Content uploaded by Julia Blocher
Author content
All content in this area was uploaded by Julia Blocher on Sep 18, 2018
Content may be subject to copyright.
Metadata of the chapter that will be visualized in
SpringerLink
Book Title Limits to Climate Change Adaptation
Series Title
Chapter Title Limits to Adaptation to Climate Change in Papua-New Guinea and Fiji: Loss of Land and Cultural
Heritage Through Climate-Induced Relocation
Copyright Year 2018
Copyright HolderName Springer International Publishing AG
Corresponding Author Family Name Gharbaoui
Particle
Given Name Dalila
Prefix
Suffix
Division
Organization Hugo Observatory for Environmental Migration University of Liège
Address Bâtiment 31 - Boîte 45 - 7, Boulevard du Rectorat, 4000, Liège, Belgium
Division Macmillan Brown Center for Pacific Studies (MBC)
Organization University of Canterbury
Address Private Bag 4800, Christchurch, 8140, New Zealand
Email dgharbaoui@doct.ulg.ac.be
dalila.gharbaoui@pg.canterbury.ac.nz
Author Family Name Blocher
Particle
Given Name Julia
Prefix
Suffix
Division
Organization Hugo Observatory for Environmental Migration University of Liège
Address Bâtiment 31 - Boîte 45 - 7, Boulevard du Rectorat, 4000, Liège, Belgium
Division
Organization United Nations University
Address DC2-2062, 2 U.N. Plaza, New York, NY, 10017, USA
Email blocher@unu.edu
Abstract This paper studies evidences from community relocations in Papua New Guinea New Caledonia and Fiji
that have shown that loss of culture are unavoidable results of relocation if customary land tenure is not
considered at very early stage at relocation process. Good governance and best practice addressing limits to
adaptation should include this dimension. Post-relocation vulnerability associated to land-based conflicts
and the loss of customary land systems need to be considered when planning for relocation as sustainable
adaptation strategy to climate change in the Pacific region. The diversity of customary land rights in the
Pacific makes relocation a particularly complex process that needs to include negotiation at early stages of
the process, including Governments, local leaders and both relocatees and hosting communities.
Understanding this dimension is crucial and without deep comprehension of community-based adaptation
strategies and planning around land management, the relocation process is likely to be unsustainable as it
will lack the important cultural heritage and the essential link between Islanders and their land, which is
considered an extension of one’s own self. Customary authorities and institutions are legitimate
governance actors holding their own governance mechanisms in the Pacific region. Strategies addressing
climate change adaptation in the Pacific should include both state-based governance mechanisms
combined with customary non-state institutions. In order to combine those two forms of governance, it is
necessary to include traditional authorities to the decision-making process on relocation. This cannot be
done without a deep respect for their view of the world, a profound understanding of how they represent
climate change and migration within their belief systems and how traditional knowledge directly addresses
those questions.
Keywords
(separated by '-')
Adaptation - Climate change - Relocation - Resettlement - Customary land - Traditional knowledge
U
NCORRECTED PROOF
1Chapter 21
2Limits to Adaptation to Climate Change
3in Papua-New Guinea and Fiji: Loss
4of Land and Cultural Heritage Through
5Climate-Induced Relocation
6Dalila Gharbaoui and Julia Blocher
7Introduction
8For generations Pacific Island communities’traditional adaptive strategies, culture
9and practices have included retreating from coastal zones following extreme
10 environmental events. One can point to a number of cases of significant
11 out-migration, as well as environmentally-induced partial and staggered community
12 relocations, which exist outside of “normal”migratory patterns. Furthermore, many
13 traditional risk management and response strategies have been lost in the
14 post-colonial era, due in part to today’s pre-eminence of “modern”strategies. This
15 loss also applies to strategies of risk-sharing with traditional trading and kinship
16 partners, who are now found across artificial international borders. It leaves exposed
17 communities and specific vulnerable groups with fewer capacities to respond to
18 extreme weather events and the (gradual but permanent and assured) loss of hab-
19 itable and arable land (as in the case of land subsidence, volcanic eruptions, as well
20 as, for low-lying coastal areas in particular, sea level rise, coastal erosion, saltwater
21 intrusion, and frequent or recurrent meteorological hazards). The result may be the
22 loss of shared social and cultural identities, spaces and meanings; the creation of
23 bifurcated, altered or hybrid identities. Those who migrate find themselves in
D. Gharbaoui (&)J. Blocher
Hugo Observatory for Environmental Migration University of Liège, Bâtiment 31 - Boîte 45 -
7, Boulevard du Rectorat, 4000 Liège, Belgium
e-mail: dgharbaoui@doct.ulg.ac.be; dalila.gharbaoui@pg.canterbury.ac.nz
D. Gharbaoui
Macmillan Brown Center for Pacific Studies (MBC), University of Canterbury, Private Bag
4800, Christchurch 8140, New Zealand
J. Blocher
United Nations University, DC2-2062, 2 U.N. Plaza, New York, NY 10017, USA
e-mail: blocher@unu.edu
AQ1
Layout: T1_Standard Book ID: 448787_1_En Book ISBN: 978-3-319-64598-8
Chapter No.: 21 Date: 14-8-2017 Time: 7:08 pm Page: 1/21
©Springer International Publishing AG 2018
W. Leal Filho and J. Nalau (eds.), Limits to Climate Change Adaptation,
Climate Change Management, DOI 10.1007/978-3-319-64599-5_21
1
Author Proof
U
NCORRECTED PROOF
24 tension with those who remain, and are treated as outsiders or deserters. Some
25 migrants remain anchored to the physical source of a shared heritage, contributing
26 to barriers to integrate elsewhere and perpetuating deep attachment to a literal home
27 that may be disappearing.
28 These concerns are of particular importance for community members governed
29 by customary leadership and land ownership structures. The adverse effects of
30 climate change are likely to increasingly incite islanders to migrate to cope with
31 threats to their livelihoods. Risks associated with relocations are well established,
32 and it should therefore be considered as a last resort strategy (Barnett and Webber
33 2010; UNHCR 2014;López-Carr and Marter-Kenyon 2015). The relocation of
34 whole communities may be more likely to preserve community cohesion and
35 cultural integrity, implementation of relocation plans is challenging and costly
36 (Bronen and Chapin 2013;López-Carr and Marter-Kenyon 2015). This paper
37 explores divergent examples of environmentally-induced community relocations in
38 Papua New Guinea and Fiji that have shown that loss of culture are unavoidable
39 results of relocation if customary land tenure is not considered at very early stage at
40 the planned relocation process. In term of definition, there is no internationally
41 agreed terminology on human mobility in the context of climate change. However,
42 we have decided to use ‘planned relocation’,asdefined in Paragraph 14(f) of the
43 Cancun Climate Change Adaptation Framework, as the “planned process of settling
44 persons or groups of persons to a new location”.
1
Good governance and best
45 practice addressing limits to adaptation should include this dimension. There is a
46 major gap in the understanding of the limits to adapting to climate change through
47 community relocation (Campbell et al. 2005; UNHCR 2014; Gemenne and Blocher
48 2016,2017). The issue has received limited scholarly attention as compared to
49 migration and displacement in response to climate change (López-Carr and
50 Marter-Kenyon 2015). The paper also aims to identify the limits to adaptation in
51 relation to the loss of land and cultural cohesion taking Papua New Guinea as case
52 study and Fiji as an example.
53 Results from the study of Papua New Guinea community relocation derive from
54 desk research, discussions with key informants and practitioners in Port Moresby,
55 Madang and in Europe—in particular, from local staff of the International
56 Organization for Migration (IOM)—and observations during site visits, all of which
57 were made in the framework of research for the Migration, Environment and
58 Climate Change: Evidence for Policy (MECLEP) programme. One of the authors
59 served as a research advisor in this programme, which was funded by the European
60 Union and led by IOM. Within the framework of the six-country project, a key
61 informant interview grid was developed and intended to be adapted to the context
62 of each case study. Interviews derived from these interview grid/guidelines, as well
1
This form of human mobility is one of the three forms of population’s movement in the context of
climate change with “displacement”understood as the primarily forced movement of persons and
“migration”as primarily voluntary movement of persons. In UNFCCC, supra note 9, paras.14 (b)
(c)(h). Report of the Conference of the Parties on its eighteenth session, held in Doha from 26
November to 8 December 2012, Decision 3/CP.18.
