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Affective Processing Guides Behavior and Emotions Communicate Feelings: Towards a Guideline for the NeuroIS Community

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Abstract

Like most researchers from other disciplines the NeuroIS community too faces the problem of interchangeable terminology regarding emotion-related aspects of their work. This article aims at solving this issue by clearly distinguishing between emotion, feeling and affective processing and by offering clear definitions. Numerous prior attempts to agree on only an emotion definition alone have failed, even in the emotion research community itself. A further still widely neglected problem is that language as a cognitive cortical function has no access to subcortical affective processing, which forms the basis for both feelings and emotions. Thus, any survey question about anything emotional cannot be answered properly. This is why it is particularly important to complement self-report data with objective measures whenever emotion-related processes are of interest. While highlighting that cognitive processing (e.g. language) is separate from affective processing, the present paper proposes a brain function model as a basis to understand that subcortical affective processing (i.e. neural activity) guides human behavior, while feelings are consciously felt bodily responses that can arise from suprathreshold affective processing and that are communicated to others via emotions (behavioral output). To provide an exemplary consequence, according to this model fear is not an emotion, but a feeling. The respective emotion is a scared face plus other behavioral responses that show an observer that one feels fear as a result of affective processing. A growing body of literature within and outside the NeuroIS community began to reveal that cognitive, explicit responses (self-report) to emotion stimuli often deviate from implicit affective neural activity that can only be accessed via objective technology. This paper has the potential to facilitate future NeuroIS research as well as to provide an innovative understanding of emotion for the entire science community.
Affective processing guides behavior and emotions
communicate feelings: Towards a guideline for the
NeuroIS community
Peter Walla1,2,3,*
1 CanBeLab, Department of Psychology, Webster Vienna Private University, Praterstrasse 23,
1020 Vienna, Austria
peter.walla@webster.ac.at
2 School of Psychology, Newcastle University, Newcastle, Callaghan, Australia
3 Faculty of Psychology, University of Vienna, Vienna, Austria
Abstract. Like most researchers from other disciplines the NeuroIS community
too faces the problem of interchangeable terminology regarding emotion-related
aspects of their work. This article aims at solving this issue by clearly distin-
guishing between emotion, feeling and affective processing and by offering
clear definitions. Numerous prior attempts to agree on only an emotion defini-
tion alone have failed, even in the emotion research community itself. A further
still widely neglected problem is that language as a cognitive cortical mecha-
nism has no access to subcortical affective processing, which forms the basis
for both feelings and emotions. Thus, any survey question about something
emotional cannot be answered properly. This is why it is particularly important
to complement self-report data with objective measures whenever emotion-
related processes are of interest.
While highlighting that cognitive processing (e.g. language) is separate from af-
fective processing, the present paper proposes a brain function model as a basis
to understand that subcortical affective processing (i.e. neural activity) guides
human behavior, while feelings are consciously felt bodily responses that can
arise from suprathreshold affective processing and that are communicated to
others via emotions (behavioral output). To provide an exemplary consequence,
according to this model fear is not an emotion, but a feeling. The respective
emotion is a scared face plus other behavioral responses that show an observer
that one feels fear as a result of affective processing.
A growing body of literature within and outside the NeuroIS community reveals
that cognitive, explicit responses (self-report) to emotion stimuli often deviate
from implicit affective neural activity that can only be accessed via objective
technology. This paper has the potential to facilitate future NeuroIS research.
Keywords: emotion feeling affective processing conscious non-conscious
behavior emotion model subjective objective implicit versus explicit
* Corresponding author
2
1 The problem
1.1 Introduction
If you ever felt angry about a person you deeply love you know what love/hate is.
How can one have two emotions at the same time? A quick answer is that love and
hate are no emotions, they are feelings. A more elaborate answer is that given the
current confusion in emotion research it is difficult to find a clear answer and only the
use of a more sophisticated and accurate vocabulary and a clear understanding of
human brain function can help.
Driven by the problematic and interchangeable use of the terms "affective", "emotion"
and "feeling" this article makes an effort to suggest a very concrete understanding of
those words' meanings with the purpose of proposing a distinct emotion model or
better a brain function model including affective processing that is the basis for emo-
tions. It is true, but unacceptable that most scholarly work in the field of emotion
research mentions the problem of missing proper definitions without offering a solu-
tion. Within Information Systems (IS) the NeuroIS community, established since
2007, is strongly focusing on emotional aspects related to information technology (IT)
and IS [e.g. 1-6] and suffers from an absent agreement on how to define emotion.
