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Internet-based English Language Media (IBELM) as a means of Europeanization of discourses on minorities: Prague Post and representation of Roma during the post-communist transition period
Quality & Quantity
Abstract
Drawing on dominant and alternative ideology and media discourse theories on representation of ethnic minorities by media at the discursive level, this study uses both primary and secondary materials to argue that dominant media discourses regarding ethnic minorities can be replaced or challenged by alternative media discourses especially during periods of great social transformations due to changes in material conditions, shifts in social perceptions and practices as well as diversified responses of media and non-media elite to these changes.
Even though Roma people are typically indigenous Greek citizens, having settled for centuries in the Greek part of the Balkan peninsula, they suffer long-standing marginalization in Greek society, due to their ethnic cultural characteristics. This chapter aims to conduct research into the media representations of the Roma populations in Greek online mainstream news media, focusing on the two most popular news sites (protothema.gr, iefimerida.gr), to shed light on the contemporary media discourse regarding the Roma populations. The originality of the current research is that it investigates the news content concerning the Roma population in a period marked by the victimization of that community. The most important assumption stemming from our research is that even though the Roma individuals have been—once again—the victims, their representation in the media featured in our research follows the rationale of the marginalizing presentation of the Roma populations, depicting them as perpetrators of violence and potential dangers to public peace and security.
This is a combined file of the Recent Publications column from the Newsletter of the Gypsy Lore Society (May 2017, August 2017, November 2017, February 2018). It is covering the current publications in the field of Romani studies from the year 2017. The publications list contains: 15 special issues of journals, 19 books, 57 chapters from volumes, and 244 journal articles. Bibliographical details and links to the online sources are included.
List of Tables Map Introduction Building the State The Communists Take Power Havel-Power to the Powerless Politics After Communism The Economy: Capitalism without Property Civilising Society The Velvet Divorce Surviving Mecair Conclusion: Prospects for the EU Notes Bibliography Index
A riot broke out in Brixton in 1981 that was not a rebellion in the sense of an organized attempt to overthrow the lawful government, for it was an unpremeditated outburst of anger and resentment against the police in a context of social and economic deprivation. This chapter discusses how the national press and television news reported the urban riots of July 1981. It also describes the impact that reporting had. A great deal more was said about the riots and their causes than appeared in the major news media of course. They were extensively discussed in current affairs programs and documentaries and in the weekly and monthly magazines. Nevertheless, most people gained a great deal of their information and impressions about the events from the national press and television news, and the images they offered shaped both the political debate and public opinion. Recent American research suggests that the news coverage of spectacular challenges to order, such as large-scale rioting or political assassinations, can play a key role in fuelling fears about the breakdown of society and in mobilizing popular support for tough counter measures. The summer riots were just such a formative moment.
Avec la chute du communisme, l'etude des anciens etats satellites se centre sur leur evolution sociale, mais aussi sur la nature de leur systeme mediatique. A travers l'etude de la television des quatre pays du groupe Visegrad (Pologne, Hongrie, Republique tcheque et Slovaquie), le but de l'A. est de comprendre les changements effectues depuis 1989. Les pays etudies sont avant tout des exemples de transition relativement pacifique et complete. Le choix de l'etude se porte exclusivement sur la television car celle-ci est le mediateur du processus de democratisation
The present study, drawing on the work of Teun A. Van Dijk (1998) to theorize the relations between discourse and ideology, aims to show how social groups (us vs them) are presented in discourse and how ideological discourse is constructed socio-politically as a means to confirm group dominance. Simultaneously, this study uses critical discourse analysis as a methodology which grounds the theoretical claims in the idea that both the ideological loading of particular ways of using certain linguistic forms systematically and the relations of power which underlie them is often unclear to people. In this sense, critical discourse analysis aims to make these opaque aspects of discourse explicit. In doing this, critical discourse analysis gives attention to the grammar and vocabulary of texts. Three dimensions of the clause grammar are differentiated transitivity, modality and theme. These correspond to, respectively, ideational, interpersonal, and textual functions of language. The focus in this study is upon aspects of clause grammar which have to do with ideational meanings. By determining the transitivity patterns expressed with propositions through representational processes in the opinion-editorial articles that appeared in two Turkish daily newspapers with different ideological orientations, this article claims that representational processes play a significant role in the well known ideological square of positive self-presentation and negative other-presentation suggested by social identity theory, for controlling the social representations of us and them in the context of ideological conflict exhibited in `secular' and `anti-secular' discourses.
This essay attempts to assess Althusser's contribution to the reconceptualization of ideology. Rather than offering a detailed exegesis, the essay provides some general reflections on the theoretical gains flowing from Althusser's break with classical Marxist formulations of ideology. It argues that these gains opened up a new perspective within Marxism, enabling a rethinking of ideology in a significantly different way.
Journal of Democracy 9.3 (1998) 142-156
For the approximately six million Roma (Gypsies) who live in Eastern Europe, the transition from communism has been an altogether deplorable experience. Though entire sections of society (unskilled laborers, pensioners, and so on) have been hurt by the marketization processes that began nearly a decade ago, none has been more adversely affected than the Roma.
