American Behavioral Scientist
© 2017 SAGE Publications
Reprints and permissions:
Narcissism, Fame Seeking,
and Mass Shootings
Brad J. Bushman1
For many years, the conventional wisdom was that most acts of aggression and
violence stem from insecurities and low self-esteem. However, mass shootings are
extremely complex events influenced by multiple psychological factors, often acting
together, and of course not all mass shooters are the same. The possibility that some
mass shooters have low self-esteem, low self-worth, or painful personal insecurities
should not lead us to overlook another important possibility: that a significant
number of mass shooters may have large egos and narcissistic tendencies. This article
will (a) describe the psychological concepts of narcissism and narcissistic traits; (b)
review previous research on links between narcissism, aggression, and violence; (c)
review evidence that some mass shooters exhibit narcissistic traits; and (d) discuss
the implications of narcissistic mass shooters for society and the media coverage of
their shooting rampages.
narcissism, ego threat, aggression, fame seeking, mass shootings
For many years, the conventional wisdom was that most acts of aggression and vio-
lence stem from insecurities and low self-esteem (Baumeister, Bushman, & Campbell,
2000). Despite this apparent consensus, however, neither a compelling theoretical
rationale nor a persuasive body of empirical evidence exists to support the overarching
assumption that aggressive and violent people usually suffer from low self-esteem.
Nevertheless, this view has been extended to school shooters. Following a series of
school shootings in the United States, several organizations (including the U.S.
1The Ohio State University, Columbus, OH, USA
Brad J. Bushman, School of Communication, The Ohio State University, 3127 Derby Hall,
154 North Oval Mall, Columbus, OH 43210-1339, USA.
XXX10.1177/0002764217739660American Behavioral ScientistBushman
2 American Behavioral Scientist 00(0)
Department of Education) prepared lists of alleged warning signs for identifying pos-
sible school shooters, and many of the lists included low self-esteem (e.g., Lord, 1999;
However, mass shootings are extremely complex events influenced by multiple
psychological factors, often acting together, and of course not all mass shooters are the
same (Bushman et al., 2016). The possibility that some mass shooters have low self-
esteem, low self-worth, or painful personal insecurities should not lead us to overlook
another important possibility: that a significant number of mass shooters may have
large egos and narcissistic tendencies.
If that is the case, it would be consistent with many historical examples of aggres-
sive and violent leaders who also seemed to think very highly of themselves. For
example, Genghis Khan appeared to have a huge ego, wanted to rule the world, and
used military force to acquire the largest contiguous empire in history. He told his
people, “With Heaven’s aid I have conquered for you a huge empire. But my life was
too short to achieve the conquest of the world.” Another example is Joseph Stalin, the
leader of the former Soviet Union’s Communist Party who initiated the “Great Purge”
(also called the “Great Terror”), which led to countless deaths. Stalin also appeared to
have a big ego; he once compared himself favorably to the Pope, bragging, “The Pope?
How many divisions has he got?” Napoléon Bonaparte, the French military and politi-
cal leader who conquered much of Europe, famously said, “France has more need of
me than I have need of France.” Similarly, Adolf Hitler seemed to love the crowds of
admirers who saluted him and chanted, “Heil Hitler!” And there are many other exam-
ples of violent historical figures who may have had big egos and narcissistic tenden-
cies, such as Attila the Hun, Benito Mussolini, and Saddam Hussein.
Of course, narcissism is neither a required nor sufficient condition for becoming a
mass shooter. Not all mass shooters are narcissists, and not all narcissists are mass
shooters. Furthermore, even among narcissistic mass shooters, there are many other
important factors that help explain these individuals’ psychology and behavior.
However, understanding the narcissistic elements of their personalities may be an
important step forward. This article will (a) describe the psychological concepts of
narcissism and narcissistic traits; (b) review previous research on links between nar-
cissism, aggression, and violence; (c) review evidence that some mass shooters exhibit
narcissistic traits; and (d) discuss the implications of narcissistic mass shooters for
society and the media coverage of their shooting rampages.
Narcissism and Narcissistic Traits
The term narcissism comes from the Greek myth about a handsome young man named
Narcissus who fell in love with his own image reflected in the still water. Narcissus
said, “I burn with love for me!” In its extreme form, narcissism is a personality disor-
der defined as a pervasive pattern of grandiosity (in fantasy or behavior), a constant
need for admiration, and a lack of empathy (American Psychiatric Association, 2013).