Most often feeling and emotion are used interchangeably. The herewith proposed
model and terminology is meant to help the NeuroIS community to more efficiently
disseminate its research outcome and to better communicate their results at confer-
ences. Ideally, it leads to a consistent view and use of those terms. In the best case this
effort also leads to a novel understanding of anything around emotion in principle.
The title "affective processing guides behavior and emotions communicate feelings"
already brings it to the point, but to fully understand this short and sharp statement
one must go into some further detail, which starts with a good understanding of the
overall function of the entire brain in the first place. Further below, a respective con-
cept is explained and elaborated on including its neurobiological roots. Whether or
not the science community will accept this solution depends on various factors and
might be a matter of time and solid evaluation, but it is definitely about time to make
some progress. Continuous interchangeable use of terms describing emotion-related
phenomena is hindering further developments and should thus become history.
1.2 Emotion in IS and NeuroIS
Since 2009 the link between information systems (IS) and the neurosciences (Neu-
roIS) is discussed in the frame of the Gmunden Retreat (Austria) that became a yearly
event with a rapidly increasing number of participants [7].
After all, it is the brain that produces behavior, perceives and appreciates design,
accepts or rejects technology, thinks, makes decisions and communicates and it con-
sists of neurons. Obviously, it makes sense to take neurosciences into account. The
3
NeuroIS community acknowledges that and thus forms an important and very promis-
ing group of scholars as part of the large IS community.
During the early days of NeuroIS Dimoka et al. [8] concluded that there is great po-
tential for drawing upon cognitive neuroscience theories and using brain imaging
tools in IS research to enhance its own theories. In their highly valuable commentary
[8] they were asking “how can the cognitive neuroscience literature inform IS re-
search?” and “how can IS researchers use brain imaging tools to complement their
existing sources of data?” While the answers to those questions will indeed provide
useful further insight into IT and IS related research it would also be beneficial to
invite neuroscientists more frequently to co-author respective written output in order
to help implementing neuroscience theories and interpreting collected data. The Neu-
roIS community already made enormous progress within IS by recognizing that ob-
jective and unbiased measures of cognitive and affective processes are important to
complement traditional data sources and by actually recording and analyzing those
objective measures for their research [9].
Importantly, it has been emphasized that pure behavior research is potentially biased
due to its reliance on self-report (i.e. explicit responses) [10]. Within the context of
technostress the relationship between physiological (objective) and self-reported (sub-
jective) data were investigated [11] and the authors argue that both kinds of data tap
into different aspects of technostress and that only the combination of both can pro-
vide the most complete understanding of technostress impact. This means an enor-
mous step forward. Respective empirical results show that a physiological measure
explains performance on the computer-based task over and above explicit responses,
which certainly reflects that the brain knows more than it admits to consciousness.
Neurophysiological methods such as electroencephalography (EEG) [12, 13], skin
conductance (SC) and facial electromyography (fEMG) were used in the frame of
NeuroIS investigations [14] and only recently also startle reflex modulation (SRM)
has been introduced (see below).
The use of objective technologies is an important first step, however one also wants to
understand why objective measures are often better than subjective measures and the
answer to that question is, because affective processing content is not directly acces-
sible to language. Some scholars already noticed a limited self-monitoring capacity
particularly related to emotionally driven decisions [15]. From a neurobiological per-
spective it is clear that self-report cannot properly reflect raw affective responses due
to language being a cortical function, while affective processing happens deeply sub-
cortical. In contrast, self-report can of course easily reflect cognitive responses, which
are mainly cortical themselves. The fact that words cannot easily reflect what’s going
on deep inside the brain has been shown in several studies about discrepancies occur-
ring between explicit responses to affective stimulation and objective measures [16-
36].