AQ2
2 D. Gharbaoui and J. Blocher
Layout: T1_Standard Book ID: 448787_1_En Book ISBN: 978-3-319-64598-8
Chapter No.: 21 Date: 14-8-2017 Time: 7:08 pm Page: 2/21
Author Proof
U
NCORRECTED PROOF
63 as the surveys developed in the frame of the MECLEP project methodology,
2
were
64 carried out by research partners in care centers populated by Manam islanders
65 known as Potsdam, Assuramba and Mangem in Madang province outside of Bogia
66 in Papua New Guinea, and on Manam island itself. The author had the opportunity
67 to visit in situ and participate in some of the interviews. Research for the Papua
68 New Guinea (hereafter PNG) case study of the MECLEP project culminated in an
69 assessment report based on fieldwork in May 2015 led by research partners.
3
The
70 analysis presented in this chapter is different and complementary to that of
71 assessment report. The example of customary land tenure and community reloca-
72 tion in Fiji aims to illustrate another Pacific country that will urgently need to
73 address the limits to adapting to climate change through relocation by anticipating
74 the implications of land loss and cultural cohesion on relocatees’vulnerability.
75 This chapter draws a number of conclusions that could be beneficial to
76 evidence-based policy making on planned relocations and resettlements in the
77 context of climate change and its impacts. It is the intention of the authors that this
78 piece of work provides a different angle on the substantial foundation of local
79 knowledge and practices in regards to climate change adaptation, and apply it to
80 current scholarly debates. The discussion below furthermore makes a unique con-
81 tribution to the literature as a rare example of a comprehensive work comparing
82 different areas under the rule of customary land tenure, although we make little
83 attempt to directly compare very disparate contexts. The two case study countries
84 chosen, Fiji and PNG, approach the question from different vantage points and, in
85 so doing, expose complementary dynamics that provide insight into the longer term
86 feasibility of relocations in the context of deeply culturally embedded customary
87 land tenure regimes.
88 A key argument presented below is that traditional channels—with the support
89 of the government, at the numerous relevant levels, and impartial land experts—
90 must be central in the process of land negotiation, if there are to be positive
91 relocation outcomes. Sustainable relocation is more likely achieved while
92 land-based tensions related to loss of cultural heritage are likely to be limited and
93 better managed when customary land owners and chiefs are at the first line of
94 negotiations over land with hosting communities and chiefs (c.f. Gharbaoui and
95 Blocher 2016a). We suggest that inserting customary leadership and governance
96 structures (i.e. land owners and chiefs) at the centre of the relocation process may
97 provide a promising avenue towards overcoming challenges associated with loss of
98 land and cultural heritage.
2
For more information about the methods used, please see the MECLEP website and: Gemenne
and Blocher (2016,2017). The interview grids were meant to complement a household survey,
which was carried out in five countries but not in PNG.
3
John Connell, University of Sydney and Nancy Lutkehaus, University of Southern California, to
whom the authors owe sincere thanks. Any errors or analysis here should not be attributed to them.
The full assessment report will ultimately be published by IOM (http://www.
environmentalmigration.iom.int/migration-environment-and-climate-change-evidence-policy-
meclep).
21 Limits to Adaptation to Climate Change in Papua-New Guinea and …3
Layout: T1_Standard Book ID: 448787_1_En Book ISBN: 978-3-319-64598-8
Chapter No.: 21 Date: 14-8-2017 Time: 7:08 pm Page: 3/21
Author Proof
U
NCORRECTED PROOF
99 Lessons from PNG provide an interesting counterbalance to the research carried
100 out in Fiji, primarily due to the trajectory of approach. In order to fully represent the
101 role of mobility (broadly encompassing displacement, migration, relocation and
102 resettlement) as a strategy to adapt to the nefarious impacts of climate change,
103 researchers must integrate the impacts of movement on the adaptive capacities of
104 both the communities of “origin”and communities of “destination”in their
105 assessments (Gemenne and Blocher 2016,2017). This paper provides practical
106 insights to substantiate this conceptual foundation. The research carried out in PNG
107 was primarily from the viewpoint of communities originating from Manam Island,
108 over ten years after their evacuation due to a volcanic eruption and ensuing dis-
109 placement. While this case supports the thesis that integrating traditional leadership
110 structures into relocation and resettlement planning is key, it furthermore shows
111 clearly the limits to this approach under certain conditions. The research was pri-
112 marily aimed at understanding what adaptive measures have the Manam islanders
113 been more or less able to employ successfully in the context of environmental stress
114 before and since their relocation and displacement. To explore this question
115 requires comparing the strategies of the islanders, a diverse collection of commu-
116 nity groups themselves, to those of the “host”community (customary land owners),
117 as well as those that were transferred or are shared.
118 The example of Fiji provides a reflection firstly on how customary land tenure
119 systems and legitimate traditional authorities are considered throughout the relo-
120 cation planning and implementation processes. Secondly, it seeks to propose a
121 reflection on how to optimize land governance and tenure security and create the
122 conditions for a more inclusive environmental relocation framework adapted to the
123 local customary land tenure governance mechanisms.
124 As a pre-condition for our primary recommendation, we posit that customary
125 authorities and institutions are legitimate governance actors. In the Pacific region in
126 particular, these leadership structures and traditions form their own governance
127 mechanisms that may be external to those of the “modern”state and legal systems
128 (FAO 2012; Tobin 2008; Farran 2011). Strategies addressing climate change
129 adaptation in the Pacific should include both state-based governance mechanisms
130 combined with customary non-state institutions. In order to combine those two
131 forms of governance, it is necessary to include traditional authorities in the relo-
132 cation decision-making process. This cannot be done without a deep respect for
133 their view of the world, a profound understanding of how they represent the climate
134 and migration within their belief systems and how traditional knowledge directly
135 addresses those questions.
136 Limits to Adaptation and Cultural Cohesion in the Pacific
137 In this chapter, “limits to adaptation”will be defined as: “the point at which an
138 actor’s objectives or system’s needs cannot be secured from intolerable risks
139 through adaptive actions”(Klein et al. 2014). The paper explores the limits to
4 D. Gharbaoui and J. Blocher
Layout: T1_Standard Book ID: 448787_1_En Book ISBN: 978-3-319-64598-8
Chapter No.: 21 Date: 14-8-2017 Time: 7:08 pm Page: 4/21
Author Proof
U
NCORRECTED PROOF
140 adaptation through relocation when an “unacceptable measure of adaptive effort is
141 required, to maintain societal objectives,”referring to cultural cohesion among such
142 objectives (Klein et al. 2014). For Pacific Islanders, a cultural component must be
143 central to adaptation efforts. This was reaffirmed in the 2008 Niue Declaration on
144 Climate Change, which emphasizes that the peoples of the Pacific have the strong
145 desire to live in their own countries if possible, in order to contribute to the
146 preservation of their social and cultural identities (Nansen Initiative 2013).
4
147 The research project “Promoting human security and minimizing conflict asso-
148 ciated with forced migration in the Pacific region,”led by the Pacific Islands Forum
149 Secretariat, revealed some of the main challenges that people forced to migrate
150 report experiencing when arriving in new communities. In selected case studies in
151 the Pacific (Fig. 21.1), 25% of the challenges reported are cultural issues (the
152 largest portion) and 12% are climate change-related (Corendea et al. 2015: 12).
153 Pacific communities, who must choose to relocate in order to adapt to climate
154 change, are facing the challenges associated with the loss of their traditional lands
155 embedded by their cultural cohesion. The loss of sense of place and cultural identity
156 associated with migration (Adger et al. 2009) could limit adaptation to climate
Fig. 21.1 Main challenges faced by migrants when arriving in new communities (Corendea et al.
2015: 12)
4
The Nansen Initiative consultation on the Pacific: https://www.nanseninitiative.org/pacific-
consultations-intergovernmental/.
