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PEDIATRICS Volume 140, number s2, November 2017:e20161758
Supplement Article
Sexual Media and Childhood
Well-being and Health
Rebecca L . Collins, PhD,
a Victor C. Strasburger, MD,
b Jane D. Brown, PhD,
c Edward
Donnerstein, PhD,
d Amanda Lenhart, MA,
e L. Monique War d, PhDf
aRAND Corporation, Santa Monica, California; bDepartment of Pediatrics, School of Medicine, University of New Mexico, Albuquerque, New Mexico; cSchool of Media and Journalism,
University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, Chapel Hill, North Carolina; dDepartment of Communication, University of Arizona, Tucson, Arizona; eData & Society Research Institute, New York,
New York; and fDepartment of Psychology, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor, Michigan
Drs Collins and Strasburger provided an outline for the manuscript, drafted sections of the manuscript, and assembled, reviewed, and revised the manuscript; Drs
Brown, Donnerstein, Lenhart, and Ward drafted sections of the manuscript and reviewed and revised the manuscript; and all authors approved the final manuscript
as submitted.
The analysis, conclusions, and recommendations contained in each article are solely a product of the individual workgroup and are not the policy or opinions of, nor
do they represent an endorsement by Children and Screens: Institute of Digital Media and Child Development or the American Academy of Pediatrics.
DOI: https:// doi. org/ 10. 1542/ peds. 2016- 1758X
Accepted for publication Apr 19, 2017
Address correspondence to Rebecca L. Collins, PhD, RAND Corporation, 1776 Main St, Santa Monica, CA 90407. E-mail: collins@rand.org
PEDIATRICS (ISSN Numbers: Print, 0031-4005; Online, 1098-4275).
Copyright © 2017 by the American Academy of Pediatrics
Sexual socialization is part of adolescent development, and the emergence of sexual interest and
activity is normative during this period. But sex can involve significant risks. Negative outcomes
are more likely with earlier sexual debut. High rates of teen-aged pregnancy and sexually
transmitted infections suggest that many youth initiate intercourse before they are prepared for
the responsibilities involved.
Sexual content is highly prevalent in traditional media, and portrayals rarely depict the
responsibilities and risks (eg, condom use, pregnancy) associated with sexual activity.
Exposure to such content is linked with shifts in attitudes about sex and gender, earlier
progression to sexual activity, pregnancy, and sexually transmitted infection among
adolescents. However, little information is available about moderators and mediators of
these effects. We also know little about digital media, their sex-related content, and their
potential inf luence on youth. Data from a few studies of older youth indicate that sexual
displays on social media sites are related to problematic beliefs and behaviors among
those who post this content and among viewers. Online pornography appears to be more
problematic for youth than off-line sources. Given the vast and increasing amount of time
youth spend online and their developmental openness to influence, more research at tention
to digital sexual media is needed. Those who undertake this work should identify potential
negative consequences of use and opportunities to improve adolescent sexual health
through digital media. Studies of on- and off-line media in which researchers examine
younger media audiences, identify processes explaining sexual media effects on behavior,
and moderators of effects are needed. Such studies could be used to inform interventions
to reduce negative outcomes and increase positive media effects. Policy makers should
stimulate the development of such interventions, including tools to help parents identify and
manage negative media inf luences on their children’s sexual well-being and development
and dissemination of innovative media literacy programs related to sexual health.
abstract
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PEDIATRICS Volume 140, number s2, November 2017 S163
CURRENT STATE
Many things contribute to developing
sexual attitudes, beliefs, and
behavior, including early sexual
debut. One is media.