Besides those discrepancies also the way Gregor et al. [37] wrote about emotion in IS
research underlines the problem of respective interchangeable terminology use. In
their work, the authors speak of three interacting emotion systems, language, physiol-
ogy and behavior. Remarkably, they used a multiple measurement approach (i.e. pa-
4
per-based self-report measures, qualitative comments as well as EEG measures) and
highlighted the multiple aspect nature of emotion. This paper already points in a very
innovative direction regarding the understanding of emotion, but instead of using
distinct vocabulary the authors labeled all three emotion systems by borrowing names
related to other functions (language, physiology and behavior). Below, the solution
begins with first explaining the brain’s function from a neurobiological perspective
and then by defining affective processing, feeling and emotion.
2 The solution
2.1 The brain’s function
The heart pumps blood to deliver chemical substances as well as entire cells to dis-
tinct body parts. The lung extracts oxygen from the air to provide energy for the
whole organism and the brain processes information to produce adapted behaviour
(besides maintaining homeostasis). Every organ has its function that it operates via a
specific mechanism. The information the brain processes is the result of sensory in-
put. There are no sounds, pictures, odours nor any other actual physical or chemical
environmental stimuli in our brains, there are only neural signals triggered by sensory
neurons and sent toward the central nervous system, which consists of the brain and
the spinal cord. Seeing, hearing, smelling, tasting and touching as well as all proprio-
ceptive signals from inside the body such as from organs and muscles inform the
brain continuously about ongoing changes in the external and internal world [38].
After the translation of external and internal stimuli into the brain's language (i.e.
graded potentials and action potentials) actual information processing begins. Im-
portantly, two different information aspects are central, one cognitive and the other
affective. Cognitive information focusses on semantic features that lead to an under-
standing what something is, while affective information is evaluative leading to a
decision on how something is [29].
It makes sense to believe that affective processing evolved before cognitive pro-
cessing as a first mechanism to adapt behaviour on the basis of evaluative decisions
rather than semantic understanding. This idea is supported by the fact that affective
information is processed by older brain structures whereas cognitive information is
processed by much younger cortical neurons. Primitive non-human animals still make
their decisions solely based on affective processing and so is our own early childhood
primarily guided by affective processing. However, the brain evolved over time and at
some point cognitive processing established as a consequence of natural selection
[39]. But crucially, one must understand that even in us humans any behavior is ini-
tially triggered deep inside the brain by old structures that can still be found in primi-
tive vertebrates such as reptiles and that both affective and cognitive information
processing adjusts it on the way to its execution, again with affective processing being
the basis. The right part of the below figure reflects such motivated behavior.
To this point, you may have noticed that the term "emotion" has not been men-
tioned yet even though the function of the brain has been fully explained. This is so,
5
because emotion is here understood as behaviour and not information processing.
"Emotion" (from Latin "emovere" = to carry away, to remove or in other words to
move out or express) is here understood as behavioural output of affective processing
and because it is not processing itself, it does not directly contribute to behaviour
adaptation. See further details in the next paragraph and the left side of the below
figure that shows paths related to emotional behavior.
Affective processing can happen without even generating an emotion, which has
serious implications, because not all disordered affective processing might show up as
observable or measurable emotions (i.e. behavioural patterns). It is also of great inter-
est to the industry and of course the IS and NeuroIS community, because the emotions
a marketing expert plans to elicit or an IS scholar tries to measure might not always
match up with underlying affective processing, which might negatively influence the
interpretation and discussion of scientific results. These are just some of many more
examples that highlight this undoubtedly radical, but helpful approach to "emotion".
2.2 The proposed emotion model
As a matter of fact, some scholars understand emotions as neural activities, others see
them as felt affective phenomena and yet others as facial expressions. Independent
from an exact definition of emotion it is problematic to assume that observing
someone's facial expression elicits respective responses in the observers brain. Given
that in most cases the facial expressions were fake and that faces are often not neces-
sarily reflective of deep inner affective states this becomes even more problematic.
The herewith proposed model states that affective processing (i.e. neural activity)
represents actual information processing, while an emotion is not at all information
processing, it is produced behavior as the word “motion” in e-motion suggests. Criti-
cally, emotions are not directly reflective of affective processing, which means that
one should be more interested in affective processing and not emotions.
In the mammalian brain, any motivation-based behavior (i.e. muscle contraction caus-
ing movement) is triggered in the brain stem and on the way to its motoric execution
it is first affective information processing (i.e. affective decision making) that can
adapt it to environmental changes by evaluating stimuli (approach or withdraw). This
basic processing stage equals a judgment of external environmental as well as internal
own body stimuli regarding their pleasant/unpleasant aspects. It is automatic and
independent from cognitive processes. It evolved long before cognition and con-
sciousness and thus also before language came into existence.