21 Limits to Adaptation to Climate Change in Papua-New Guinea and …5
Layout: T1_Standard Book ID: 448787_1_En Book ISBN: 978-3-319-64598-8
Chapter No.: 21 Date: 14-8-2017 Time: 7:08 pm Page: 5/21
Author Proof
U
NCORRECTED PROOF
157 change. Preston and Stafford Smith observed in this context: “the feasibility of
158 transformational adaptation may therefore be dependent in part on whether it results
159 in outcomes that are perceived to be positive versus negative”(Preston and Stafford
160 Smith 2009). John Campbell, in his study of historical cases of community relo-
161 cation in the Pacific, also underlined that “the sense of loss [associated with among
162 other things relocation from traditional lands] is especially pronounced in the wake
163 of environmental disasters that damage local land and resources”(Campbell et al.
164 2005). Within Pacific communities, culture and place attachment are among the
165 most decisive factors in household decisions, including the decision to migrate
166 (Barnett and Webber 2010: 62). Such a depth of attachment to place and to land is
167 evident in PNG and among Manam interviewees, who after over ten years of living
168 in another location continued to carry out burial practices on their home island, the
169 physical resting place of their ancestors. The local islanders interviewed insisted
170 that the coconuts will always be sweeter, the fish more plentiful, and the soil richer
171 on their island (Connell and Lutkehaus 2016).
172 Customary land tenure systems and governance structures are sometimes pre-
173 sented as constraining factors. As a social system undermined by contemporary
174 government-supported economic and social developments in the context of a
175 globalized world, customary tenure presents barriers to development, cultural and
176 economic integration, citizenship and, implicitly, to the ability of customarily based
177 communities to adapt to ‘modern’life, its challenges and its opportunities (Fien
178 et al. 2000: 173). Customary land systems are associated to community cultural
179 cohesion and social norms could therefore potentially be constraints to adaptation in
180 the Pacific region; constraints to adaptation defined as “factors that make it harder to
181 plan and implement adaptation actions. {…}. Types of constraints to adaptation
182 include {…} social norms, identity, place attachment, beliefs {…}”(Klein et al.
183 2014: 923).
184 On the other hand, customary relationships and systems may offer flexibility and
185 solutions to face contemporary challenges. Customary partners provide safe refuge
186 and a support system in case need, in the aftermath of a natural hazard, for example.
187 Land tenure systems may also provide greater flexibility to approach land negoti-
188 ations when occurring within the same system of tenure, by embedding traditional
189 chiefs and landowners at the centre of the decision-making process (Gharbaoui and
190 Blocher 2016a). Considering the positive aspects of migration as ‘way of life’for
191 Pacific nations as stated in the 2008 Niue Declaration, includes also protecting
192 community resilience that is part of the Pacific cultural heritage. Opportunities to
193 preserve cultural cohesion despite fundamental changes exist when disequilibrium
194 of societal structures adapt by coming back to equilibrium through self-regulation
195 mechanisms as part of cultural heritage (Campbell 2010).
196 As we demonstrate below, a central constraint in decisions to resettle is strongly
197 linked to the potential for land-disputes at the new site (Mitchell et al. 2016: 60).
198 Participatory approaches to relocation planning are central to overcome this chal-
199 lenge and “disputants are more likely to engage positively with dispute resolution
200 processes, when they have participated in their design”(Constantino and Merchant
201 1996: 66). Hybrid systems based on both Western and traditional approaches of
AQ3
6 D. Gharbaoui and J. Blocher
Layout: T1_Standard Book ID: 448787_1_En Book ISBN: 978-3-319-64598-8
Chapter No.: 21 Date: 14-8-2017 Time: 7:08 pm Page: 6/21
Author Proof
U
NCORRECTED PROOF
202 conflict prevention in Melanesia are increasingly recognised and encouraged to
203 engage with conflict management. Research in conflict management systems is
204 mostly not inclusive of customary processes but mainly uses Western style pro-
205 cesses, however, scholars suggest that “customary and Western systems can work
206 together to effectively manage land-related conflict”(Loode et al. 2009: 63).
207 Pacific governments have shown reluctance to choose customary land as
208 selected site for planned relocation in order to avoid associated land-based tensions
209 (Nansen 2013).
5
However, most of the land available for relocation in most Pacific
210 countries such as Fiji is customary-based. Land ownership in Fiji is 88%
211 customarily-based, and 97% customarily based in PNG (GoPNG 2007; AusAus
212 2008). 52% of the population of Fiji lives in urban areas that are mostly coastal,
213 while 11.4% of the total land area below 5 m of elevation. 11% of the population is
214 living in those areas where elevation is below 5 m (UN Habitat 2015). In PNG 61%
215 of the population live within 100 km of the coastline (ADB 2012), while the
216 population living in (mainly coastal) urban areas is 12.6%, one of the lowest rates in
217 the region (United Nations 2014: 152; UNDP 2014). PNG has four large islands
218 and 600 smaller ones (GoPNG 2012). Approximately one fifth of the land in PNG
219 is subject to regular inundation, as low-lying areas are increasingly experiencing
220 frequent storm surges due to sea-level rise (Australian Bureau of Meteorology and
221 CSIRO 2014: 220).
222 We argue below that it is possible to reduce limits to adaptation and risks of
223 post-relocation localized conflicts
6
associated with land and vulnerabilities linked to
224 the erosion of the cultural cohesion. Successful relocations must integrate, inter
225 alia: criteria for societal well-being, livelihood or subsistence activities, community
226 cohesion and cultural integrity (Bronen and Chapin 2013; Gharbaoui and Blocher
227 2016a). To do this, customary authorities, impartial local land experts and affected
228 communities, as key stakeholders in land negotiation, should have a leading role in
229 decision-making related to the relocation process. They should therefore be legit-
230 imate and central stakeholders in the development of the national relocation
231 guidelines developed at the State level.
232 Why Customary Land Boundaries Matter for Manam
233 Islanders: Living in Displacement Over a Decade After
234 Disaster
235 Among Pacific islands the limits to adaptation are a concern of significant weight in
236 PNG, where nearly all natural hazards co-exist, most of which will be exacerbated
237 by climate change. PNG’s volatile environment and geographic location on the
5
https://www.nanseninitiative.org/pacific-consultations-intergovernmental/.
6
Unless indicated otherwise, we use this term to mean (small) localized conflicts or tensions
among or between community members.
21 Limits to Adaptation to Climate Change in Papua-New Guinea and …7
Layout: T1_Standard Book ID: 448787_1_En Book ISBN: 978-3-319-64598-8
Chapter No.: 21 Date: 14-8-2017 Time: 7:08 pm Page: 7/21
Author Proof
U
NCORRECTED PROOF
238 so-called Pacific Ring of Fire (Ramakrishna and Bang 2015: 68) makes its people
239 vulnerable to many hazards, such as volcanic eruptions, tsunamis, earthquakes,
240 tropical cyclones, floods, landslides, El Niño and droughts (NDC 2015; Australian
241 Bureau of Meteorology and CSIRO 2014: 220; Government of Papua New Guinea
242 2010: 13). According to the Internal Displacement Monitoring Center (IDMC), a
243 total of 151,000 people were newly displaced by disasters in PNG between 2008
244 and 2013, two thirds of which were due to natural hazards. Another 50,000 people
245 were reportedly internally displaced by conflict and violence during the same
246 period, further contributing to a cycle of vulnerability to shocks and stresses (Ibid).
247 The rise of sophisticated disaster risk management and response strategies have,
248 among other elements of contemporary and globalized life, replaced or eroded
249 traditional community-based strategies to protect from the threats of physical harm
250 and social disruption posed by natural hazard (Campbell 2006). In a country where
251 of all the land area, only 3% is outside of customary use ownership (Mugambwa
252 2007; GoPNG 2007), and where the ‘legitimacy’of the state and the preponderance
253 of Western economic systems are relatively new developments (Fien et al. 2000),
254 attachment to land can be all-important.
255 After eleven years living in protracted displacement away from their ancestral
256 lands, a small but critical brick has been laid in the foundation of the future for the
257 displaced Manam people (Fig. 21.2). This group of communities from different
258 villages of Manam Island, located in the northeast of PNG, have been living in
259 protracted displacement in government-supported “care centres”on the mainland in
260 Bogia district since they were evacuated due to an impending volcanic eruption in
261 2004–2005. In April 2016, much to the satisfaction of local and provincial leaders
262 alike, the Manam Resettlement Bill was passed in PNG’s parliament (Shisei 2016).