In its less extreme form, narcissism is found at subclinical or “normal” levels in the
general population. In other words, narcissism can be a personality trait as well as a
The personality trait of narcissism is typically measured using the Narcissistic
Personality Inventory (NPI; Raskin & Terry, 1988), which contains 40 pairs of forced-
choice items such as the pair: “The thought of ruling the world frightens the hell out of
me” (nonnarcissistic response) versus “If I ruled the world it would be a better place”
(narcissistic response). Shorter self-report measures have also been developed, such as
a 16-item version of the NPI (Ames, Rose, & Anderson, 2006), a 4-item version
(Jonason & Webster, 2010), and even a Single Item Narcissism Scale (Konrath, Meier,
& Bushman, 2014). There is also a narcissism scale for children 7 years and older
(Thomaes, Stegge, Bushman, Olthof, & Denissen, 2008). Before about age 7, children
tend to have unrealistically positive self-views, and they have difficulty making social
The ability to make social comparisons is a critical component of narcissism—
narcissists think they are superior to others. However, narcissism is also strongly
correlated with unstable high self-esteem (Rhodewalt, Madrian, & Cheney, 1998),
which has been linked to hostile tendencies (Kernis, Grannemann, & Barclay, 1989).
Narcissists typically have very thin skins—they are hypersensitive to criticism and ego
Links Between Narcissism, Aggression, and Violence
Although there is never complete consensus in any field, the overwhelming majority
of studies reject that traditional view that low self-esteem is a consistent predictor of
aggression and violence, and instead support the view that narcissism is linked to
aggression and violence. In their comprehensive literature review, Baumeister,
Smart, and Boden (1996) cited a broad array of empirical observations that aggres-
sive and violent people often hold highly favorable self-views. They proposed
instead that aggression and violence most commonly result from threatened ego-
tism, which occurs when favorable self-views are attacked or questioned by others.
They concluded that a subset of individuals with favorable self-views (especially
inflated and unstable beliefs in personal superiority) are most likely to commit
aggressive and violent acts. This subset of individuals appears to have narcissistic
Previous research has supported the hypothesis that narcissists would have more
positive attitudes toward violence and think it is more acceptable (Blinkhorn, Lyons,
& Almond, 2016). Additionally, in one seminal experiment (Bushman & Baumeister,
1998), participants were given the opportunity to aggress against a person who insulted
or praised them or against an innocent third person. The highest aggression levels were
shown by narcissists who aggressed directly against the person who insulted them.
People with low self-esteem were not more aggressive than others.
There is also a link between narcissism and violent criminal behavior. In another
study (Bushman & Baumeister, 2002), researchers gave violent male offenders (N = 65)
who were serving jail time for murder, assault, rape, or robbery standardized measures
of self-esteem (Rosenberg, 1965) and narcissism (Raskin & Terry, 1988). The research-
ers compared these subjects’ self-esteem and narcissism scores with the results from
more than 9,200 subjects who were not incarcerated (and presumably far less violent).
4 American Behavioral Scientist 00(0)
The results showed that the violent offenders did not have lower self-esteem than the
control group, but they had much higher narcissism scores (M = 21.82) than the
noncriminal subjects (M = 17.09, p < .0001, d = 0.63). A link between narcissism and
violence has also been observed in psychiatric patients (Schulte, Hall, & Crosby, 1994;
Svindseth, Nøttestad, Wallin, Roaldset, & Dahl, 2008). Separately, another review of
25 independent samples of adults (Lambe, Hamilton-Giachritsis, Garner, & Walker,
2016) found that narcissism was a significant predictor of violence in clinical and
forensic samples, with a 1.2- to 11.5-fold increase in violence. Narcissism was also
predictive of aggression in nonclinical samples (mainly college students), especially
following ego threat.
Similar effects have been reported for children and adolescents. For example,
multiple studies have found a positive relation between narcissism and dating violence
(e.g., Liao, Zhao, Liu, & Yang, 2015; Ryan, Weikel, & Sprechini, 2008). Another
study found that narcissistic personality disorder symptoms in adolescence predicted
violent criminal behavior in adulthood (Johnson et al., 2000). In laboratory experiments,
narcissistic children are also more aggressive than others, especially following an ego
threat (e.g., Thomaes et al., 2008). Narcissistic children are even more aggressive
against their own parents compared with other children (Calvete, Orue, Gamez-
Guadix, & Bushman, 2015).
