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Conquest strategy and political discourse: New evidence for the conquest of Dacia from LiDAR analysis at Sarmizegetusa Regia

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By the end of the 1st c. A.D., Dacia had been an intermittent thorn in Rome's side for almost two centuries. The ambitions of Burebista and the actions of his various successors continued to threaten Roman hegemony along the lower Danube, culminating in the rise of the powerful kingdom of Decebalus and a substantial Roman defeat in Moesia. Domitian sent troops against the Dacians to restore the dignity of Rome (85-86 and 88-88/89), but with mixed success, finally having to settle for buying peace at a substantial price in order to free himself to deal with threats to security in both Germany and Pannonia. No doubt both the costs involved and the perceived lack of success further contributed to the hostility of Roman authors towards Domitian and left unfinished business on the Danube frontier. It is no great surprise, therefore, that Dacia was the first area to which Trajan — to whom the attitude of contemporary sources (e.g., Pliny's Panegyricus ) could not have been in greater contrast — turned his attention within three years of his accession.

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... E), the second one focuses exclusively on a strong siege of the latter [15,16]. The political implications are less clear-as a result of a peace agreement in AD 102, the Dacian king Decebalus is maintained until his final fall and eventual suicide during the latter campaign, but more recent research shows that the area may have been much more advanced towards becoming a province than previously assumed [17]. ...
... More recently, a reassessment of the archaeological landscape surrounding Sarmizegetusa Regia based on airborne LiDAR evidence [17] demonstrated the value of modern prospection methods and of landscape approaches to advancing the research agenda there. While agreeing withŞtefan's [19] interpretation of the Muncelu fortification's character as a permanent, not temporary fortification, it provided substantial new insights into the presence of the Roman army on site and in the area. ...
... For this, we have adopted a complex GIS spatial analysis approach using ArcGIS 10.7.1 (Esri, Redlands, CA, USA) to help us model the spatial relationships between Roman military sites, Dacian hillforts and the surrounding landscape based on two available digital terrain models (DTM) ( Figure 2). We derived one from a high-resolution LiDAR coverage with 0.5 m of spatial resolution (~8 points per square meter considering all returns; data processed with LAStools (https://rapidlasso.com/lastools/) (version 201124, Rapidlasso GmbH, Gilching, Germany) software dataset for the immediate surroundings of Sarmizegetusa Regia which was already available to us [17]. The second is the freely available NASA developed Shuttle Radar Topography Mission (SRTM); though at a lower resolution of 1 Arc Second~30 m, it covered the entire area of the Orăştie Mountains. ...
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... 11 Gudea 1997, 24. 12 Gudea 1997, 24. 13 Dumitrașcu 1969Benea 1994;Opreanu 2013;Lăzărescu 2016, 49-60. 14 Ștefan 2005, 545-673;Oltean and Hanson 2017;Fonte 2021. 15 Leslie 1995, 53-70;Jones 2009, 21;Jones 2017, 522-523. ...
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... Oltean, Hanson 2017, p. 445. K. Strobel (2019, nota 153) califică drept "foarte problematice" concluziile celor doi.23 Matei-Popescu, Țentea 2021. ...
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... 19 GOSTAR, DAICOVICIU 1959GLODARIU, MOGA 1988. 20 MICLE et al. 2016OLTEAN, HANSON 2017;TEODOR et al. 2018. and, especially, the medieval fortification from Piatra Craivei, which dominates, at over 1000 m, the middle valley of Mureș21. ...
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... Bellón Ruiz et al., 2016;Berrocal-Rangel et al., 2017;Cordero Ruiz et al., 2017) and beyond (e.g. Bernardini et al., 2015;Hanson et al., 2019;Jones, 2012;Oltean and Hanson, 2017). In Spain, earlier examples of the application of remote sensing techniques, in particular airborne LiDAR, to study other types of archaeological landscapes have been successfully reported (e.g. ...