263 The law authorizes the legal basis for the main authority in Bogia District charged
264 to seek viable options and use government funds for a resettlement plan for the
265 Manam groups.
266 The Manam people have suffered through persistent joblessness, place disar-
267 ticulation from their ancestral lands, physical and mental ailments, and repeated
268 conflict with the customary land owners of the disused colonial-era plantations on
269 which the “care centres”were established (Nalu 2011a; IDMC 2014; Connell and
270 Lutkehaus 2016). Facing economic inactivity, loss of access to resources, discon-
271 nection from communal, disarticulation from their land, and an erosion of tradi-
272 tional communal rites and ceremonies, many Manam Islanders have become
273 pessimistic about their situation and antagonistic towards the government (Connell
274 and Lutkehaus 2016,2017). These sentiments are heightened by the continued lack
275 of viable alternatives to the care centres and conflicts with the owners of the
276 customary land on which they currently live, with whom they had previously had
277 unpleasant but overall minor exchanges with youth members of the Manam com-
278 munity. While the Manam islanders—as traditional trading partners—had previ-
279 ously been hosted by this community for short periods of time in reponses to minor
280 hazards befalling the island, the mainland community was unprepared for a
281 long-term occupation, particularly as the group swelled to potentially 15,000–
282 20,000 residents (IDMC 2014; Connell and Lutkehaus 2016,2017).
8 D. Gharbaoui and J. Blocher
Layout: T1_Standard Book ID: 448787_1_En Book ISBN: 978-3-319-64598-8
Chapter No.: 21 Date: 14-8-2017 Time: 7:08 pm Page: 8/21
Author Proof
U
NCORRECTED PROOF
283 Customary land systems are more than about geographical and marine space;
284 they regulate the sustainable usage of resources (AusAID 2008) as well as, by
285 extension, a shared norm to regulate interpersonal relationships, to share living
286 space, and regulate collective local practices (Thaman 2000: 139). Customary land
287 can thus catalyse land conflicts and social conflicts (Weir et al. 2010: 10), repre-
288 senting one of the main limits to adaptation in the region. In the case of the
289 displaced Manam population, existence across land boundaries amounted to suf-
290 fering. They are required to deal with restrictions on land, water, forest resources
291 and marine access and must return to Manam to harvest timber and other resources,
292 and to bury their dead. Access issues may contribute to the poor sanitation, hygiene,
293 health and nutrition that is evident among the Manam and their children—some of
294 whom have severe skin disease (such as tinea corporis) and visible signs of mal-
295 nutrition (kwashiorkor)—as well as limited improvements to acceptable housing
296 and energy. As one Manam resident stated “I can’t get materials to build a new
297 house. The posts are slowly rotting, the walls are falling apart. The owners of the
298 land don’t allow us to use their land to get wood or roofing”(Waide 2014). On the
299 other hand, observers noted that as early as 2005 the Manam people was causing
300 tension with local communities over land use issues (UNOHCHR 2010: 13), and in
301 2007 landowners were “planning a fight to claim more land as [they] have given up
Fig. 21.2 Young Manam men in a care centre boil fish, yams and local greens in coconut milk for
their visitors using traditional cookware as others look on. Traditionally women and girls prepare
meals. In recent years, according to Manam residents, they have had more difficulty fishing and are
often finding smaller and smaller fish between the mainland and Manam Island. This is likely to be
a result of overfishing as well as the destruction of corals due to dynamite fishing, cyanide fishing,
and the harvesting of coral to make powdered lime (which is chewed with betel nut, a popular
stimulant). (Photo ©Julia Blocher 2015)
21 Limits to Adaptation to Climate Change in Papua-New Guinea and …9
Layout: T1_Standard Book ID: 448787_1_En Book ISBN: 978-3-319-64598-8
Chapter No.: 21 Date: 14-8-2017 Time: 7:08 pm Page: 9/21
Author Proof
U
NCORRECTED PROOF
302 on the government”(Mercer and Kelman 2010: 419). Villages near the Asuramba
303 care centre asked their Member of Parliament to evict the Manam islanders in 2006
304 because of security concerns (UNOHCHR 2010). Several clashes ensued; a clash at
305 Tobenam in 2008 resulted in the centre burning to the ground and two fatalities
306 (Connell and Lutkehaus 2016).
307 For years the provincial officials, committed to resolve the situation, had been
308 unable to procure suitable customary land on which a township with basic services
309 could be founded. Finally they lost the federal approval to pursue the resettlement
310 when a sunset provision on the previous resettlement bill halted its effect in 2012
311 (Radio New Zealand 2006). As another resident stated;
312 The situation in the care centres is getting worse. We want a quicker resettlement process
313 because government is spending a lot of money in humanitarian relief rather than devel-
314 opment…the displaced Manam people will continue to be ‘reluctant’and ‘stubborn’and
315 already some have expressed a desire to return to their ancestral land and die there. We have
316 suffered too long; we are like refugees on our own land, forgotten and neglected…We
317 don’t know who to turn to. (quoted in Connell and Lutkehaus 2016)
318 The Chairman of the Manam Island Council of Chiefs stated in 2012 that the
319 majority of people wanted to move away from the care centres as soon as possible
320 and were receptive to the proposed move to Andarum (Radio Australia 2012), a
321 largely inaccessible area 30–40 km inland. Moving the population farther from the
322 Island and fishing waters from whence they make their livelihoods and to which
323 they connect “home”comes with a number of drawbacks economic activity, social
324 and cultural cohesion, and identity. The alternatives—staying in the care centres or
325 returning to a volcanic island the government has designated as uninhabitable and
326 discontinued services to, and which again erupted in July 2015—may be worse in
327 other respects.
328 Eroding of ‘Traditional’Methods of Resilience
329 Across the Pacific, indigenous disaster risk reduction and disaster management
330 practices have largely been superseded by ‘modern’strategies (Campbell 2006),
331 which are often funded and carried out by international actors. The population of
332 Manam Island was no exception. Previously, the communities on Manam had
333 widespread knowledge of risk exposure integrated into the repeated and normal
334 communications. They employed rudimentary—but effective—warning signals
335 such as sounding an alarm through a conch shell, church bell or Garamut (a slit
336 drum they would trade for).
337 In previous times of crisis, the Manam people could often rely on their tradi-
338 tional trade and kinship Murik
7
partners on the mainland (taoa). Many of them
7
The Murik reside around the Murik lakes region, along the north coast of PNG in the East Sepik
Province in the Sepik (river) estuary.
10 D. Gharbaoui and J. Blocher
Layout: T1_Standard Book ID: 448787_1_En Book ISBN: 978-3-319-64598-8
Chapter No.: 21 Date: 14-8-2017 Time: 7:08 pm Page: 10/21
Author Proof
U
NCORRECTED PROOF
339 were to the west of the mouth of the Sepik river and thus across contemporary
340 administrative borders. These bonds were strengthened by marriage, hospitality
341 towards one another, trade ties and reciprocal exchanges of pigs and galip nuts (also
342 known as Tahitian almonds) (Lutkehaus 2016). An additional insurance strategy
343 reserved for the members of status was to move to and purchase land in the Wewak
344 area of East Sepik Province, another area nearby and across provincial boundaries.
345 International protection and assistance actors have not to-date adequately
346 addressed the effects wrought by the erosion of customary partnerships and
347 indigenous strategies in increasing community vulnerability to shocks. In the case
348 of the Manam people (Fig. 21.3), for example, the erosion of traditional measures
349 meant that volcanic eruption presented an increasingly uncertain level of risk to life
350 and well-being (Connell and Lutkehaus 2016).