Because of its associations with aggression and violence, narcissism has become part
of what is known as the “Dark Triad of Personality” (Paulhus & Williams, 2002), along
with psychopathy and Machiavellianism. Psychopaths are callous and unemotional indi-
viduals who mainly focus on obtaining their own goals, regardless of whether they hurt
others in the process. The term “Machiavellianism” comes from the Italian philosopher
and writer Niccolò Machiavelli, who advocated using any means necessary to gain raw
political power, including aggression and violence. Taken together, these three dark per-
sonality traits embody the lack of empathy, sense of entitlement, and motivation to gain
power that appear to facilitate involvement in aggressive and violent acts.
Skeptics might wonder whether the aforementioned evidence that links narcissism,
aggression, and violence is directly applicable to mass shooters or not. After all, in
terms of their behavior and psychology, mass shooters who attack victims in public
places (e.g., a school, workplace, church, movie theater, shopping mall, supermarket,
etc.) seem like outliers—they are very different from most other aggressive and vio-
lent individuals (Fox & Levin, 1998; Lankford, 2016; Madfis, 2014).
However, it actually seems like mass shooters may be significantly more likely to
have narcissistic traits than many other violent criminals. For example, in general, most
homicides are not premeditated—they are typically crimes of passion, in which an
argument turns nasty and someone loses control of their temper—or crimes of escala-
tion, in which someone involved in a robbery or burglary loses control of the situation
and ends up killing someone in the heat of the moment (Lankford, 2016). In many of
these cases, poor self-control, alcoholic intoxication, drug use, or desires for money or
stolen goods seem to play an important causal role—factors that do not seem directly
connected to narcissism. By contrast, mass killers typically commit premeditated acts
of mass murder after they have “externalized blame” and failed to take responsibility
for what has gone wrong in their lives (Fox & Levin, 1998). Importantly, their crimes
are often preceded by major ego threats that would be particularly infuriating for narcis-
sists. One of the catalysts for mass murder is often the offender’s “humiliating loss of
face,” such as being fired or laid off from work, suspended or expelled from school,
rejected by a significant other or spouse, or struggling with some other crisis (Levin &
Madfis, 2009, p. 1295). As reviewed earlier, narcissists tend to be hypersensitive to
criticism and likely to respond to ego threats with aggression and violence. This seems
like a fitting description of exactly what many mass shooters do.
Evidence That Mass Shooters Exhibit Narcissistic Traits
Although narcissism is often overlooked as a potential risk factor for mass shooters, it
has been cited by some government experts and scholars as a common factor among
school shooters. For example, narcissism is included as a risk factor on several lists of
risk factors for school shooters, including the Federal Bureau of Investigation list
(O’Toole, 1999). Another list includes “displaying narcissistic personality traits” as
one of the seven most important risk factors for school shooting shootings, along with
more standard risk factors, such as experiencing peer rejection (e.g., bullying), experi-
encing a significant loss (e.g., college non-admittance), and having a negative school
climate (Bondü & Scheithauer, 2011).
Analyses of school shootings often find that the offenders exhibit narcissistic traits
as well. For example, a 1999 study of 18 U.S. school shooters found a narcissistic
attitude of superiority as a potential risk factor (McGee & DeBernardo, 1999). Another
study conducted a decade later found narcissistic tendencies in 14% to 20% of U.S.
school shooters (Langman, 2009). Similarly, Helen Smith, a forensic psychologist
who has interviewed over 4,000 violent youths (many of them murderers) has testified
in court and before state judiciary committees that narcissism is a “distinct personality
trait that stands out in school shooters” (Tatum, 1999). Beyond the United States, a
2009 analysis of German school shooters found “evidence of narcissism” in 86% of
shooters (6 of 7) selected for close examination (Hoffmann, Roshdi, & Robertz, 2009).
Because mass shootings are so rare, most of the evidence on these offenders is
based on intensive case history studies (e.g., Langman, 2017; Newman, Fox, Harding,
Mehta, & Roth, 2004) as well as analyses of databases such as the “School-Associated
Violent Deaths” maintained by the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (2014).
