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Where Are the Female Ambassadors? Gender and Status Hierarchies in Ambassador Postings
Abstract
Focusing on ambassador appointments, this chapter addresses some fundamental questions about where men and women are positioned in diplomacy. After mapping out the basic numbers and where female and male ambassadors are stationed geographically, we examine whether women tend to cluster in ambassadorships of lesser status while remaining underrepresented in the ambassador positions of power and clout. How many female ambassadors are there in the world? Where are male and female ambassadors posted, especially with respect to positions of power and prestige? In other words, are there gender patterns in ambassador appointments? In answering these basic questions, we seek to broaden the knowledge base about men, women and diplomacy, helping to fill the gaps in the scholarship on gender and diplomacy identified in the introductory chapter.
... As mesmas tendências são observadas em todos os continentes, com variações entre 16,6% de mulheres parlamentares no Oriente Médio e 43,9% nos países nórdicos (ONU Mujeres, 2020). Na diplomacia, o cenário não é muito diferente para as embaixadoras: elas são 25% das designadas pela América do Norte; 18% pela América do Sul; 14% pela Europa (excluindo-se os países nórdicos) 1 ; 17% pela África; 6% pelo Oriente Médio; 10% pela Ásia e 25% pela Oceania (Towns & Niklasson, 2018). ...
... O Brasil, em particular, apresenta aproximadamente 25% do seu corpo diplomático composto por mulheres, proporção que se reduz à medida que se verificam os postos de maior prestígio (Farias & Carmo, 2018). Essa, aliás, é a dimensão qualitativa das mulheres diplomatas: ainda que os números cresçam, um aparente teto de vidro permanece, tanto que apenas 15% de todas as embaixadas no mundo são chefiadas por mulheres (Towns & Niklasson, 2018) e 10% dos quadros de negociadores de processos de paz são compostos por representantes do sexo feminino (United Nations Entity for Gender Equality and the Empowerment of Women, 2012). Evidentemente, esse teto de vidro é apenas uma das questões subjacentes à presença feminina nos corpos diplomáticos, que remonta à perspectiva liberal de contabilização das mulheres nos espaços políticos. ...
The feminist agenda in International Relations has recently drawn attention to gender issues in diplomacy, focusing mainly, though not exclusively, on analysing the trajectories of female diplomats in the institution. Though scarce, these studies approach the topic primarily via national case studies, resorting to the concept of gender to examine the power structures based on ideals of masculinity and femininity, which establish patterns of inequality and discrimination within the institution. In this article, we review national and international studies on gender and diplomacy, aiming to map the theoretical and methodological articulations underlying the gender analysis of diplomacy, which sees it as a gendered institution where gender-based hierarchies of power operate. In terms of methodology, we discuss the main concepts and theoretical frameworks of this research agenda, unraveling their connections to the broader feminist agenda in IR. We map the most recurrent methods and point out both theoretical and methodological gaps that need to be addressed in future research. Furthermore, we briefly review the main studies on gender and diplomacy conducted by the Brazilian Ministry of Foreign Affairs and academia, attempting to bridge national and international studies on gender and diplomacy. We conclude that the research agenda on gender and diplomacy has a rich conceptual and theoretical arsenal that establishes multiple dialogues with institutional feminist theories and with feminisms in IR. However, important gaps persist both in terms of the incorporation of intersectionality and cross-national comparative approaches, which are paramount to advancing gender analyses of diplomacy as an institution.
... Similar tendencies are observed in all continents, ranging from 16.6% of women in Middle-Eastern parliaments to 43,9% in Nordic countries (ONU Mujeres, 2020). In diplomacy, the situation is no different for female ambassadors: they constitute 25% of the ambassadorship in North America; 18% in South America; 14% in Europe (except for the Nordic countries) 1 ; 17% in Africa; 6% in the Middle East; 10% in Asia, and 25% in Oceania (Towns & Niklasson, 2018). ...
... In Brazil, approximately 25% of the national diplomatic staff is composed of women, a share that decreases the more one climbs the ladder of prestigious posts in the career (Farias & Carmo, 2018). To be sure, this is the qualitative dimension of gender and diplomacy: despite increasing numbers, an apparent glass ceiling still persists up to the point that only 15% of all embassies in the world are headed by female diplomats (Towns & Niklasson, 2018) and 10% of peace negotiation staff are composed of female negotiators (United Nations Entity for Gender Equality and the Empowerment of Women, 2012). Evidently, the glass ceiling is only one of a myriad of questions underlying women's presence in diplomacy, one that can be traced back to the liberal perspectives that count women in political spaces. ...