Fig. 21.3 A home in the
Potsdam Care Centre in,
Madang Provice, PNG. Most
of the houses in the care
centres for the Manam
communities were built with
the help of NGOs, as the
Manam people have been
largely forbidden by the
mainland community from
felling timber. (Photo ©Julia
Blocher 2015)
21 Limits to Adaptation to Climate Change in Papua-New Guinea and …11
Layout: T1_Standard Book ID: 448787_1_En Book ISBN: 978-3-319-64598-8
Chapter No.: 21 Date: 14-8-2017 Time: 7:08 pm Page: 11/21
Author Proof
U
NCORRECTED PROOF
351 How Customary Relationships in PNG Facilitates Risk
352 Response
353 Individual’s rights to land and community inclusion are protected by customary
354 law, but are more largely contextualised via the collective rights of kinship groups
355 (Thaman 2000). Under customary principles, all people in PNG are considered
356 landowners, however, a general perception persists that new arrivals can be
357 considered squatters (RICS 2016). People constrained to self-resettle following
358 displacement often find themselves in informal settlements, usually on state land,
359 unoccupied customary land, or freehold land (such as church owned land). This
360 puts populations at risk of land disputes, hazards and isolation. State-led allocations
361 land may result in violent disputes, given that the customary landholders are likely
362 to have social and political relationships to the land, and have residual ownership
363 legitimacy and rights to land across generations. However, not only can customary
364 relationships facilitate temporary relocations or long-term resettlements of
365 disaster-affected peoples; they are the crux of such strategies.
366 Although there are no reliable estimates, as many as a quarter of the Manam
367 population joined their taoa hosts on the mainland in the immediate aftermath of the
368 2004 eruption. This significant contribution to the protection and assistance to the
369 plight of the Manam is unrepresented in most reporting around the Manam dis-
370 placement, which has generally accompanied the NGO and government activity
371 centred around the care centres at Bogia. More research would be needed to assess
372 whether these community-based relocations are more or less successful than gov-
373 ernment- or NGO-supported efforts. According to Connell and Lutkehaus (2016:
374 50) “it is generally perceived by both the Provincial Government and Manam
375 islanders that any formal resettlement solution must occur within the province,
376 which rules out the possibility of a formal migration to East Sepik where taoa
377 partners exist (and where some have gone individually and purchased land)”.
378 The tension between community-based strategies and the pre-eminence of
379 post-colonial administrative boundaries is important—as is the communities’
380 evolving perception of to whom they can turn to for protection and assistance. This
381 reality belies an evolving relationship and concept of responsibility and care at
382 multiple levels: between the Manam islanders and their government, between the
383 Manam communities and their partner communities, and between the islanders and
384 the international responders.
385 It is uncertain whether these community-led and customary protection mecha-
386 nisms remain viable today. Ultimately, the problem of relocation for the Manam
387 may have been less a result of relocating away from their taoa partners, but the fact
388 that they are in protracted displacement in itself, whether they were displaced to the
389 land of taoa partners or not (Nalu 2011a; Connell and Lutkehaus 2016). The
390 vulnerabilities and lack of viable options for these potential settlers, perceived as
391 outsiders to the mainland community despite sharing nationality, raises issues of
392 ambiguity, identity and citizenship (Connell and Lutkehaus 2017). In an era of
393 modern and post-colonial ascendancy, the strength of these reciprocal relationships
12 D. Gharbaoui and J. Blocher
Layout: T1_Standard Book ID: 448787_1_En Book ISBN: 978-3-319-64598-8
Chapter No.: 21 Date: 14-8-2017 Time: 7:08 pm Page: 12/21
Author Proof
U
NCORRECTED PROOF
394 —forged through the bonds of tradition and trust—have been difficult to maintain.
395 These relationships may be of less consequence as the use of modern currency
396 expands. Evidence of this can also be seen in the decline of inter-community pig
397 exchange (buleka) and gifts of shelled nuts. The act of shelling the nut and pre-
398 senting them to trading partners, ensuring they will be eaten immediately, is a
399 symbolic gesture that reaffirms the social relationships that make life possible
400 (Lutkehaus 2016). Population growth, recurrent hazards and other factors con-
401 tributing to declining wealth also meant the Manam communities had fewer
402 resources to invest in generosity and hospitality, including towards taoa partners. In
403 recent years, guests are not greeted with baskets of kangari nuts as they once were
404 (Lutkehaus 2016).
405 Re-establishing Community Based Protection for Future
406 Displacement Events
407 An influx of international NGOs in the post-colonial era as well as improved
408 implementation and funding of the Disaster Management Act and the National
409 disaster mitigation policy by the National Disaster Centre (NDC) have contributed
410 to an better implementation, monitoring, evaluation and management of disaster
411 mitigation (IRIN 2013). In line with the global trend, in PNG evacuation effec-
412 tiveness has improved (Johnson 2013: 187) and fewer causalities and deaths have
413 resulted from disasters (EM-DAT 2015). This is partially because volcanic erup-
414 tions give discernable warnings with enough time to act, whether by modern
415 instruments or traditional detection strategies (smoke and ground rumblings, for
416 example). This is often not the case for landslides and earthquakes, which combined
417 account for 89.5% of disaster mortalities between 1990 and 2015, according to the
418 EM-DAT database. Between 1900 and 1960, 3506 people died from four major
419 volcanic events, compared to nine people since 1950 (EM-DAT 2015).
420 In the case of the Manam people, government-assisted evacuation from the
421 Island occurred rapidly between November and January of 2004–2005 and saved
422 lives. This is compared to the previous eruption in 1996, during which thirteen
423 people were killed instantly when they were engulfed in a pyroclastic flow near
424 Budua (c.f. Connell and Lutkehaus 2016). Modern volcanologist early warning and
425 evacuation systems, as well as the confidence of the people in and compliance with
426 government-mandates measures, have proven their worth (Mulina et al. 2011); most
427 of the Manam Islanders were reportedly able to evacuate on time.
8
428 Despite the efforts of the authorities, among the Manam communities and others
429 around the Pacific, ‘traditional’disaster risk reduction and management strategies
8
Even with a successful evacuation, five people tragically died. Most died of respiratory com-
plications and from drinking ash-contaminated water; one person was killed when struck by large
fragments of volcanic rock.
21 Limits to Adaptation to Climate Change in Papua-New Guinea and …13
Layout: T1_Standard Book ID: 448787_1_En Book ISBN: 978-3-319-64598-8
Chapter No.: 21 Date: 14-8-2017 Time: 7:08 pm Page: 13/21
Author Proof
U
NCORRECTED PROOF
430 are being lost—and with them, practices of cultural and communal significance.
431 Furthermore, these strategies remain important when resource-poor or remote areas
432 do not have or lose access to modern amenities, communications, and international
433 funding needed for large-scale projects. For example, the use of mobile phones on
434 Manam Island, charged with solar batteries, is not universal and cannot always be
435 relied on. After ten years of waiting for the massive government and international
436 mobilization that would be needed to resettle 10,000–20,000 people,
9
the Manam
437 communities developed largely inadequate ineffective autonomous adaptation
438 measures. Preserving traditions and indigenous knowledge may therefore not
439 merely be a question of social cohesion and preservation of a rich cultural history; it
440 is also a matter of risk exposure.
441 Customary Land Tenure and Post-Relocation
442 Vulnerabilities: The Example of Fiji
443 Fiji, spread over 332 islands, is highly threatened by climate change through change
444 in intensity and frequency of environmental disasters and accelerated sea-level rise
445 (Gravelle and Mimura 2008). Most urban areas in Fiji are located along the
446 coastline where communities will be increasingly vulnerable to rising sea levels and
447 coastal erosion. Flooding is becoming a persistent issue mostly due to the intensity
448 and frequency of tropical cyclones. Storm intensification is becoming increasingly
449 visible across the Pacific. On February 20, 2016, the Cyclone Winston (Fig. 21.4),
450 classified as a “Category 5 tropical cyclone”
10
was recorded as the strongest storm
451 in history for Fiji and one of the most powerful storm in the Pacific Islands region,
452 more intense than Cyclone Pam in 2015 and Cyclone Zoe in 2002 (Shultz et al.
453 2016: 41).
454 The consequences of Cyclone Winston on communities already threatened by
455 the intruding sea became an increasingly important issue in Fiji. The cyclone made
456 communities more vulnerable and exposed, forcing many to leave to safer grounds.
457 In the aftermath of the cyclone Winston, at least 63 villages were considered as «in
458 need to relocate»following the assessments carried out by the iTaukei Affairs
459 Board, Lands and Mineral Resources Department, Water Authority of Fiji and Fiji
460 Roads Authority officials (Bolatagici 2016).
461 This event reaffirms the necessity of considering relocations within the scope of
462 disaster risk reduction efforts. Previous disasters, particularly if there is a lack of
463 anticipated relocation planning, drives post-disaster vulnerability and exposure. The
464 resilience of coastal populations, hit by recurrent rapid-onset hazards such as
465 typhoons and slow-onset events such as drought and land degradation, can be
9
Government-used estimates of 20,000 are derived from the media may not be reliable; Conell &
Lutkehaus estimate the total population figure far lower at around 12,000.