Since humans are mammals too it must be accepted that this automatic evaluative
process also forms the basis for any human behavior. In humans though, cognitive
processes can influence and overrule affective decision making, which is usually
referred to as emotion control, but should from now on be understood as affection
control. Nevertheless, getting back to affective processing one can say that if it cross-
es certain thresholds (supra-threshold neural activity) it leads to bodily responses
(hypothalamus, visceral, etc.) that can be perceived and thus lead to feelings. All
organisms capable of consciousness, which is a prerequisite of perception can have
feelings (basically all mammals). So, feelings are conscious phenomena, but they are
6
not cognitive, they are perceived bodily responses. To consciously experience (to
feel) a bodily response is like to consciously experience (to see) visual information.
Like in the previous paragraph, we haven’t heard anything yet about THE most often
used term, emotion. Gain, what is an emotion, the probably most inflationary word
that is in everybody’s mouth? According to the current model, emotions are possible
behavioral results of affective processing, they are separate to feelings. However,
there is a possible link between emotions and feelings in that emotions as behavioral
responses can communicate feelings. As stated in the abstract the feeling of fear can
be communicated by a respective facial expression. Perhaps, emotions evolved to let
conspecifics know how one feels. It is here suggested to call those emotions that are
genuine results of affective processing involuntary emotions. As mentioned above,
cognition can interfere and organisms that are capable of cognitive information pro-
cessing can intentionally modify emotions (e.g. facial expressions) and use them for
strategic nonverbal communication purposes. This is an evolutionary advantage and
such emotions are here referred to as voluntary emotions (e.g. fake facial expressions,
exaggerated expressions, etc.).
Fig. 1. Schematic model demonstrating that any behavior is initially triggered deep inside the
brain by old neural structures belonging to the brain stem. Crucially, before actual execution it
is adapted through affective and cognitive information processing that takes influence and thus
modify the way we behave (right side: motivation behavior). On the left, note the distinction
between involuntary and voluntary emotion behavior (emotions are behavioral output!).
7
Table 1: Summary of definitions
affective processing
neural activity coding for valence (“how” aspects)
feeling
felt bodily response arising from suprathreshold affective processing
emotion
behavioral output of affective processing communicating feelings
cognitive processing
neural activity coding for semantic information (“what” aspects)
To link this model to existing emotion theories it can be said that it contains aspects
of the well-known James-Lange-emotion theory, which also links bodily responses to
feelings. In his 1884 paper 40, “What is an emotion?” James wrote that “the emo-
tional brain-processes not only resemble the ordinary sensorial brainprocesses, but in
very truth are nothing but such processes variously combined”. The crucial change in
terminology now is that those brain processes are here called “affective processing”,
while emotions are defined as their behavioral consequences, while feelings, like
James suggested, are felt bodily responses.
Charles Darwin 39, when writing about affections, mentioned changes in the func-
tioning of glands and muscles, which basically are the only effectors that get activated
as a consequence of prior information processing in the brain. The current idea to put
strong emphasis on behavioral output when talking about emotion resembles that
view. Fear is a feeling that arises when respective neural activity elicits respective
physiological bodily responses and the scared face is the emotion.
James also says that “the immense number of parts modified in each emotion is what
makes it so difficult for us to reproduce in cold blood the total and integral expression
of any one of them. We may catch the trick with the voluntary muscles, but fail with
the skin, glands, heart, and other viscera. In terms of the current model this means
that voluntary emotions can never fully copy involuntary emotions.
3 Conclusions
This article covers two major topics of interest. First, due to explicit language func-
tions being cortical mechanisms self-report data cannot adequately reflect affective
brain responses that happen deeply subcortical. This inevitably leads to misleading
results whenever survey-based data alone are analyzed. Second, the interchangeable
terminology related to emotion can be solved by accepting that emotions are possible
behavioral responses to affective processing (e.g. facial expressions) and feelings are
felt bodily responses that arise as a consequence of strong (suprathreshold) affective
processing.