Below are several examples of individuals who had narcissistic personality disorder or
exhibited narcissistic traits, according to the mental health professionals who had inti-
mate knowledge of their cases. Although not all of these offenders killed four or more
victims—which is one of several different definitions used for “mass shooting”
(Ingraham, 2016)—they may have all attempted to do so. Consider these examples,
1. On December 14, 1992, a gunman killed two and wounded four others at
Simon’s Rock College of Bard in Great Barrington, Massachusetts, before sur-
rendering to the police. A court-appointed psychiatrist said the gunman
6 American Behavioral Scientist 00(0)
suffered from narcissistic personality disorder, which gave him an “overin-
flated image of his own importance” (Yen, 2000, p. 24).
2. On October 1, 1997, a gunman killed two students and injured seven others at
his high school in Pearl, Mississippi. In a court-ordered evaluation, three psy-
chologists independently agreed that the shooter had narcissistic traits (Cloud/
3. On May 9, 2003, a gunman entered Case Western University, in Cleveland,
Ohio, where he killed one and wounded two others before being apprehended
by a SWAT team. A forensic psychologist who spent over 11 hours with the
gunman testified that he had narcissistic personality disorder (State v. Halder,
4. On July 22, 2011, a gunman dressed as a police officer killed 69 people at a
youth camp on the Norwegian island Utøya. The gunman was diagnosed with
narcissistic personality disorder, along with several other mental disorders
(Faccini & Allely, 2016). Narcissistic tendencies can also be seen in his mani-
festo, where he rewrites his life history by fabricating his supposed accom-
plishments (e.g., being part of one of the toughest gangs, being a prominent
graffiti artist with works all over the city, being a high-ranking Freemason),
and describes himself as a revolutionary leader, an international political
leader, and a patriot with a large number of followers.
5. On December 13, 2013, a gunman entered Arapahoe High School that he
attended in Centennial, Colorado, armed with a shotgun, a machete, three
Molotov cocktails, and 125 rounds of ammunition. He shot one student and
tried to burn the school down before committing suicide. His school psycholo-
gist believed he was a narcissist (Steffen, 2014).
Other mass shooters have also made explicitly narcissistic statements. For example,
on April 20, 1999, two Columbine High School students launched a massacre in their
high school in Littleton, Colorado, murdering 13 and wounding 23 before turning the
guns on themselves. One of the students was the son of Wayne and Kathy Harris, and
the other was the son of Tom and Sue Klebold. Both Harris and Klebold appeared to
have narcissistic personality traits. Indeed, as presented in Table 1, several of their
comments resemble items on the NPI (Twenge & Campbell, 2003). They also made
other narcissistic statements. Harris called his journal “The Book of God.” He wrote
“Ich bin Gott” (German for “I am God”) in several year books and in his school plan-
ner (Langman, 2014b, pp. 3-4). Harris said, “I would love to be the ultimate judge and
say if a person lives or dies—be godlike” (Langman, 2014b, p. 4). Similarly, Klebold
said, “I know we’re gonna have followers because we’re so fucking God-like” (Gibbs
& Roche, 1999).
Another example of narcissistic statements comes from the incident on April 16,
2007, when a senior at Virginia Tech University launched a massacre, murdering 32
and wounding 17 before killing himself. In a video before the shooting, the killer said
in a Manifesto that included photos of him brandishing guns:
Thanks to you I die like Jesus Christ, to inspire generations of the Weak and Defenseless
people. . . . Like Moses, I spread the sea and lead my people—the Weak, the Defenseless,
and the Innocent Children of all age . . . I set the example of the century for my Children
to follow. (Langman, 2014a, p. 7).
He viewed himself as the leader of a revolution, and said: “It will be the start of a revo-
lution” (Langman, 2014a, p. 11).
One final example comes from May 23, 2014, when a gunman killed 6 people and
injured 14 others before killing himself near the campus of University of California,
Santa Barbara. In a video, the gunman refers to himself as the “perfect guy,” a “supreme
gentleman,” the “superior one,” and the “true alpha male” and said, “I’ll be a god
compared to you” (Garvey, 2014). He also said, “You are animals and I will slaughter
you like animals. And I will be a god. Exacting my retribution on all those who deserve
it.” These statements seem consistent with someone who has narcissistic traits.