Traditional Media and Sexual
Behavior, Attitudes, and Outcomes
Television, movies, music, and
magazines contain a great deal of
sexual content and little discussion
of emotions, responsibilities, or risks
associated with sexual activity (eg,
pregnancy, sexually transmitted
infections, birth control, and condom
use). Sex is portrayed in both word
and deed, with characters discussing
sex they have had or want to have,
myriad jokes and innuendo, advice
from magazines about techniques
to “drive your partner wild, ” and
scenes portraying activities from
“making out” to intercourse. In 2005,
more than two-thirds of television
programs contained sexual content,
but portrayals of safer sex were rare.1
A variety of evidence links exposure
to sex in traditional media with
shifts in sexual attitudes, behavior,
and outcomes. In 21 studies,
researchers used longitudinal
data to find a potential cause-
and-effect relationship between
exposure to sexual content and
earlier sexual intercourse.2 The
best and most compelling from
a public health perspective are 3
longitudinal surveys of adolescents
in which researchers found that
youth whose media diets contained
greater amounts of sexual content
when initially surveyed were
more likely to initiate intercourse
by follow-up (1–2 years later).3
–
5
These relationships held after
accounting for a dozen other factors
that are associated with both media
habits and sexual behavior, such as
religiosity and parents’ monitoring
of their children’s activities and
whereabouts. In 1 of these studies,
researchers found associations
between exposure to sexual content
and later pregnancy.6 These findings
suggest not only that media promote
sexual activity but also that the
activity promoted is riskier.
Many researchers have also
documented associations between
sexual media exposure and
sexual attitudes and beliefs. In a
comprehensive review of 32 studies,
Ward7 concluded that sexual media
consumption is associated with
greater acceptance of casual sex
and perceptions that sex is more
frequent or prevalent. In another
study,
8 researchers found that a
media diet high in sexual content
predicted adolescents’ safe sex
self-efficacy, sex-related outcome
expectancies, and perceived peer
norms. Conversely, it appears that
sexual media can promote healthy
sexual beliefs and attitudes. Youth
who reported seeing a television
episode discussing condom
efficacy changed their beliefs about
whether condoms usually prevent
pregnancy.9 In an additional study,
researchers randomly assigned
college students to view television
episodes that included portrayals of
guilt or regret over sexual activity
or similar episodes without these
consequences. Viewers of the
negative consequences reported
more negative views of premarital
sex.10 Researchers conducting
interventions have capitalized on
such effects as a method of improving
sexual behavior related to public
health.
Traditional Media, Gendered Sexual
Scripts, and Sexual Objectification
Traditional media also appear to
influence youths’ “sexual scripts, ”
or shared societal-level beliefs
about how people should act in
sexual situations. These scripts are
important in themselves and may
also influence sexual health, pleasure,
risk-taking, and dysfunction. Within
North American media, the dominant
sexual script expects men to pursue
sexual relationships, prioritize sex
and pleasure over emotion, treat
women as sexual objects, and reject
homosexual feelings or “feminine”
behavior. Women are expected to set
sexual limits, act sexually passive, use
their bodies and looks to attract men,
prioritize emotion and commitments
over sex, and minimize their own
desire.11 More frequent exposure
to traditional media is associated
with support of these notions and
misogynistic attitudes toward
women.7
Sexually objectifying portrayals of
women appear in 52% of magazine
advertisements, 59% of music videos,
and 32% of the music lyrics of male
artists.7 More than 100 studies
have revealed links between young
people’s exposure to objectifying
content and their objectification of
women or self-objectification.7 Those
exposed to objectifying portrayals
are more tolerant of or in agreement
with sexual harassment, adversarial
sexual beliefs, rape myths, child
sex abuse myths, and interpersonal
violence than participants without
this exposure and experience greater
body dissatisfaction, appearance
anxiety, and disordered eating
beliefs.7
Twenty-seven percent of Teen-rated
video games contain sexual themes.12
Exposure to this content is linked to
increased odds of ever having had
sex, sexual assault, and attempted or
completed rape among youth 14 to
21.13
Women are underrepresented in
video games, and when present, they
are much more likely than men to be
