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The 2% Tax for Eritreans in the diaspora - Facts, figures and experiences in seven European countries
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... A number of anecdotal examples support this interpretation of diaspora policies as efforts to 'tap' or extract the resources of emigrants and their descendants (De Haas, 2006;Ionescu, 2006;Kuznetsov and Sabel, 2006;Meyer, 2001;Newland and Patrick, 2004). In 1994, Eritrea levied a diaspora tax of 2% to fund its warsa practice reportedly continuing despite a 2011 United Nations Security Council Resolution against it (Buysse et al., 2017;Plaut, 2014;Radtke, 2005). Meanwhile, the Nepali diaspora is defined by the state of Nepal as professional Nepalis living abroad for at least two years in any type of employment or business setting (Nepal Law Commission, 2008). ...
Diasporas are dispersed migrant populations that retain a shared group identity and orientation towards a distant homeland. Increasingly, states are reaching out to their diasporas. They do so in various ways, often coordinated by formal diaspora institutions. In the process, states are reconfiguring what national membership means. How do different conceptions of national membership drive and shape whether and how states ‘engage the diaspora’? Using a mixed methods research design based on original qualitative and quantitative data, this paper examines how three different conceptions of national membership – economic, ethnic, and civic – shape the emergence of formal governmental diaspora institutions in migrants’ states of origin. First, it describes the complex relationship between concepts of national membership and the emergence of diaspora institutions, through two qualitative case studies. Next, the paper employs multinomial logistic regression to systematically examine the relationship between measures of national membership conceptions and measures of diaspora institution establishment, across 181 states. The central finding is that, contrary to conventional wisdom, it is not only economic conceptions of national membership that drive states to engage the diaspora, but also ethnic and civic membership conceptions. This finding suggests the drivers of diaspora policies are more complex and nuanced than is currently understood, and can inform future enquiry on conceptions of national membership and state diaspora engagement policies.
Eritrean refugees crisscross between countries in the Horn of Africa and North Africa in search of a safe place. Along their journeys, they are looted, threatened, intimidated, violated, and held for ransom.
This book revisits the human trafficking crisis that first emerged in the Sinai at the end of 2008 and examines the expansion of human trafficking of Eritrean refugees and other forms of exploitation beyond the Sinai. It focuses on the modus operandi of these practices and on identifying their key facilitators and beneficiaries. The book locates the origin of these practices within Eritrea; it reveals how a deliberate policy of impoverishment and human rights abuses has driven the people out of the country, and how individuals within Eritrea, and particularly within the ruling party, benefit from the smuggling and trafficking of Eritrean refugees. The use of information communication technologies (ICTs) is identified as key to the new modus operandi of this criminal business and is found to further facilitate widespread collective trauma amongst Eritreans, who witness the abuse of their family members and fellow nationals through digital networks. An entire section in this book is dedicated to assessing the extent and effects of individual and collective trauma caused by Sinai trafficking and to examining potential approaches to healing. Other sections discuss the vulnerabilities of Eritrean minors and women, and the connections between human trafficking, terrorism and organ trafficking. The last section of the book raises the question of accountability. It examines and evaluates international responses to this forgotten crisis, and discusses the need for policies that tackle the problem where it emerges: in Eritrea.
This article assesses the official and most recent stance of the Eritrean government on the illegal detention of eleven prominent political personalities who remain behind bars since September 2001. The objective is to evaluate the unlawful detention pursuant to relevant Eritrean laws, namely: the 1993 "Interim Constitution" of Eritrea; the transitional codes of Eritrea which include the Penal, Criminal Procedure, Civil and Civil Procedure Codes; and other laws that amended and supplemented some of the above acts. The article critically examines the grounds which have led to the detention af the victims and analyses the lagality of such reasons according to operational Eritrean laws...
Thirty years of conflict in Eritrea (1961-91) forced almost a million Eritreans to flee their homeland and seek refuge in neighboring and western countries. While in diaspora, this community significantly supported Eritrea’s independence struggle led by then a charismatic front and continues to do so. However, the front that has been ruling Eritrea since 1991 has grassed commitments and it has become the worst oppressor of its people, leading to mass exodus again. In the face of this reality, Eritrea’s diaspora that has considerable leverage over the government could have been a force that compels the government by making material and moral support conditional to the establishment of democracy. Regretfully, a combination of unawareness, nostalgia, timidity, gross apathy and sheer opportunism has made this community play a negative role in establishing democracy in Eritrea and peace in the Horn of Africa, thereby betraying the safe haven accorded by neighboring countries and western democracies.
This article examines the new norms in bilateral, regional and international
relations that evolved in the wake of the emergence of the Eritrean state
which had successfully challenged the hegemonic claims of both the imperial
and Afro-Marxist Ethiopian state. The analysis proceeds from a retelling of
the events in 1998 which precipitated the break between the Ethiopian and
Eritrean partners of the old alliance against the Mengistu regime, then examines
the structural anomalies in the alliance and their consequences. The
evidence examined here suggests that two inter-related phenomena help to
shed light on the structural, historical and philosophical underpinnings of the
1998–2000 Ethio–Eritrean conflict: (1) the asymmetry of vision between diasporic
and hegemonic states, leading to a clash of interests; (2) the failure
of both post-war regimes to formalise their ‘understandings’ into formal
treaties based on international law.
Sverige utvisar eritreansk diplomat Retrieved from http://www.aftonbladet.se/nyheter/article19481638 Victimizing Eritrea, the US does it Again! Retrieved from http
- Aftonbaladet
Aftonbaladet. (2014, September 5). Sverige utvisar eritreansk diplomat. Retrieved from
http://www.aftonbladet.se/nyheter/article19481638.ab
Alazar, B. (2012, December 9). Victimizing Eritrea, the US does it Again! Retrieved from
http://www.shabait.com/categoryblog/7796-victimizing-Eritrea-the-us-does-it-again
Yemane Gebreab: On Consolidation of the PFDJ from https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=nMkNemxHaww The American Team for Displaced Eritreans. (n.d.). Obtaining Documents from Eritrea
- Allpolitiko
Allpolitiko. (2016). Yemane Gebreab: On Consolidation of the PFDJ [Video]. Retrieved June 11, 2017 from
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=nMkNemxHaww
The American Team for Displaced Eritreans. (n.d.). Obtaining Documents from Eritrea. Retrieved from
http://eritreanrefugees.org/wp-content/uploads/2014/11/Obtaining_Documents.pdf
Argos. (2017, April 15). De lange arm van Eritrea [Radio program].