Narcissistic Mass Shooters: Implications for Society and
If narcissistic traits indeed drive the psychology and behavior of mass shooters, as the
previously reviewed evidence suggests, that has important and far reaching implica-
tions. Research has shown that narcissism levels are increasing over time in American
college students (Twenge, Konrath, Foster, Campbell, & Bushman, 2008). Several
scholars have lamented this fact. For example, they have warned that “Celebrity
Narcissism is Seducing America” (Pinsky & Young, 2008), they have identified what
they refer to as “The Narcissism Epidemic” (Twenge & Campbell, 2009), and they
have bemoaned our “Culture of Narcissism” (Joiner, 2017). The rise of narcissism
over time could provide a partial explanation for why mass shootings seem to be
becoming more common over time (King, Bialik, & Flowers, 2015). It would also
Table 1. Examples of Narcissistic Personality Inventory Items That Match the Columbine
Narcissistic Personality Inventory item Columbine shooters’ statement
“I insist upon getting the respect that
is due me.”
“Isn’t it fun to get the respect that we’re going to
“I wish someone would someday
write my biography.”
“Directors will be fighting over this story;
Tarantino . . . Spielberg.”
“I can make anyone believe anything I
want them to.”
“I could convince them that I’m going to climb
Mount Everest, or I have a twin brother growing
out of my back. I can make you believe anything.”
“If I ruled the world it would be a
“You and me are the ones who should be running
Note. Adapted from Langman (2014b) and Twenge and Campbell (2003).
8 American Behavioral Scientist 00(0)
suggest that if narcissism continues to flourish as a subclinical but influential personal-
ity trait of many members of the population, we may see even more narcissistic mass
shooters in the years to come.
Given the potential consequences, this would seem like the worst possible time for
the media to incentivize narcissistic behavior. For comparison, if pyromaniac tenden-
cies were becoming more common among young people, how dangerous would it be
if society started incentivizing and rewarding fire building, arson, and bomb making?
The risk is that there appears to be a direct link between the attention-seeking desires
of many narcissists and the attention-granting rewards offered by media coverage of
their behavior. Narcissists deeply crave attention and admiration from others, and
some of the items on the NPI (Raskin & Terry, 1988) specifically assess this tendency,
which is often called exhibitionism, with items such as “I like to start new fads and
fashion” and “I really like to be the center of attention.” Although narcissists may have
the desire to seek many types of attention, the temptation of widespread fame is likely
to attract them the most.
Unfortunately, the media provide a stage for narcissistic individuals to become
“stars” through extreme acts of violence, such as mass shootings. In an interview
following the Newtown school shooting, Harvard Professor Steven Pinker said,
“[If] you want to do something that guarantees that your name will be on the lips
of everyone in the country, what are your options? There’s only one, and that is
kill a lot of innocent people” (NOVA, 2012). As another scholar noted, “mass
shootings also generate incredible media attention. Perhaps some perpetrators are
not as preoccupied with killing as with fame, with murder serving as the vehicle
of their own elevation to what seems to them like celebrity status” (Langman,
2016, p. 1).
These observations are consistent with statements from some of the mass shooters
with narcissistic tendencies discussed previously. For example, one of the
Columbine killers said “I want to leave a lasting impression on the world”
(Associated Press, 2006) and thought directors such as Tarantino and Spielberg
would be fighting over the rights to make a movie about their massacre. The
Virginia Tech gunman said “The vendetta you have witnessed today will reverberate
throughout every home and every soul in America” (Langman, 2014a, p. 15). The
Norwegian gunman practiced extensively for the possible interviews he might do
following the attacks (Pantucci, 2011). He even hired an organization to cleanse the
online profiles of him after the mass shooting, so that his grandiose image would be
To draw public attention, several mass shooters have also written manifestos and
publicized them prior to the shooting. In today’s digital age, one does not have to wait
for the FBI or New York Times to release the manifesto. One can easily find the manifesto
on the Internet, such as on YouTube or Facebook. As one reporter wrote, “This is becom-
ing a disturbing recurring motif—online manifestos followed by mass shootings”
Something needs to change. As one scholar has suggested,
Police and the news media should do everything possible to avoid glamorizing mass
shooters. Many active shooters seem to be motivated by a desire for fame or recognition,
so you will never hear me mention one of these people by name. It’s enough to refer to
them as “the attacker” or “the shooter.” (Blair, 2014, p. 7).