10
On the Saffir-Simpson hurricane rating scale.
14 D. Gharbaoui and J. Blocher
Layout: T1_Standard Book ID: 448787_1_En Book ISBN: 978-3-319-64598-8
Chapter No.: 21 Date: 14-8-2017 Time: 7:08 pm Page: 14/21
Author Proof
U
NCORRECTED PROOF
466 eroded over time. Planning for sustainable relocations in a proactive manner
467 reduces the human and financial costs involved, but it also helps reduce
468 socio-economic factors contributing to vulnerability as well as to mediate exposure
469 to natural hazards which can culminate in life-threating disaster events (Fig. 21.5).
470 For its recovery from Cyclone Winston, Fiji followed the Sendai Framework for
471 Disaster Risk Reduction 2015–2030. This voluntary non-binding instrument rec-
472 ognizes that the State has the primary role to reduce disaster risk, but it also
473 emphasizes that this responsibility should be shared by the local government and
474 local communities as stated in Article 19.(f): «While the enabling, guiding and
475 coordinating role of national and federal State Governments remain essential, it is
476 necessary to empower local authorities and local communities to reduce disaster
477 risk, including through resources, incentives and decision-making responsibilities,
478 as appropriate”(Sendai Framework for Disaster Reduction 2015–2030).
11
The
479 central role of local authorities and customary chiefs in relocation planning was
480 clearly underlined by an interviewee from the Ministry of Land in Fiji when dis-
481 cussing an on-going relocation caused by Cyclone Winston in Koro Islands: “The
482 Native Lands Commission (NLC) holds a key role in the relocation process as
483 demarcation of land and maps that are key to avoid conflicts are based on land
484 ownership knowledge. Customary chiefs and land owners holds an equal chair in
Fig. 21.4 Cyclone Winston
impacting the Republic of
Fiji, February 20, 2016
(NASA 2016)
11
The Sendai Framework for Disaster Reduction 2015–2030 is the successor instrument to the
Hyogo Framework for Action (HFA) 2005–2015: Building the Resilience of Nations and
Communities to Disasters In http://www.unisdr.org/files/43291_sendaiframeworkfordrren.pdf.
AQ4
AQ5
21 Limits to Adaptation to Climate Change in Papua-New Guinea and …15
Layout: T1_Standard Book ID: 448787_1_En Book ISBN: 978-3-319-64598-8
Chapter No.: 21 Date: 14-8-2017 Time: 7:08 pm Page: 15/21
Author Proof
U
NCORRECTED PROOF
485 the NLC”(Fiji Ministry of Lands interviewee, personal communication, 30 April
486 2016, Christchurch, New Zealand).
487 Relocation governance frameworks should also include mechanisms allowing
488 hosting and affected communities as well as their traditional leaders to have access to
489 reliable information, in order to enable participation in the decision-making process
490 in an optimal manner (Gharbaoui and Blocher 2016b). Efforts from decision-makers
491 should also target awareness-raising on the adverse effects of climate change and
492 induced relocations among exposed or affected communities and their leadership
493 authorities. Challenges such as translating “climate change”into different Fijian
494 languages and dialects should not be neglected (Janif et al. 2016). The relocation
495 process should also include Faith-Based Organization as much as possible as they
496 play a crucial role in raising awareness on climate change and in convincing com-
497 munities to be empowered in relocation planning and not passive to the divine will.
498 FBOs can also play an important role in relocation planning as key informant about
499 cultural and spiritual features associated with communities’land (Ministry of
500 Churches interviewee, 18 February 2016, Wellington).
501 Involvement of local researchers and local land experts with their input in
502 framing the agenda in terms of relocation planning should be further prioritised,
503 encouraged and considered at the decision-making level in order to address cultural
504 cohesion, loss of cultural heritage and associated tensions limiting adaptation
505 through relocation (Federation of International Surveyors interviewee, June 2016).
506 Western researchers and institutions are still taking the lead on climate-induced
507 migration. It is crucial that traditional knowledge as well as locally-based expertise
Fig. 21.5 Manam Island, still
spouting smoke regularly, is
visible from the beach at
Potsdam care centre in
Madang Province. The island
serves as the cultural,
spiritual, and economic centre
of gravity for the Manam
communities. The inhabitants
of the care centres travel there
by canoe to bury their dead, to
fish, harvest coconuts, and
gather timber. (Photo ©Julia
Blocher 2015)
16 D. Gharbaoui and J. Blocher
Layout: T1_Standard Book ID: 448787_1_En Book ISBN: 978-3-319-64598-8
Chapter No.: 21 Date: 14-8-2017 Time: 7:08 pm Page: 16/21
Author Proof
U
NCORRECTED PROOF
508 is valued when planning relocation as perceptions of the environment and envi-
509 ronmental change have cultural elements (Gharbaoui and Blocher 2016b).
510 Despite having no mention of relocation in their 2012 climate change policy
511 (McNamara and Des Combes 2015), the Fiji government has been recently showing
512 leadership in planning relocation through the national relocation guidelines that are
513 still currently being developed. Peter Emberson, Director of Climate Change at Fiji
514 Ministry of Foreign Affairs, underlined at the annual Pacific Climate Change
515 Roundtable (PCCR) (15 May 2015, Apia, Samoa), that a participatory approach in
516 relocation planning inclusive of technical specialists, social scientist and local
517 community experts needed to be inserted into the national relocation guidelines
518 (Pareti in press).
12
However, the guidelines “{…} do not appear to be done in
519 consultation with any potential affected communities”(McNamara 2015: 318).
520 Strategies addressing climate change adaptation in the Pacific should include
521 both state-based governance mechanisms combined with customary non-state
522 institutions. In order to combine those two forms of governance, it is necessary to
523 include traditional authorities and affected communities to the decision-making
524 process on relocation.
525 Post-relocation vulnerability associated to land-based conflicts, loss of custom-
526 ary land systems and associated culture need to be considered by decision-makers
527 when planning for relocation as adaptation to climate change in Fiji. It is crucial that
528 more efforts and strategies are developed by the government to ensure the partic-
529 ipatory and leading role of customary authorities, local landowners and land experts
530 in the relocation planning and along the relocation process from conception to
531 finalization including monitoring and follow-up. Flexible approaches to land gov-
532 ernance are key for dealing with security of tenure. Developing policies optimizing
533 registration of customary lands would be an example of measure that would help to
534 protect the land rights of communities forced to move as result of climate change.
535 Unsecure tenure and issues around customary land titles and ownership including
536 unclear villages boundaries demarcation can increase the vulnerability of relocatees
537 and provide fertile ground for post-relocation land-based conflicts.
538 Conclusions
539 In modern-day governance of Pacific Islands and Territories, the administrative
540 boundaries established by nation-states rarely correspond to those of customarily
541 owned and demarcated land. Insecurity of land is often very high following dis-
542 placement, while land grabbing and eviction has been shown to among the primary
543 fears of affected peoples in the region (RICS 2016). Large-scale and long-term
544 funding required for a project such as the Manam resettlement may not always be
545 accessible.
12
https://www.sprep.org/climate-change/fiji-shares-its-dos-and-donts-on-relocation.
21 Limits to Adaptation to Climate Change in Papua-New Guinea and …17
Layout: T1_Standard Book ID: 448787_1_En Book ISBN: 978-3-319-64598-8
Chapter No.: 21 Date: 14-8-2017 Time: 7:08 pm Page: 17/21
Author Proof
U
NCORRECTED PROOF
546 Clear government policies that combine both modern and traditional approaches,
547 informed by regular and extensive consultation with affected communities, are
548 paramount. Before disasters, risk reduction and management strategies must target
549 not only physical safety but must also place emphasis on community cohesion and
550 the preservation of Pacific people’s identity, culture, social and belief systems.
