of current estimates, see Richard A. Kerr, "California's Shaking Next Time," Science, Vol. 215 (January 22, 1982), pp. 385-387. 6. The Federal Emergency Management Agency's (FEMA) fiscal year 1983 appropriation for civil defense was 147,407,000;for"comprehensiveemergencypreparednessplanning"forearthquakesitwas147,407,000; for "comprehensive emergency preparedness planning" for earthquakes it was 3,120,000. California's total budgeted expenditure for earthquake safety for fiscal year 1983 was 13,391,000.Foradetailedbreakdown,seeStateofCalifornia,SeismicSafetyCommission,AnnualReporttotheGovernorandtheLegislatureforJuly1981June1982(Sacramento:August1982),pp.1621.7.The"classic"appealforalargeU.S.civildefenseprogram,baseduponhypothesizedcomparativeU.S.andSovietrecoveryrates,isT.K.JonesandW.ScottThompson,"CentralWarandCivilDefense,"Orbis,Vol.22,No.3(Fall1978),pp.681712.Foramorerecentdiscussion,seeRobertScheer,WithEnoughShovels:Reagan,BushandNuclearWar(NewYork:RandomHouse,1982),pp.104119.TheenormouscostisoneprincipalargumentagainstalargescaleU.S.civildefenseprogram.Butanotherrelatestostrategicdoctrine.Acivildefenseprogramthatpromisestooffereffectiveprotectionmightinacrisisinviteanenemyfirststrikeattack.Theadversary,sothisreasoningruns,wouldreadlargescalecivildefensesasindicatingthatweourselveswerepreparedtoinitiatenuclearwar.Itwouldthereforestrikeatthefirstsignthatwewerebeginningtomoveourpopulationintoshelters,aswesurelywouldduringasevereinternationalcrisis.Thusweenhancestabilitybynotoptingforcivildefenses:theothersideknowsthatsinceourpopulationisexposed,wewouldnotbelikelytoinitiatenuclearwar,andtheincentivesforthemtostrikepreemptivelyaretherebyreduced.8.TheFEMAstudycitedabove(note5)estimatesthatthelikelydamagefromthemostprobable(butfarfromthemostdestructive)majorearthquakeontheSanAndreasfaultmightbe13,391,000. For a detailed breakdown, see State of California, Seismic Safety Commission, Annual Report to the Governor and the Legislature for July 1981-June 1982 (Sacramento: August 1982), pp. 16-21. 7. The "classic" appeal for a large U.S. civil defense program, based upon hypothesized comparative U.S. and Soviet recovery rates, is T.K. Jones and W. Scott Thompson, "Central War and Civil Defense," Orbis, Vol. 22, No. 3 (Fall 1978), pp. 681-712. For a more recent discussion, see Robert Scheer, With Enough Shovels: Reagan, Bush and Nuclear War (New York: Random House, 1982), pp. 104-119. The enormous cost is one principal argument against a large-scale U.S. civil defense program. But another relates to strategic doctrine. A civil defense program that promises to offer effective protection might in a crisis invite an enemy first-strike attack. The adversary, so this reasoning runs, would read large-scale civil defenses as indicating that we ourselves were prepared to initiate nuclear war. It would therefore strike at the first sign that we were beginning to move our population into shelters, as we surely would during a severe international crisis. Thus we enhance stability by not opting for civil defenses: the other side knows that since our population is exposed, we would not be likely to initiate nuclear war, and the incentives for them to strike preemptively are thereby reduced. 8. The FEMA study cited above (note 5) estimates that the likely damage from the most probable (but far from the most destructive) major earthquake on the San Andreas fault might be 17 billion, but it indicates that the figure might be low by a factor as high as three (p. 22). 9. The most...
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