The feminist agenda in International Relations has recently drawn attention to gender issues in diplomacy, focusing mainly, though not exclusively, on analysing the trajectories of female diplomats in the institution. Though scarce, these studies approach the topic primarily via national case studies, resorting to the concept of gender to examine the power structures based on ideals of masculinity and femininity, which establish patterns of inequality and discrimination within the institution. In this article, we review national and international studies on gender and diplomacy, aiming to map the theoretical and methodological articulations underlying the gender analysis of diplomacy, which sees it as a gendered institution where gender-based hierarchies of power operate. In terms of methodology, we discuss the main concepts and theoretical frameworks of this research agenda, unraveling their connections to the broader feminist agenda in IR. We map the most recurrent methods and point out both theoretical and methodological gaps that need to be addressed in future research. Furthermore, we briefly review the main studies on gender and diplomacy conducted by the Brazilian Ministry of Foreign Affairs and academia, attempting to bridge national and international studies on gender and diplomacy. We conclude that the research agenda on gender and diplomacy has a rich conceptual and theoretical arsenal that establishes multiple dialogues with institutional feminist theories and with feminisms in IR. However, important gaps persist both in terms of the incorporation of intersectionality and cross-national comparative approaches, which are paramount to advancing gender analyses of diplomacy as an institution.
Norge har et sterkt nasjonalt selvbilde som likestillingsforkjemper og fredsnasjon. I denne artikkelen utforsker vi skjæringspunktet mellom likestilling og fredsengasjement i norsk utenrikspolitikk. Mens systematisk integrering av likestillingsperspektiver har stått på dagsordenen i norsk utviklingssamarbeid i flere tiår, er integreringen av likestilling i fredsengasjementet av nyere dato. I vår studie har vi vært særlig interessert i å se nærmere på hvordan norske diplomater balanserer erfaringer, verdier og interesser når likestilling som norm og praksis integreres i det norske fredsengasjementet. Vi finner at likestilling mellom kjønnene blir sett på som en norsk kjerneverdi det er «naturlig» å videreføre i norsk fredsengasjement. Dette har også blitt en viktig valuta i spillet om status, makt og innflytelse i internasjonal politikk. Samtidig finner vi en bekymring hos diplomatene for at et for sterkt fokus på normative og verdidrevne feministiske idealer og målsetninger kan være risikabelt, da det ville kunne svekke bildet av Norge som nøytral tilrettelegger av fredsprosesser.
Malgré l’affichage d’une « diplomatie féministe », le ministère français des Affaires étrangères reste sanctionné depuis plusieurs années car il ne nomme pas assez de femmes à ses sommets. À partir de la saisie manuelle de notices biographiques des annuaires diplomatiques, nous montrons la fragilité de l’explication avancée par le ministère en termes de « faiblesse des viviers féminins ». Parmi 1 727 femmes diplomates recrutées depuis 1945, 150 à 200 sont en réalité en situation d’être nommées aux 300 postes d’encadrement du ministère en 2015 (elles n’en occupent qu’un quart). Les femmes sont en effet passées de 8 % après la guerre à plus d’un tiers des diplomates. La comparaison entre hommes et femmes diplomates en poste en 2015 met aussi en évidence une forte atténuation des inégalités chez les moins de 40 ans. Mais le problème réside notamment dans le « cadenas » de l’ENA, l’une des deux voies d’accès aux postes d’encadrement : 6 diplomates énarques sur 7 sont des hommes, et 4 % des femmes de moins de 40 ans sont diplômées de l’ENA contre 10 % des hommes. Sur les quelque 650 diplomates aux propriétés les plus légitimes au ministère en 2015, trois quarts sont ainsi des hommes. Cet « engorgement » masculin des sommets caractérise un type d’organisation administrative aux carrières longues et surdéterminées par les modes d’entrée.
This chapter explores the long trajectory of European feminists’ contributions to peace research. Specifically, the coalescing of knowledge via specific Centers of Excellence has supported the recent development of feminist peace research (FPR) in Europe. FPR has also been influenced by the global normative framework of the Women, Peace and Security agenda (WPS), which relies on research conducted outside of Europe. While the diversity of WPS informed research evidences a thriving FPR field in Europe, it also reveals the limitations of what constitutes ‘Europe.’ Ultimately, the chapter shows how FPR remains exclusionary, with implications for knowledge production hierarchies.
A lo largo de las últimas tres décadas, los debates feministas han ingresado a la disciplina de Relaciones Internacionales, rompiendo antiguos silencios, mientras establecían diálogos con el canon. Sin embargo, a pesar de los esfuerzos por integrarse a la disciplina y de la rica literatura teórica y empírica, los feminismos en RR.II. siguen marginados vis-à-vis las formas tradicionales de producción de conocimiento. Bajo este contexto, parto de la siguiente pregunta de investigación: ¿en qué medida los abordajes feministas de relaciones internacionales constituyen un área integrada a la disciplina de RR.II., considerándose sus silencios, diálogos y ausencias? Analizo los distintos silencios, diálogos y ausencias que caracterizan un proyecto de integración inconcluso en una disciplina que se presume global, pero que acepta con dificultades los aportes epistemológicos y metodológicos de los feminismos.