551 Following and in anticipation of displacement risk, protection and assistance
552 strategies should be sensitive to land tenure boundaries. In many cases, they should
553 be the main borders of relevance when planning for local integration, temporary
554 relocation of communities, and longer-term resettlement. In addition to avoiding
555 loss of cultural heritage as well as conflicts associated to land ownership, this
556 direction will imply much-needed sensitivity to community-based leadership and
557 governance structures necessary for buy-in and the long-term success of any
558 solution to displacement.
559 In the context of the Pacific, and potentially other customary land tenure sys-
560 tems, protecting and assistance policies should place emphasis on community
561 cohesion and the preservation coherent with customary systems. Given the exis-
562 tence of customary boundaries that cut across modern day states, regional coop-
563 eration may be a key fit-for-purpose approach. UN-HABITAT and others in the
564 international community have developed guidance on frameworks for land gover-
565 nance that can be turned to, as they consider the combination of the spatial, legal
566 and institutional frameworks and include key principles such as Good land gov-
567 ernance preventing bureaucratic barriers.
568 Participation is paramount. Locally-based expertise and traditional knowledge
569 are valuable sources of information to develop strategies to address displacement,
570 or, in the case of many Pacific communities, to inform planned relocations and
571 resettlements. Flexible approaches to land governance and the concept of borders
572 are key.
573 References
574 Asian Development Bank Regional Coopertion on Knowledge Management, Policy and
575 Institutional Support of the Coral Triangle Initiative. (2012). http://www.
576 coraltriangleinitiative.org/sites/default/files/resources/PNG%20SCTR_web%20copy.pdf.
577 AusAID. (2008). Making land work—Volume one: Reconciling customary land and development
578 in the Pacific. Canberra: AusAID http://www.ausaid.gov.au/publications/pdf/MLW_
579 VolumeOne_Bookmarked.pdf.
580 Bolatagici, L. (2016). After assessments, many more Fiji Villages Slated For Relocation. Pacific
581 Islands Development Program, East-West Center With Support From Center for Pacific Islands
582 Studies, University of Hawai‘ihttp://www.pireport.org/articles/2016/04/21/after-assessments-
583 many-more-fiji-villages-slated-relocation.
584 Bronen, R., & Chapin, F. S. (2013). Adaptive governance and institutional strategies for
585 climate-induced community relocations in Alaska. PNAS, 110(23), 9320–9325.
586 Byamugisha, F. (2013). Sharing Africa’s land for shared prosperity. A program to scale up reforms
587 and investments. World Bank, Washington. http://www.scribd.com/doc/144377306/Securing-
588 Africa-s-Land-for-Shared-Prosperity.
18 D. Gharbaoui and J. Blocher
Layout: T1_Standard Book ID: 448787_1_En Book ISBN: 978-3-319-64598-8
Chapter No.: 21 Date: 14-8-2017 Time: 7:08 pm Page: 18/21
Author Proof
U
NCORRECTED PROOF
589 Campbell, J. R., Goldsmith, M., & Koshy, K. (2005). Community relocation as an option for
590 adaptation to the effects of climate change and climate variability in Pacific Island Countries
591 (PICs) Kobe: Asia-Pacific Network for Global Change Research (APN).
592 Campbell, J. R. (2006). Traditional disaster reduction in Pacific Island communities. GNS Science
593 Report, 2006(38), 46.
594 Campbell, J. (2010). An overview of natural hazard planning in the Pacific Island Region. The
595 Australasian Journal of Disaster and Trauma Studies, ISSN: 1174–4707, Vol. 2010–1http://
596 www.massey.ac.nz/*trauma/issues/2002-2/mcdowell.htm.
597 Connell, J., & Lutkehaus, N. (2016). Another Manam? The forced migration of the population of
598 Manam Island, Papua New Guinea; Due to Volcanic Eruptions 2004/2005. Geneva: IOM.
599 Connell, J., & Lutkehaus, N. (2017). Environmental refugees? A tale of two resettlement projects
600 in coastal Papua New Guinea. Australian Geographer.
601 Corendea, C., Bello, V., & Bryar, T. (2015). Pacific research project: Promoting human security
602 and minimizing conflict associated with forced migration in the Pacific region. Pacific Islands
603 Forum Secretariat, UNU-GCM, UNU-EHS. https://collections.unu.edu/view/UNU:3171.
604 EM-DAT. (2015). The OFDA/CRED—International Disaster Database. Brussels: Université
605 catholique de Louvain http://www.emdat.be. For a disaster to be entered into the database at
606 least one of the following criteria must be fulfilled: Ten (10) or more people reported killed; a
607 hundred (100) or more people reported affected; a declaration of a state of emergency; a call for
608 international assistance.
609 FAO. (2012). Voluntary guidelines on the responsible Governance of Tenure of Land, Fisheries
610 and Forests in the Context of Food Security. Rome. http://www.fao.org/docrep/016/i2801e/
611 i2801e.pdf.
612 Fien, J., Sykes, H., & Yencken, D. (2000). Environment, education and society in the Asia-Pacific:
613 Local traditions and global discourses. London: Routledge Advances in Asia-Pacific Studies.
614 FIG/GLTN. (2010). The social tenure domain model. FIG Publication No. 52, FIG Office,
615 Copenhagen, Denmark. http://www.fig.net/pub/figpub/pub52/figpub52.htm.
616 Gemenne, F., & Blocher, J. (2016). How can migration support adaptation? Different options to
617 test the migration-adaptation nexus Migration, Environment and Climate Change: Working
618 Paper Series 1/2016 IOM, Geneva.
619 Gemenne, F., & Blocher, J. M. (2017). How can migration serve adaptation to climate change?
620 Challenges to fleshing out a policy ideal. The Geographic Journal, pp. 1–12.
621 Gharbaoui, D., & Blocher, J. (2016a). The reason land matters: Relocation as adaptation to climate
622 change in Fiji Islands. In Milan, A., Cascone, N., Schraven, B., & Warner, K. (Eds.),
623 Migration, risk management, and climate change—Evidence and policy responses.
624 Gharbaoui, D., & Blocher, J. (2016b). Climate change, planned relocation and land tenure in Fiji
625 and Papua New Guinea. Macmillan Brown Centre for Pacific Studies, Pacific Policy Brief
626 2016/7, Policy Brief Series, University of Canterbury.
627 Government of Papua New Guinea (GoPNG). (2007). The national land development taskforce
628 report: Land administration, land dispute settlement, and customary land development.
629 National Research Institute, Monograph 39, Port Moresby.
630 GoPNG. (2012). Systems, process and institutions. PNG Decent Country Program. Monograph.
631 Department of Labour and Industrial Relations, Port Moresby. Papua New Guinea Vision
632 2050, National Strategic Plan Taskforce. Papua New Guinea’s Strategic Program for Climate
633 Resilience. Recognised Seasonal Employer Policy: Inter-Agency Understanding Papua New
634 Guinea.
635 Gravelle, G., & Mimura, N. (2008). Sustainability Science 3: 171. http://link.springer.com/article/
636 10.1007/s11625-008-0052-2?no-access=true.
637 IRIN News. (2013). Papua New Guinea government improves disaster preparedness funding.
638 http://www.irinnews.org/report/98433/papua-new-guinea-government-improves-disaster-
639 preparedness-funding.
640 Janif, S. Z., Nunn, P. D., Geraghty, P., Aalbersberg, W., Thomas, F. R., & Camailakeba, M.
641 (2016). Value of traditional oral narratives in building climate-change resilience: insights from
21 Limits to Adaptation to Climate Change in Papua-New Guinea and …19
Layout: T1_Standard Book ID: 448787_1_En Book ISBN: 978-3-319-64598-8
Chapter No.: 21 Date: 14-8-2017 Time: 7:08 pm Page: 19/21
Author Proof
U
NCORRECTED PROOF
642 rural communities in Fiji. Ecology and Society, 21(2), 7. www.ecologyandsociety.org/vol21/
643 iss2/art7/#Relocation.