shown with a sexualized appearance
or in sexually revealing clothing.7
Persons exposed to sexualized
women in video games express
greater acceptance of rape myths and
tolerance of sexual harassment than
others.7 Playing a video game as a
sexualized female character appears
to result in lower self-efficacy and
less favorable attitudes toward
women’s cognitive capabilities.14
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COLLINS et alS164
Social Media: A New Source of
Sexual and Relationship Content
Compared with traditional sexual
media, we know little about social
media, their sex-related content,
and how they might influence
youth.2 Facebook remains the
most commonly used social media
platform in the United States, with
71% of adolescents ages 13 to 17
using the site.15 Since 2012, use
of social media by young people
has been marked by an increasing
diversification of platforms visited,
with more adolescents assembling
an archipelago of different sites
and applications that they frequent,
including Facebook, Instagram,
Snapchat, Twitter, and others, which
makes researching the impact of
social networking sites that much
more difficult.16
Researchers are just beginning
to explore whether some of the
above-noted research revealing
a relationship between exposure
to sexual media and progression
in sexual activity generalizes to
adolescents’ use of sexual social
media. One study revealed that
sex-related self-disclosure on social
media was associated with off-line
sexual risk behaviors (including
casual sex).17 Recent longitudinal
research with Dutch adolescents
revealed that being exposed to sexy
self-presentations on social media
and sharing one’s own sexy images
or materials were both positively
related to adolescents’ beliefs that
it was important to be “sexually
outgoing” (flirty, wild, seductive,
and giving the impression that one
is sexually available).18 The authors
of the same study established that
exposure to sexy-self presentations
indirectly related to a willingness to
engage in casual sexual behaviors
because it increased youth’s positive
sense of peers who engaged in such
behavior.18
Social media use also appears to
be related to self-objectification,
body shame, and decreased sexual
assertiveness.7 One study suggests
that social media influence teenagers
involved in dysfunctional or violent
romantic relationships by “redefining
the boundaries between dating
partners.” Social media were used for
monitoring or controlling a partner,
being verbally aggressive with a
partner, limiting access to oneself,
and for reconnecting after a violent
episode or breakup.19
Although most of the researchers
studying sexual media have focused
on the negative effects of media use,
the unique ability of social media to
reach large numbers of adolescents
with information to improve
sexual health has not been lost on
organizations with this goal. The
authors of a recent study found that
10% of teenagers get a lot of health
information from social media and
23% get at least some from social
media; 18% have researched sexually
transmitted diseases online.20
Sexting
Sexting involves the exchange of
sexual content (text or images) via
cellular phones or the Internet.
Rates of sexting among youth vary
across study methodologies, sample
characteristics, and definitions of the
term.21 In nationally representative
samples of youth, the rate of sending
sexual images of oneself is 5% to
7%.22,
23 Approximately 7% to 15%
have received a sext.22, 24 Sexting may
be an emerging aspect of natural
adolescent sexual exploration
and experimentation.23 It is often
part of an existing or developing
romantic relationship. Sexting is
also associated with some risks. It is
sometimes pressured or coerced.25
Sexts are sometimes passed to a
third party as a method of bullying or
revenge.26 Youth senders of sexts are
sometimes prosecuted under child
pornography laws.26 Finally, sexting
is correlated with a constellation of
adolescent risk behaviors, including
sexual activity, sexual risk taking, and
substance use,
23 suggesting a need
for risk-reduction intervention with
sexting youth.
Online Pornography: A Special Case
New technologies have expanded
adolescents’ access to pornography.
Online pornography differs from
the pornography of the past in
some critically important ways.27
Online content is always “on” and is
portable, allowing access at any time
and in any place. It can be interactive
and more engaging, so there is
potentially increased learning and
exposure time. Extreme forms of
violent or sexual content are more
prevalent on the Internet than in
other popular media.27 Participation
is private and anonymous, which
allows children and adolescents
to search for materials they could
not search for in traditional media.