Aunque el debate sobre la presencia femenina en los espacios políticos haya empezado antes de los años setenta del siglo veinte, el contexto de las Conferencias Mundiales sobre la Mujer profundizó las demandas de las mujeres en distintos dominios, entre ellos la participación en las esferas políticas y de decisión. Las Naciones Unidas han fomentado discursos sobre el empoderamiento de las mujeres y su participación activa en roles políticos, reconociendo que la paridad de género en la política es un objetivo esencial para alcanzar la igualdad entre hombres y mujeres. Sin embargo, la propia organización no cumple su discurso: hasta el presente momento, no hay registros de mujeres que hayan ocupado el cargo de secretaria general y pocas ocupan otros cargos en la organización. Un escenario semejante se observa en las demás organizaciones internacionales, nombradamente las que se ocupan de temas económicos, considerados de alto prestigio en la arena internacional.
En este artículo, nuestro objetivo consiste en investigar la presencia femenina en los órganos de Naciones Unidas y organizaciones económicas internacionales. Tal investigación se centra en dos enfoques: por un lado, contabilizamos la presencia feminina en distintos organismos a lo largo de tres décadas, siguiendo un abordaje tradicional de los estudios de género: counting women to make women count; por otro lado, utilizamos los datos recolectados para evaluar cómo las estructuras de género en los organismos internacionales operan en detrimento de las mujeres. Para esto, iniciamos con la siguiente cuestión: ¿Cuál es el actual estado de participación de las mujeres en los más altos cargos de la Organización de las Naciones Unidas y de los organismos del sistema económico global?
Para responder a esta pregunta, estructuramos en artículo en cuatro secciones. Primeramente, presentamos el contexto de la presencia feminina en las organizaciones internacionales y de las Conferencias Mundiales sobre la Mujer. Enseguida discutimos los ejes teóricos que informan nuestras interpretaciones. Adoptamos una perspectiva teórica feminista que dialoga con los principales ejes conceptuales manifestados en las disciplinas de Relaciones Internacionales y Ciencia Política. En la tercera sección, discutimos nuestro diseño metodológico de investigación. En la cuarta sección, presentamos datos estadísticos del sistema de Naciones Unidas y de instituciones económicas internacionales entre 1990-2018 acerca de la participación de las mujeres en los cargos de presidencia y vicepresidencia de órganos y organismos especializados, argumentando que la presencia de mujeres en dichos espacios sigue baja. Las teorías feministas nos permiten evaluar la presencia más allá de los datos cuantitativos, ofreciendo una lectura acerca de los roles esperados de las (pocas) mujeres que ocupan espacios de liderazgo en las organizaciones internacionales. Verificamos que las mujeres suelen ocupar cargos asociados a temas de la baja política y el cuidado, como los asuntos sociales, de infancia y alimentos, lo que refuerza roles y jerarquías de género. Además, los datos demuestran que las pocas mujeres que ocupan estos cargos provienen principalmente de América del Norte y Europa Occidental, lo que per se limita las perspectivas feministas que acceden a las agendas internacionales.
This study focuses on the gendered nature of ambassadorial appointments. Analyzing the diplomatic services of ten Latin American countries between 2000 and 2018, we examine the factors that explain the designation of women to ambassadorships. More especially, we are interested in whether the election of women to the presidency in Argentina, Brazil, Chile, and Costa Rica had an impact on the gender gap at the top of those countries' foreign services. Drawing on an original dataset on diplomatic appointments, we show that the presence of women ambassadors has increased only marginally over the past two decades. Furthermore, multivariate regression analysis demonstrates that women presidents on the left have (partially and temporarily) corrected the gender gap in their foreign services through political appointments, provided they had the discretionary powers to do so. Our findings suggest that the impact of women-led presidencies is conditional on the chief executive's vested interest in gender parity and the scope of presidents' prerogatives to appoint ambassadors. In so doing, the study contributes to debates on the descriptive underrepresentation of women in executive positions and the gender gap in diplomacy.
Women have traditionally been underrepresented among government ministers, and when included in cabinets have largely been relegated to ‘feminine’ and low-prestige policy areas. Recently, however, some countries have witnessed changes in the number, gender, and/or prestige of women’s appointments. What accounts for this variation in women’s access to ministerial power? To answer this question, we posit three competing theoretical explanations: political institutions, social indicators of gender equality, and broader trends in women’s political recruitment. To test these hypotheses, we compile an original dataset of 117 countries and construct a new measure – the Gender Power Score – which differentially weights cabinet positions based on women’s numbers and the gender and prestige of the ministries to which they are assigned. Using a finite mixture model to evaluate competing hypotheses, we find that political variables – rather than social factors – have the strongest impact on gender parity in cabinets.
All the President’s Men? The Appointment of Female Cabinet Ministers Worldwide. Paper Presented at the Annual Convention of the Midwest Political Science Association
- Mona Krook
- Diana Z O Lena
- Brien
Do Women Make Better Ambassadors? Study of 50 Years of Female
- Ann Morin
- Miller
European Diplomats: State Nobility and The Invention of a New Social Group
- Rebecca Adler-Nissen
- R Adler-Nissen