644 Johnson, R. W. (2013). Fire mountains of the Islands: A history of volcanic eruptions and disaster
645 management in Papua New Guinea and the Solomon Islands. Canberra: Australian National
646 University Press.
647 Klein, R. J. T., Midgley, G. F., Preston, B. L., Alam, M., Berkhout, F. G. H., Dow, K., & Shaw,
648 M. R. (2014). Adaptation opportunities, constraints and limits. Climate Change 2014: Impacts,
649 adaptation, and vulnerability. In Field, C. B., Barros, V. R., & Dokken, D. J. et al. Part A:
650 Global and sectoral aspects. Contribution of the Working Group II to the Fifth Assessment
651 Report of the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (pp. 899–943). Cambridge:
652 Cambridge University Press.
653 Kirsch, S. (2001). Lost Worlds—environmental disaster, Culture loss, and the Law. Current
654 Anthropology, 42(2), 167.
655 Loode, S., Nolan, A., Brown, A., & Clements, K. (2009). Conflict management processes for
656 land-related conflict Suva, Fiji: Pacific Islands Forum Secretariat.http://www.forumsec.org/
657 resources/uploads/attachments/documents/LMCM%204_1%20COMPLETE.pdf.
658 López-Carr, D., & Marter-Kenyon, J. (2015). Human adaptation: Manage climate-induced
659 resettlement. Nature, 517, 7534.
660 Lutkehaus, N. C. (2016). Finishing Kapui’s Name: Birth, death and the reproduction of Manam
661 Society, Papua New Guinea. In D. Lipset & E. K. Silverman (Eds.), Mortuary dialogues:
662 Death ritual and the reproduction of moral community in Pacific Modernities. New York,
663 Oxford: Barghahn.
664 McNamara, K. E., & Des Combes, H. J. (2015). International Journal of Disaster Risk Science,6,
665 315.
666 Mitchell, D., Orcherton, D., Numbasa, G., & Mc Evoy, D., (2016). The implications of land issues
667 for climate resilient informal settlements in Fiji and Papua New Guinea, RICS, 2016 http://
668 www.rics.org/Global/Land_Issues_Fiji_PNG_300316_dwl_aa.pdf.
669 Mulina, K., Sukua, J., & Tibong, H. (2011). Report on Madang Volcanic Hazards Awareness
670 Program. 6–29 September 2011, Rabaul Vulcanological Observatory.
671 Nalu, M. (2011a). The tragedy of Manam Islanders …Refugees in their own country. http://
672 malumnalu.blogspot.com/.
673 Radio New Zealand. (2006). PNG government commended for establishing Manam resettlement
674 authority http://www.radionz.co.nz/international/pacific-news/163830/png-government-
675 commended-for-establishing-manam-resettlement-authority.
676 Radio Australia. (2012). Manam islanders displaced by volcano to re-settle http://www.
677 radioaustralia.net.au/international/radio/program/pacific-beat/manam-islanders-displaced-by-
678 volcano-to-resettle/1020584.
679 Report for Royal Institution of Chartered Surveyors (RICS). (2016). The implications of land
680 issues for climate resilient informal settlements in Fiji and Papua New Guinea. London: RICS.
681 Sendai Framework for Disaster Risk Reduction 2015–2030 (Sendai Framework). (2015). United
682 Nations Office for Disaster Risk Reduction (UNISDR), Geneva, Switzerland http://www.
683 unisdr.org/files/43291_sendaiframeworkfordrren.pdf.
684 Shisei, R. (2016). Manam resettlement bill passed’EM TV News http://www.emtv.com.pg/article.
685 aspx?slug=Manam-Resettlement-Bill-Passed—2&.
686 Shultz, J. M., Cohen, M. A., Hermosilla, S., Espinel, Z., & McLean, A. (2016). Disaster risk
687 reduction and sustainable development for small island developing states. Disaster Health, 3
688 (1), 32–44. doi:10.1080/21665044.2016.1173443.
689 Thaman, K. H. (2000). Cultural rights: A personal perspective. In Wilson, M., & Hunt, P. (Eds.),
690 Culture, rights and cultural rights: Perspectives from the South Pacific.
691 UN-HABITAT, GLTN. (2008). Secure land rights for all. https://www.responsibleagroinvestment.
692 org/sites/responsibleagroinvestment.org/files/Secure%20land%20rights%20for%20all-UN%
693 20HABITAT.pdf.
694 UN-Habitat. (2015). Urbanization and climate change in small Island developing states.
AQ6
AQ7
AQ8
20 D. Gharbaoui and J. Blocher
Layout: T1_Standard Book ID: 448787_1_En Book ISBN: 978-3-319-64598-8
Chapter No.: 21 Date: 14-8-2017 Time: 7:08 pm Page: 20/21
Author Proof
U
NCORRECTED PROOF
695 United Nations Office of the High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR). (2014). Planned
696 relocations, disasters and climate change: Consolidating good practices and preparing for the
697 future, background document. Geneva: UNHCR.
698 United Nations Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights (UNOHCHR), Regional
699 Office for the Pacific. (2011). Protecting the Human Rights of Internally Displaced Persons in
700 Natural Disasters: Challenges in the Pacific. Discussion Paper, April, Suva.
701 Waide, S. (2014) 10 years after the eruption.www.PNGBlogs.com/2014.
21 Limits to Adaptation to Climate Change in Papua-New Guinea and …21
Layout: T1_Standard Book ID: 448787_1_En Book ISBN: 978-3-319-64598-8
Chapter No.: 21 Date: 14-8-2017 Time: 7:08 pm Page: 21/21
Author Proof
U
NCORRECTED PROOF
Author Query Form
Book ID : 448787_1_En
Chapter No : 21 123
the language of science
Please ensure you fill out your response to the queries raised
below and return this form along with your corrections
Dear Author
During the process of typesetting your chapter, the following queries have
arisen. Please check your typeset proof carefully against the queries listed
below and mark the necessary changes either directly on the proof/online
grid or in the ‘Author’s response’area provided below
Query Refs. Details Required Author’s Response
AQ1 Kindly check and confirm the corresponding author is correctly identified.
AQ2 References ‘Barnett and Webber (2010), Tobin (2008), Farran (2011),
Nansen (2013), Adger et al. (2009), Preston and Stafford Smith (2009),
Ramakrishna and Bang (2015), Constantino and Merchant (1996),
Mugambwa (2007)’are cited in the text but not provided in the reference
list. Please provide the respective references in the list or delete these
citation.
AQ3 The citation ‘Fien et al. (2003) and EM-DAT (2016)’has been changed to
‘Fien et al. (2000) and EM-DAT (2015)’so that this citation matches the list.
AQ4 Please check and confirm the inserted citation of ‘Fig. 21.5’is correct. If not,
please suggest an alternative citation.
AQ5 The [opening] quote does not have a corresponding [closing] quote in the
sentence ‘While the enabling, guiding and coordinating role of national and
federal State …’. Please insert the quote in the appropriate position.
AQ6 Reference ‘Kirsch (2001)’is given in list but not cited in text. Please cite in
text or delete from list.
AQ7 Please provide complete reference for Gemenne and Blocher (2017).
AQ8 Please provide complete details for the reference Thaman (2000).
Author Proof
MARKED PROOF
Please correct and return this set
Instruction to printer
Leave unchanged under matter to remain
through single character, rule or underline
New matter followed by
or
or
or
or
or
or
or
or
or
and/or
and/or
e.g.
e.g.
under character
over character
new character
new characters
through all characters to be deleted
through letter or
through characters
under matter to be changed
under matter to be changed
under matter to be changed
under matter to be changed
under matter to be changed
Encircle matter to be changed
(As above)
(As above)
(As above)
(As above)
(As above)
(As above)
(As above)
(As above)
linking characters
through character or
where required
between characters or
words affected
through character or
where required
or
indicated in the margin
Delete
Substitute character or
substitute part of one or
more word(s)
Change to italics
Change to capitals
Change to small capitals
Change to bold type
Change to bold italic
Change to lower case
Change italic to upright type
Change bold to non-bold type
Insert ‘superior’ character
Insert ‘inferior’ character
Insert full stop
Insert comma
Insert single quotation marks
Insert double quotation marks
Insert hyphen
Start new paragraph
No new paragraph
Transpose
Close up
Insert or substitute space
between characters or words
Reduce space between
characters or words
Insert in text the matter
Textual mark Marginal mark
Please use the proof correction marks shown below for all alterations and corrections. If you
in dark ink and are made well within the page margins.
wish to return your proof by fax you should ensure that all amendments are written clearly