Finally, online media exposure is
much more difficult for parents to
monitor than media exposure in
traditional venues. National and
international studies reveal that
exposure to online pornography
is common among boys and not
uncommon among girls. Within the
United States, 42% of 10 to 17 year
olds have seen pornography online,
with 27% saying they intentionally
viewed such materials.27 An
examination of 15 to 18 year olds
found 54% of boys and 17% of girls
admitted to intentional viewing.27
FUTURE RESEARCH
Studies in which researchers look
at younger media audiences, focus
on the processes that might explain
sexual media effects on behavior, and
look at social media are needed.
Researchers should identify
reliable moderators of effects
that might be used to design or
target interventions, including
characteristics of youth such as
developmental stage, race, and
characteristics of sexual content.
All media users will not approach
sexual media content with the same
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PEDIATRICS Volume 140, number s2, November 2017 S165
cognitive capabilities or interest
as others. Developmental factors
should be taken into account and
tested as effect-moderators as we
assess the extent to which media
use and content affects children’s
and adolescents’ sexual beliefs and
behaviors. We know that young
children (<7–8 years old) have
trouble distinguishing between what
is happening on the screen and what
could happen in real life. Taking
cognitive processing capabilities
into account will be important as we
understand more about what and
how children learn about sexuality
from the media. Similarly, physical,
socioemotional, and cognitive
maturity can affect both the salience
and processing of sexual media
content,
28 as can developing sexual
self-concepts. Incomplete brain
development pushes adolescents to
engage in risky behaviors and may
affect the extent to which sexual
media content is sought and acted on.
Minority youth may be less affected
by some media portrayals.29 More
study of racial and ethnic differences
may help identify methods to
promote resilience to negative media
influences across all youth.
Media influences on sexual
development and health can be
positive, and more research is needed
to identify (1) ways to draw youth
to (and get youth to create) positive
content and (2) aspects of portrayals
that most reduce risk or enhance
health and well-being.
It is important that the authors of
future studies balance concerns
over ecological validity with
concerns over causal inference,
either by using a variety of methods
(eg, both laboratory experiments
and cross-sectional surveys) or
by using designs that include this
balance inherently (eg, natural
experiments, quasi-experimental
studies of momentary responses to
exposure, or longitudinal surveys of
representative samples).
RECOMMENDATIONS
Clinicians and Providers
Clinicians should follow the
recommendations in the
American Academy of Pediatrics
policy statement on sexuality,
contraception, and the media.30
Policy Makers
Policy makers should do the
following:
•educate parents about the power of
sexual media;
•provide tools to help parents
recognize problematic sexual
content, empower them to limit
their children’s exposure to and
creation of such content, and help
them discuss its potential influence
with their children;
•facilitate partnerships between
media producers or platforms
and media researchers or health
experts to limit problematic
portrayals and increase healthy
messages about sex and sexuality;
•promote the development of
innovative, evidence-based
interventions that take media
literacy beyond the classroom; and
•stimulate research in which newer
forms of sexual media, including
social media and their influence on
adolescents’ health and well-being,
are examined.
Policy Makers and Educators
Policy makers and educators should
do the following:
•invest in the continuing
development and dissemination of
media literacy curricula and
•make the discussion of sexual
media and its influence an integral
part of health and sex education in
schools.
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FINANCIAL DISCLOSURE: The authors have indicated they have no financial relationships relevant to this article to disclose.
FUNDING: This special supplement, “Children, Adolescents, and Screens: What We Know and What We Need to Learn, ” was made possible through the financial
support of Children and Screens: Institute of Digital Media and Child Development.
POTENTIAL CONFLICT OF INTEREST: The authors have indicated they have no potential conflicts of interest to disclose.
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DOI: 10.1542/peds.2016-1758X
2017;140;S162Pediatrics
Amanda Lenhart and L. Monique Ward
Rebecca L. Collins, Victor C. Strasburger, Jane D. Brown, Edward Donnerstein,
Sexual Media and Childhood Well-being and Health
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Sexual Media and Childhood Well-being and Health
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