The FBI seems to have a similar philosophy. On June 12, 2016, a gunman entered the
Pulse nightclub in Orlando, Florida, where he killed 49 victims and wounded 58 oth-
ers. Following the shooting, the FBI deliberately avoided showing photos of the gun-
man and using his name (Eversley, 2016).
Although most people with narcissistic tendencies will never commit mass shootings,
some people with narcissistic tendencies seem addicted to attention and fame. To help
address this problem, the amount of media attention given to them should be minimized.
The public does not need to know their names or see photos of their faces, and continu-
ing to reward them for committing mass murder may only exacerbate the problem.
Declaration of Conflicting Interests
The author declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship,
and/or publication of this article.
The author received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this
American Psychiatric Association. (2013). Diagnostic and statistical manual of mental disor-
ders (5th ed.). Washington, DC: Author.
Ames, D. R., Rose, P., & Anderson, C. P. (2006). The NPI-16 as a short measure of narcissism.
Journal of Research in Personality, 40, 440-450. doi:10.1016/j.jrp.2005.03.002
Associated Press. (2006, July 7). Columbine killers’ diaries offer chilling insight. NBC News.
Retrieved from http://www.nbcnews.com/id/12370508/ns/us_news-crime_and_courts/t/
Baumeister, R. F., Bushman, B., & Campbell, K. (2000). Self-esteem, narcissism, and aggres-
sion: Does violence result from low self-esteem or from threatened egotism? Current
Directions in Psychological Science, 9, 26-29.
Baumeister, R. F., Smart, L., & Boden, J. M. (1996). Relation of threatened egotism to vio-
lence and aggression: The dark side of high self-esteem. Psychological Review, 103, 5-33.
Blair, J. P. (2014). Solo entry to an active shooting event is dangerous. In Critical issues in
policing series: The police response to active shooter incidents. Retrieved from http://
Blinkhorn, V., Lyons, M., & Almond, L. (2016). Drop the bad attitude! Narcissism predicts
acceptance of violent behavior. Personality and Individual Differences, 98, 157-161.
10 American Behavioral Scientist 00(0)
Bondü, R., & Scheithauer, H. (2011). Explaining and preventing school shootings: Chances and
difficulties of control. In W. Heitmeyer, H.-G. Haupt, S. Malthaner, & A. Kirschner (Eds.),
Control of violence: Historical and international perspectives on violence in modern soci-
eties. (pp. 295-314). New York, NY: Springer.
Bushman, B. J., & Baumeister, R. F. (1998). Threatened egotism, narcissism, self-esteem, and
direct and displaced aggression: Does self-love or self-hate lead to violence? Journal of
Personality and Social Psychology, 75, 219-229. doi:10.1037/0022-35126.96.36.199
Bushman, B. J., & Baumeister, R. F. (2002). Does self-love or self-hate lead to violence?
Journal of Research in Personality, 36, 543-545. doi:10.1016/S0092-6566(02)00502-0
Bushman, B. J., Newman, K., Calvert, S. L., Downey, G., Dredze, M., Gottfredson, M., . . .
Webster, D. (2016). Youth violence: What we know and what we need to know. American
Psychologist, 71, 17-39. doi:10.1037/a0039687
Calvete, E., Orue, I., Gamez-Guadix, M., & Bushman, B. J. (2015). Predictors of child-to-
parent aggression: A 3-year longitudinal study. Developmental Psychology, 51, 663-676.
Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. (2014). School-associated violent death study.
Retrieved from http://www.cdc.gov/ViolencePrevention/youthviolence/schoolviolence/
Cloud/Springfield, J. (2001, June 24). Of arms and the boy. Time. Retrieved from http://content.
Cullen, D. (2009). Columbine. Devon, England: Oldest.[AQ: 1]
Eversley, M. (2016, June 13). FBI decision to avoid Orlando shooter’s name gets big thumbs-up.
USA Today. Retrieved from https://www.usatoday.com/story/news/2016/06/13/orlando-
Faccini, L., & Allely, C. S. (2016). Mass violence in individuals with Autism Spectrum Disorder
and Narcissistic Personality Disorder: A case analysis of Anders Breivik using the “Path to
Intended and Terroristic Violence” model. Aggression and Violent Behavior, 31, 229-236.
Fox, J. A., & Levin, J. (1998). Multiple homicide: Patterns of serial and mass murder. Crime
and Justice, 23, 407-455.