Affective processing equals neural activity representing the most basic decision mak-
ing quality that guides human behavior. An emotion has nothing to do with infor-
mation processing, it’s behavior. Indeed, it has to be emphasized that this model is
quite reductionist, but short and accurate explanations are better than long, confusing
and also no explanations.
8
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... Information processing starts after a piece of information is translated into signals that can be processed by the brain [91]. One then distinguishes between (1) cognitive processing and (2) affective processing. ...
... Cognitive processing leads to an understanding of what something is, while affective processing is evaluative, leading to a decision on how something is [45]. According to Walla [91], affective processing forms the basis of any human behavior. Therefore, affective processing also has a salient influence on how humans respond to fake news. ...
... Importantly, cognitive and affective processing occur in different brain regions. Cognitive processing occurs in the cortical brain regions, while affective processing occurs in the subcortical brain regions [91]. With language being a cortical brain function, self-reports cannot fully reflect on the processes that occur deep inside the brain but instead must be measured in situ through neurophysiological measurements [89,91]. ...
Article
Fake news on social media has large, negative implications for society. However, little is known about what linguistic cues make people fall for fake news and, hence, how to design effective countermeasures for social media. In this study, we seek to understand which linguistic cues make people fall for fake news. Linguistic cues (e.g., adverbs, personal pronouns, positive emotion words, negative emotion words) are important characteristics of any text and also affect how people process real vs. fake news. Specifically, we compare the role of linguistic cues across both cognitive processing (related to careful thinking) and affective processing (related to unconscious automatic evaluations). To this end, we performed a within-subject experiment where we collected neurophysiological measurements of 42 subjects while these read a sample of 40 real and fake news articles. During our experiment, we measured cognitive processing through eye fixations, and affective processing in situ through heart rate variability. We find that users engage more in cognitive processing for longer fake news articles, while affective processing is more pronounced for fake news written in analytic words. To the best of our knowledge, this is the first work studying the role of linguistic cues in fake news processing. Altogether, our findings have important implications for designing online platforms that encourage users to engage in careful thinking and thus prevent them from falling for fake news.
... Affective processing refers to "neural activity representing the most basic decision-making quality that guides human behavior" (Walla, 2018, p. 148). In particular, it involves an unconscious automatic evaluation of stimuli regarding their pleasant/unpleasant aspects (vom Brocke et al., 2020;Walla, 2018). It is thus conceivable that affective processing may also influence how humans respond to online news, especially as it would explain why users fall for fake news inadvertently and despite careful thinking. ...
... Second, we introduce the information processing model by Walla (2018), which distinguishes cognitive processing and self-reported emotions from affective processing. Finally, we describe how affective processing is linked to the state of cognitive dissonance, presenting our research hypotheses' theoretical underpinning. ...
... However, human behaviour is also guided by affective processing (Agogo & Hess, 2018;Dimoka et al., 2012;Gregor et al., 2014;Ortiz De Guinea et al., 2014;Zhang, 2013). Affective processing involves an unconscious automatic evaluation of stimuli regarding their pleasant/unpleasant aspects and is a fundamental factor in human behaviour (vom Brocke et al., 2020;Walla, 2018). Hence, it is conceivable that affective processing also influences how humans respond to online news, which presents the focus of this study. ...
... The preceding section presents the findings of Krasonikolakis et al. [22] (who combined PAD and flow), McLean et al. [28] (who combined the PANAS and satisfaction), and Terblanche [32] (who combined in-store emotions with in-store environments to measure CX holistically). While we are aware of the distinct meanings of the terms "emotion," "affect," and "feeling" ( [43]; see also [44]), most of the reviewed literature used these words interchangeably (nine papers considered affective CX, two papers considered emotional CX, and one paper considered single emotions). Five papers adopted Mehrabian and Russell's [26] PAD to measure affective CX. ...
... Moreover, all reviewed papers used structured questionnaires to measure CX. However, there has been a longstanding discussion in research regarding how to accurately measure emotions that are felt in the body through cognitive processes such as questioning or other self-report methods [43]. As Caruelle et al. [69] have also pointed out, the use of self-reports to measure consumer emotions can pose various risks, including biased data due to respondents' unwillingness or inability to correctly identify, capture, and communicate their own emotions. ...