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"1. About the legionary fort at Sarmizegetusa in AD 102–105 (Cassius Dio 68.9.7). Cassius Dio (68.9.7) writes that after the end of the first Dacian war of Trajan, in 102 AD, the emperor left a legion in Dacia at Sarmizegetusa and auxiliary troops in other locations. Over time, the fragmentary accounts of Cassius Dio have been interpreted in two main ways. On one hand, the presence of a legionary fort was presumed in Hațeg Country, on the territory of future Colonia Ulpia Traiana Dacica Sarmizegetusa. On the other hand, this fort (stratopedon) was presumed to have functioned in the Orăștie Mountains, in or next to the Dacian fortress at Grădiștea de Munte, the residence of King Decebalus. The debate has recently been reopened by F. Matei-Popescu and O. Țentea. They place this Roman fort in the Orăștie Mountains, in the close vicinity of the former residence of King Decebalus. Their arguments are based mostly on the recently acquired LiDAR images of the area in question. On these images appears an almost rectangular earthen structure which preceded the stone enclosure and was also ascribed to a Roman fort built after the conquest of Dacia. F. Matei-Popescu and O. Țentea consider that, if the stone enclosure belongs to the period after the second Dacian war of Trajan, the enclosure having an earthen wall must be older, belonging to the period between the two Dacian wars, that is, between AD 102 and 105, this being the fort mentioned in the fragmentary accounts of Cassius Dio. Analysing the available information, the author concluding that the earthen fort from Grădiștea de Munte was more likely built in the context of the second Dacian war, in 105/106 AD. The stratopedon mentioned by Cassius Dio was more likely located on the future place of Colonia Ulpia Traiana Dacica Sarmizegetusa. Finally, the name of the royal residence of Decebalus, it is less likely to be Sarmizegetusa. This was more likely the indigenous toponym of the place where Colonia Ulpia Traiana Dacica was later established. The possible identification with Ranisstorum, the place where Tiberius Claudius Maximus brought the severed head and right hand of King Decebalus to Trajan to be shown to the army, can be perhaps taken into the consideration as a working hypothesis. 2. The destiny of the “Dacian gold”. About a Koson-type coin reused in the 16th century in a Christian (Renaissance) context. The “Dacian gold” fired the imagination of many people each time a hoard emerged in the mountains hosting the ruins of the royal residence of King Decebalus. One of the largest hoards was discovered in 1543 (containing coins of Lysimachus and perhaps Koson-types). Before this great hoard, a document from 1494 mentions the discovery in 1491 of a hoard consisting of “small and big” gold coins by some gold panners in the vicinity of Sebeș. There was already a number of Koson-type coins “in circulation” among the Renaissance collectors of antiquities at the end of the 15th century or the beginning of the 16th century. In 1520 Erasmus of Rotterdam describes and tries to identify a Koson-type coin, an issue which have also caused difficulties to other scholars. In this context, the author is analysing a liturgical chalice of the first half of the 16th century, which was once in Alba Iulia and is now preserved in the collections of the Catholic Cathedral of Nitra, Slovakia. The chalice is decorated with ancient gold coins. Among them is a Koson-type coin. Both the manufacturing and the biography of the chalice are relevant from the perspective of the destiny of “Dacian gold” during the late Renaissance. The vessel was first mentioned in an inventory from 1531 of the treasury of the Catholic Cathedral at Alba Iulia. The chalice was donated by a certain Udalricus of Buda, who was the prebendary of a cathedral chapel between 1504 and 1523. At a later date, the chalice was owned by Paul Bornemisza, who was Bishop of Alba Iulia in 1553–1556. He had to leave Transylvania, becoming Bishop of Nitra in 1557. On this occasion he brought over the chalice decorated with ancient gold coins. Udalricus of Buda was a member of the Renaissance humanist circle from Alba Iulia, which included a number of scholars, publishers of ancient texts, epigraphists and antiquities collectors. It might be presumed that the Koson-type coin which Erasmus of Rotterdam attempted to analyse was received through the connections with the humanist scholars from Alba Iulia. This coin, as well as the one inserted into the chalice of Udalricus, could have belonged to a hoard which was perhaps discovered a few decades before the one from 1543. Perhaps the coins in question were found in 1491 by the gold panners from Sebeș. 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Rezumat. Ne referim la fortificaţia cunoscută în literatură sub numele Muncel, aflată pe mun-tele de la nord de capitala regatului dacic, la o mică distanţă dar 500 de m mai sus, reprezentând cheia defensivei (sau ofensivei) din războaiele daco-romane de la începutul sec. II dHr. Există practic un consens în a atribui lucrările de acolo romanilor, deşi sondajele arheologice minuscule , de până acum, indică inventar de tip dacic. Ultima luare de poziţie în materie 1 reprezintă un moment important, câtă vreme este semnată de autori cu un renume solid în cercetarea aeriană şi arheologia militară romană; mai mult, studiul respectiv beneficiază de modelul teren de tip LiDAR, care reprezintă premiza unei expertize topografice de fineţe. Din nefericire, nu a fost cazul. Am profitat de pre-existenţa unui model-teren realizat în 2016 (din dronă) pentru a verifica analiza cercetătorilor britanici şi am ajuns la concluzii diametral opuse. Între motivele unei asemenea încheieri enumerăm aici absenţa unui şanţ exterior (susţinută de autorii menţi-onaţi, dar şi de Al. Stefan, cu peste un deceniu în urmă), existenţa unui larg şanţ interior (carac-teristică tipic dacică), grosimea neobişnuită a valului (pentru castrele de marş), existenţa unor "anexe" fără analogie funcţională în lumea romană (în special dubla palisadă de la vest), absen-ţa porţilor (care ar trebui să fie vizibile în plan, în ipoteza menţionată), prezenţa gropilor mari de pe conturul interior (care nu sunt moderne), dar şi recentele descoperirile "întâmplătoare" (cu detectorul de metale) din urmă cu un deceniu. Analiza unui model-teren nu poate substitui cercetarea arheologică prin săpătură, dar o poate orienta, ceea ce şi cititorul român poate aprecia fie şi doar din ilustraţia ataşată. Cuvinte cheie: topografie, model teren, amenajări defensive, fortificaţii dacice, castre de marş.
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