Garvey, M. (2014, May 24). Transcript of the disturbing video “Elliot Rodger’s Retribution.”
Los Angeles Times. Retrieved from http://www.latimes.com/local/lanow/la-me-ln-
Gibbs, N., & Roche, T. (1999, December 20). The Columbine tapes. Time, 40-51.
Gun Violence Archive. (n.d.) Retrieved from http://www.gunviolencearchive.org/[AQ: 2]
Hoffmann, J., Roshdi, K., & Robertz, F. (2009). Zielgerichtete schwere gewalt und amok an
schulen. Eine empirische studie zur prävention schwerer gewalttaten [Targeted severe
violence and rampage at schools. An empirical study on the prevention of severe violent
offenses]. Kriminalistik, 63, 196-204.
Ingraham, C. (2016, February 26). We have three different definitions of “mass shooting,” and
we probably need more. The Washington Post. Retrieved from https://www.washington-
Johnson, J. G., Cohen, P., Smailes, E., Kasen, S., Oldham, J. M., Skodol, A. E., & Brook, J. S.
(2000). Adolescent personality disorders associated with violence and criminal behavior
during adolescence and early adulthood. American Journal of Psychiatry, 157, 1406-1412.
Joiner, T. (2017). Mindlessness: The corruption of mindfulness in a culture of narcissism.
Oxford, England: Oxford University Press.
Jonason, P. K., & Webster, G. D. (2010). The dirty dozen: A concise measure of the Dark Triad.
Personality Assessment, 22, 420-432. doi:10.1037/a0019265
Kernis, M. H., Grannemann, B. D., & Barclay, L. C. (1989). Stability and level of self-esteem
as predictors of anger arousal and hostility. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology,
56, 1013-1022. doi:10.1037//0022-35188.8.131.523
King, R., Bialik, C., & Flowers, A. (2015, December 2). Mass shootings have become more
common in the U.S. FiveThirtyEight. Retrieved from https://fivethirtyeight.com/features/
Konrath, S., Meier, B. P., & Bushman, B. J. (2014). Development and validation of the
Single Item Narcissism Scale (SINS). PLoS One, 9(8), e103469. doi:10.1371/journal.
Lambe, S., Hamilton-Giachritsis, C., Garner, E., & Walker, J. (2016). The role of narcissism in
aggression and violence: A systematic review. Trauma, Violence, & Abuse. Advance online
Langman, P. (2009). Rampage school shooters: A typology. Aggression and Violent Behavior,
14, 79-86. doi:10.1016/j.avb.2008.10.003
Langman, P. (2014a, July 29). Seung Huil Cho’s “Manifesto.” School Shooters.Info. Retrieved
Langman, P. (2014b, November 14). Themes in the writings of Eric Harris. School Shooters.
Info. Retrieved from https://schoolshooters.info/sites/default/files/harris_themes_1.6.pdf
Langman, P. (2016, October 30). Role models, contagions, and copycats: An exploration
of the influence of prior killers on subsequent attacks. Retrieved from http://docplayer.
Langman, P. (2017). School Shooters.Info. Retrieved from https://schoolshooters.info
Lankford, A. (2016). Are America’s public mass shooters unique? A comparative analysis of
offenders in the United States and other countries. International Journal of Comparative
and Applied Criminal Justice, 40, 171-183.
Levin, J., & Madfis, E. (2009). Mass murder at school and cumulative strain: A sequential
model. American Behavioral Scientist, 52, 1227-1245.
Liao, X., Zhao, L., Liu, X., & Yang, L. (2015). Mediating effect of hostile cognition between
narcissism and dating violence. Chinese Journal of Clinical Psychology, 23, 686-689.
Lord, M. (1999, October 11). The violent kid profile: A controversial new technique for beating
violence. U.S. News & World Report, 127(14), 56-57.
Madfis, E. (2014). Triple entitlement and homicidal anger: An exploration of the intersectional
identities of American mass murderers. Men and Masculinities, 17, 67-86.
McGee, J. P., & DeBernardo, C. R. (1999). The classroom avenger. The Forensic Examiner,
Newman, K. S., Fox, C., Harding, D., Mehta, J., & Roth, W. (2004). Rampage: The social roots
of school shootings. New York, NY: Basic Books.