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Due to changes in customers’ shopping habits and increasing omnichannel behavior (i.e., use of both online and offline channels), a seamless customer experience (CX) with a retailer extends beyond the online shop. CX is a broad construct and researchers have used various measures to capture this construct. Consequently, it is difficult to compare CX outcomes. Against this background, this literature review analyzes CX dimensions, measures, and outcomes in a human-computer interaction context and beyond. Our results indicate that both affective and cognitive CX have been studied intensively. While affective CX has mostly been measured using the PAD (pleasure, arousal, dominance) scale, cognitive CX has largely been studied based on the flow concept. A few researchers have studied CX holistically, or as a social and sensorial phenomenon. Major outcomes studied in the extant literature include engagement, purchase intention, loyalty, commitment, word-of-mouth, satisfaction, and trust. Based on our findings, we discuss managerial implications as well as directions for future research.
... It should also be noted that the participants did not get to watch the entire movie due to time constrains, which could have led to lower emotional stakes of the scenes due to missing context or an emotional connection to the characters, therefore resulting in less pronounced results. Another part of the wide spread of answers could be a result of the questionnaire used, the PANAS, as stated by Walla (2017), self-reported data is unable to adequately reflect affective brain responses. Thus, the PANAS assessing positive and negative affects through self-report leads to a limitation regarding the participants capabilities to grasp their own emotions. ...
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There have been found differences in emotional processing between men and women regarding emotional cues in the native language. This study examined whether there are differences in affect processing between women and men when watching movie scenes in a foreign language. The main research question was: Do women process movie scenes in a foreign language on a higher affective level than men? The main goal of this study was to analyse gender-specific differences in emotional reactions to movie scenes. The study used a quasi-experimental laboratory environment to measure the affective reaction. Participants were native German speakers and were recruited by contacting acquaintances. They watched two clips in English from the movie 'Dead Poets Society', for which the affective reaction was assessed using the German version of the PANAS questionnaire. The study found no significant difference in the emotional reaction to film scenes in a foreign language (English) between women and men. Both genders showed similar efficiency in processing nonverbal emotional cues. This might suggest that gender-specific differences in reactions to emotional content in foreign languages do not exist. 3
... El término "estado afectivo" puede hacer referencia a una emoción o un sentimiento, tal es así que ambos términos se suelen utilizar como sinónimos, sin embargo, tienen significados diferentes (2). Desde el punto de vista semántico el origen de la palabra emoción es "emotio", "emotionis" cuyo origen deriva del verbo latino "movere" (moverse) y contiene el prefijo "e" que implica "alejamiento" o "movimiento". ...
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RESUMEN Introducción: Los estados afectivos presentan una relación bidireccional con la conducta alimentaria. "Comer emocionalmente" se produce cuando se altera esta relación y se utiliza a la comida como mecanismo adaptativo disfuncional ante determinados estados afectivos negativos. Por esta razón, se piensa que las condiciones emocionales son uno de los factores de riesgo para desencadenar los desórdenes en el comportamiento alimentario (DCA). Objetivo: Realizar un estudio naturalístico en la República Argentina sobre los estados afectivos que predominan en el comportamiento alimentario y el riesgo de desencadenar DCA. Materiales y métodos: Estudio naturalístico, transversal, observacional, descriptivo y comparativo sobre una muestra de 1091 individuos. Los datos 398 fueron recolectados a través de un cuestionario anónimo conformado por los instrumentos EAT 26 y EES, con el previo consentimiento informado. Se procesaron y analizaron mediante el programa Microsoft Excel versión 2010 y el paquete estadístico SPSS versión 20. Resultados: Según el EAT 26, el 14,02% de la muestra presentó riesgo de desencadenar DCA, de los cuales poseen "fuerte/muy fuerte" deseo de comer (DC) para los estados afectivos "Depresivo": 44%, "Inquieto": 38% "Solo": 41% y "Aburrido": (61%) con una significancia, de acuerdo con los estudios de pruebas estadísticas "T de Student" y "Correlaciones bivariadas", de <0,001. El estado afectivo "Alegre" no se asocia ni con un incremento ni con una disminución del DC. Conclusión: Los estados afectivos negativos tales como "Depresivo", "Inquieto" "Solo" y "Aburrido" actuarían como un factor de riesgo para desencadenar alteraciones en la conducta alimentaria. ABSTRACT Introduction: Affective states present a bidirectional relationship with eating
... Self-report-based studies introduce problems of social desirability bias [11], among others. In addition to that, survey questions about preferences, likes and dislikes, or similar constructs involve affective information processing that is in fact difficult to verbalize [12]. This phenomenon has been labeled "cognitive pollution" [13,14]. ...
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The birth and following growth of social media platforms has influenced a lot. In addition to beneficial features, it has long-been noticed that heavy consumption of social media can have negative effects beyond a simple lack of time for other things. Of particular interest is the idea that consuming short videos lasting only fractions of a minute and watched one after another can lead to deficits in concentration and attention. Completing the existing literature that already reports evidence for attention deficits related to heavy social media use, the present study aims to contribute to this acute topic by adding neurophysiological data to it. In particular, this study made use of a well-known experimental paradigm, which is able to detect attention-related changes on a neurophysiological level. The so-called oddball paradigm was applied and the hypothesis that heavy social media users mainly consuming short videos show a reduced P300 event-related potential (ERP) component was tested, which has been found to reflect attention-related brain functions. For this, we invited twenty-nine participants and designed a visual oddball experiment including a white circle on black background as the low-frequency target stimulus and a white triangle on black background as the high-frequency non-target stimulus. On the basis of their self-reported short-video-based social media usage habits, all participants were grouped into heavy (more than 4 h daily usage) and regular (below 3 h daily usage) users, and finally data from 14 heavy and 15 regular users were further analyzed. It was found that only regular users show a clear P300 ERP component, while this particular brain potential amplitude reflecting attentional processes was significantly reduced in heavy users. This result provides empirical brain imaging evidence that heavy short-video-based social media use indeed affects attentional brain processes in a negative way.
... This problem was also raised in a recent review report by Giumetti and Kuwalski [5] when Brain Sci. 2023, 13, 831 3 of 12 they stated that most of the existing research is self-reported, which introduces problems of social desirability bias [20] in addition to misleading data because affective brain responses (preference is strongly affective) guiding human behavior are not easy to verbalize [21], a concept that has been labeled "cognitive pollution" [22,23]. More objective experimental research is needed, and the present study was meant to provide empirical insight into this very acute topic by conducting a brain imaging study (electroencephalography) analyzing brain activities elicited by individually selected names of followed and loved influencers and other celebrities while comparing those to brain activities elicited by names of real-life loved friends and relatives as well as elicited by known names without any affiliation. ...
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Especially for young people, influencers and other celebrities followed on social media evoke affective closeness that in their young minds seems real even though it is fake. Such fake friendships are potentially problematic because of their felt reality on the consumer side while lacking any inversely felt true closeness. The question arises if the unilateral friendship of a social media user is equal or at least similar to real reciprocal friendship. Instead of asking social media users for explicit responses (conscious deliberation), the present exploratory study aimed to answer this question with the help of brain imaging technology. Thirty young participants were first invited to provide individual lists including (i) twenty names of their most followed and loved influencers or other celebrities (fake friend names), (ii) twenty names of loved real friends and relatives (real friend names) as well as (iii) twenty names they do not feel any closeness to (no friend names). They then came to the Freud CanBeLab (Cognitive and Affective Neuroscience and Behavior Lab) where they were shown their selected names in a random sequence (two rounds), while their brain activities were recorded via electroencephalography (EEG) and later calculated into event-related potentials (ERPs). We found short (ca. 100 ms) left frontal brain activity starting at around 250 ms post-stimulus to process real friend and no friend names similarly, while both ERPs differed from those elicited by fake friend names. This is followed by a longer effect (ca. 400 ms), where left and right frontal and temporoparietal ERPs also differed between fake and real friend names, but at this later processing stage, no friend names elicited similar brain activities to fake friend names in those regions. In general, real friend names elicited the most negative going brain potentials (interpreted as highest brain activation levels). These exploratory findings represent objective empirical evidence that the human brain clearly distinguishes between influencers or other celebrities and close people out of real life even though subjective feelings of closeness and trust can be similar. In summary, brain imaging shows there is nothing like a real friend. The findings of this study might be seen as a starting point for future studies using ERPs to investigate social media impact and topics such as fake friendship.