NOVA. (2012). Can science predict mass murder? Retrieved from http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/
O’Toole, M. E. (1999). The school shooter: A threat assessment perspective. Retrieved from
12 American Behavioral Scientist 00(0)
Palazzolo, J., & Flynn, A. (2015, October 3). U.S. leads world in mass shootings. The Wall
Street Journal. Retrieved from https://www.wsj.com/articles/u-s-leads-world-in-mass-
Pantucci, R. (2011). What have we learned about lone wolves from Anders Behring Breivik?
Perspectives on Terrorism, 5(5-6). Retrieved from http://www.terrorismanalysts.com/pt/
Paulhus, D. L., & Williams, K. M. (2002). The dark triad of personality: Narcissism,
Machiavellianism, and psychopathy. Journal of Research in Personality, 36, 556-563.
Pinsky, D., & Young, S. M. (2008). The mirror effect: How celebrity narcissism is seducing
America. New York, NY: Harper.
Raskin, R., & Terry, H. (1988). A principal-components analysis of the Narcissistic Personality
Inventory and further evidence of its construct validity. Journal of Personality and Social
Psychology, 54, 890-902. doi:10.1037/0022-35184.108.40.2060
Rhodewalt, F., Madrian, J. C., & Cheney, S. (1998). Narcissism, self-knowledge organiza-
tion, and emotional reactivity: The effects of daily experiences on self-esteem and affect.
Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 24, 75-86. doi:10.1177/0146167298241006
Rosenberg, M. (1965). Society and the adolescent self-image. Princeton, NJ: Princeton
Ryan, K. M., Weikel, K., & Sprechini, G. (2008). Gender differences in narcissism and court-
ship violence in dating couples. Sex Roles, 58, 802-813. doi:10.1007/s11199-008-9403-9
Schulte, H. M., Hall, M. J., & Crosby, R. (1994). Violence in patients with narcissistic personal-
ity pathology: Observations of a clinical series. American Journal of Psychotherapy, 48,
State v. Halder. (2007). State of Ohio versus Biswanath Halder (Case No. CR-437717).
Retrieved from https://schoolshooters.info/sites/default/files/State%20v.%20Halder%20
Steffen, J. (2014, October 10). Report: Arapahoe High School shooter wrote in diary of coming
rampage. The Denver Post. Retrieved from http://www.denverpost.com/2014/10/10/report-
Svindseth, M. F., Nøttestad, J. A., Wallin, J., Roaldset, J. O., & Dahl, A. A. (2008). Narcissism
in patients admitted to psychiatric acute wards: Its relation to violence, suicidality and other
psychopathology. BMC Psychiatry, 8(13). doi:10.1186/1471-244X-8-13
Tatum, L. (1999, December 19). Common threads found in school shooters: Narcissism, rage
can be a deadly combination. NewsOK. Retrieved from http://newsok.com/article/2679339
Thomaes, S., Stegge, H., Bushman, B. J., Olthof, T., & Denissen, J. (2008). Development and
validation of the Childhood Narcissism Scale. Journal of Personality Assessment, 90, 382-
Twenge, J. M., & Campbell, W. K. (2003). “Isn’t it fun to get the respect that we’re going to
deserve?” Narcissism, social rejection, and aggression. Personality and Social Psychology
Bulletin, 29, 261-272. doi:10.1177/0146167202239051
Twenge, J. M., & Campbell, W. K. (2009). The narcissism epidemic: Living in the age of enti-
tlement. New York, NY: Free Press.
Twenge, J. M., Konrath, S., Foster, J. D., Campbell, W. K., & Bushman, B. J. (2008). Egos inflat-
ing over time: A cross-temporal meta-analysis of the Narcissistic Personality Inventory.
Journal of Personality, 76, 875-901. doi:10.1111/j.1467-6494.2008.00507.x
Weeks, L. (2011, January 11). A disturbing motif: Online manifesto, mass shooting. NPR.
Retrieved from http://www.npr.org/2011/01/11/132809465/a-disturbing-motif-online-
Westhead, J., & Egan, V. (2015). Untangling the concurrent influences of the Dark Triad, per-
sonality and mating effort on violence. Personality and Individual Differences, 86, 222-
226. doi:10.1016/j.paid.2015.05.031[AQ: 4]
Yen, R. J. (2000). Racial stereotyping of Asians and Asian Americans and its effect on criminal
justice: A reflection on the Wayne Lo case. Asian American Law Journal, 7(1), 1-165.