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Digital signages are the most diffused instore technologies with their effects on perceived store atmospherics and behavioral outcomes relying heavily on their visual design and context. To further inform and understand the effects of visual design, this research in vestigates the effect of digital signage designs from the lens of FuzzyTrace Theory which differentiates between a verbatim and gistbased processing of (visual) information. The designs were embedded within a store environment and without this context to validate the design's effect in context. The results of our study using functional nearinfrared spec troscopy show activated brain areas in the medial prefrontal cortex (PFC) accompanied by a lateral PFC deactivation, which indicates cognitive relief and increased emotional processing for gistbased designs. In store context, the cognitive relief is no longer found, yet the emotional attribution was still found. These results provide several theoretical and practical implications for the visual design of digital signages.
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Evaluative conditioning (EC) effects on established liked and disliked brands were measured via self report, startle reflex modulation (SRM), heart rate (HR), skin conductance (SC), and the Implicit Association Test (IAT). Baseline measures were compared with measures taken after 1, 6, and 16 conditioning procedures. The aim was to determine how the different measures are differently sensitive to EC effects. Although self-report indicated conditioning effects already after 1 conditioning procedure and in both directions, the authors believe this to be an artifact due to a regression to the mean effect and thus reject this finding. Similarly, HR and SC did not show any sensitivity to conditioning effects. However, SRM and the IAT revealed significant conditioning effects, but more than 1 conditioning procedure were needed to cause changes. Most importantly, SRM, the only implicit measure of raw affective processing (subcortical), did show a significant EC effect after six conditioning procedures, but only in case of disliked brands turning into more liked brands. Because implicit measures are assumed to be more sensitive to deep subcortical affective processing it is concluded that this level of affective processing is more easily influenced by evaluative conditioning than higher order (cortical) processing levels. The findings are discussed in terms of different aspects of brand attitude (affective and cognitive) that seem to be differently affected by EC. Implications for marketers and advertisers are suggested.
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Previous studies were able to demonstrate different verbally stated affective responses to environments. In the present study we used objective measures of emotion. We examined startle reflex modulation as well as changes in heart rate and skin conductance while subjects virtually walked through six different areas of urban Paris using the StreetView tool of Google maps. Unknown to the subjects, these areas were selected based on their median real estate prices. First, we found that price highly correlated with subjective rating of pleasantness. In addition, relative startle amplitude differed significantly between the area with lowest versus highest median real estate price while no differences in heart rate and skin conductance were found across conditions. We conclude that interaction with environmental scenes does elicit emotional responses which can be objectively measured and quantified. Environments activate motivational and emotional brain circuits, which is in line with the notion of an evolutionary developed system of environmental preference. Results are discussed in the frame of environmental psychology and aesthetics.
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Consumers’ attitudes towards established brands were tested using implicit and explicit measures. In particular, late positive potential (LPP) effects were assessed as an implicit neurophysiological measure of motivational significance. The Implicit Association Test (IAT) was used as an implicit behavioural measure of valence-related aspects (affective content) of brand attitude. We constructed individualised stimulus lists of liked and disliked brand types from participants’ subjective pre-assessment. Participants then re-rated these visually presented brands whilst brain potential changes were recorded via electroencephalography (EEG). First, self-report measures during the test confirmed pre-assessed attitudes underlining consistent explicit rating performance. Second, liked brands elicited significantly more positive going waveforms (LPPs) than disliked brands over right parietal cortical areas starting at about 800 ms post stimulus onset (reaching statistical significance at around 1,000 ms) and lasting until the end of the recording epoch (2,000 ms). In accordance to the literature, this finding is interpreted as reflecting positive affect-related motivational aspects of liked brands. Finally, the IAT revealed that both liked and disliked brands indeed are associated with affect-related valence. The increased levels of motivation associated with liked brands is interpreted as potentially reflecting increased purchasing intention, but this is of course only speculation at this stage.
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Evolution provided us with the important feature of affective information processing, which is designed to detect potentially harmful and appetitive sources in a dynamic environment. Transferred into the modern world of consumption research, we are interested in studying this particular approach versus avoidance behavior. We call it affective information processing which is the underlying basis of all emotions and a significant part of attitudes relevant to consumption. This paper provides conceptual and measurement-related reflections on our understanding of attitudes and emotions relevant to consumption.
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