A wide variety of long-marginalized groups whose exclusion had been based on ethnicity, gender, sexual orientation, or other grounds had greeted the fall of the ancien régime enthusiastically, expecting an end to state-sanctioned discrimination and societal prejudices. On the whole, marginal groups -- and especially ethnic minorities -- have been more successful in acquiring rights and stopping discriminatory practices in countries where democratization has advanced rapidly than in countries where the process has been sluggish. One feature common to all East European states, however, is the desperate situation of the Gypsies.
Reliable estimates put the world's Gypsy population at about 10 million. As Table 1 shows, Europe is home to about 8 million Roma, almost three-fourths of whom reside in Eastern Europe. Another million live in the United States. In a number of Western democracies, the Roma continue to suffer discrimination -- some of it de jure, but most of it de facto. Even though the Roma of Western Europe tend to be at the bottom of the socioeconomic scale in the countries where they live, their standards of living are far superior to those of their East European brethren.
In Eastern Europe, a relatively prosperous region by global standards, the vast majority of Gypsies live in misery and want. Prejudice against them is wide and deep, and, on several occasions since 1989, has led to vigilante-style violence and pogroms. The Roma's progress in attaining political representation in proportion to the size of their communities has been halting at best; their political power remains minimal. Perhaps most troubling of all, the key markers of their predicament are nearly identical in all of Eastern Europe. Their situation poses a threat to the democratic society that political and civic elites aspire to consolidate.
A good handle for understanding the Romani predicament is provided by the concept of marginality (which, put simply, denotes the domination of one group of people by another). Marginality is a multidimensional notion with separable political, social, and economic aspects. A group such as the Chinese in Indonesia and Malaysia or people of Indian ancestry in Trinidad and Tobago may be economically influential but politically marginalized. Moreover, marginal status itself may change: a group or an entire nation that was once politically excluded may, in time, find itself in the dominant position (as did Estonians with the demise of the Soviet Union).
The uniqueness of the Gypsies lies in the fact that they are a transnational, non-territorially based people who do not have a "home state" that can provide a haven or extend protection to them. For the Roma "every country is a 'foreign' country, a 'country of residence'; there is no homeland to go back to, or even to turn to in a symbolic capacity." This explains why Romani communities do not, strictly speaking, constitute a diaspora. There are, to be sure, other ethnic groups whose situations are somewhat similar: the Kurds, for instance, are transnational and without a motherland, but they are territorially based; the Jews are also transnational and used to be non-territorially based until the birth of the modern state of Israel; the Berbers of northern Africa are transnational and seminomadic, but they, too, have a homeland, west of Tripoli, to which they periodically return. On the other hand, the Gypsies -- whose distant origins can be traced to northern India -- are unique in their homelessness, a situation that, in important respects, explains their marginality as well as their relationship to the states of Europe and beyond. If, following Karl Deutsch, we envision ethnic stratification as a "layer cake," then the Roma have remained firmly ensconced at the bottom tier throughout their long existence in Europe. Characterizing the Roma as a pariah group subjected to widespread and intense societal rejection, Frederik Barth...
For the communist leadership of Eastern Europe, control of the media's messages is a critical part of rule. For the populations over which they rule, access to that media and to true and comprehensive information is equally central. For the Soviet Union, tolerance of regimes in Eastern Europe requires that they maintain a media which does not openly challenge either the primacy of the Soviet Union or the leading role of the Party. As a result, conflicts in these societies always center around access to the mass media. When control by the communist leadership has diminished or been lost, the media transforms itself. And, when the media no longer reflect the leadership of the communist elite, liberalization has been brought to an end as a result of this and other moves away from Soviet control that the media reports. (Author)
In discussion of ethnic minorities in Eastern Europe, one hears regularly of appalling official misbehavior—not just about attempted genocide (though that too), but also about bureaucratic cruelties inflicted in every field of human activity and at every level of control. Nonetheless, it is always useful to have a measurable basis for assessing unfairness; and historians have the special task of inquiring rationally why and how unfairness came about. Hence the following paper, which attempts not just to condemn, but to explain and evaluate the Hungarian and Czechoslovak official treatment of the Gypsies in recent decades. As is fairly well known, this treatment has included not only harassment of populations which presently exceed 600,000 people in each country, but also (in both countries) systematic abduction of children by the state from unwilling Gypsy parents, and (in Czechoslovakia) equally systematic sterilization of Gypsy women.
Since the point of the paper is to reach beyond mere indictment, I will use a comparative method. Specifically, in recounting each stage of the development of policy towards the Gypsies I will compare what was being done to two other groups: the Jews, on the one hand, and the physically disabled on the other.
In this book, the way racism is reproduced through everyday talk is analyzed. . . . Thus, the first step must be a clarification of the cognitive dimensions of racism. . . . Second, we analyze how ethnic prejudice becomes manifest in discourse. . . . Therefore, we also examine how discourse about ethnic minority groups is monitored by interaction strategies (e.g., those of positive self-presentation and persuasion), as well as by social goals, norms, and values. . . . Fourth, we analyze how prejudiced discourse is understood, evaluated, and represented by in-group recipients who participate in such talk. . . . Additional interview data have also been collected in Southern California, especially with the aim of finding out whether the results of the research in Amsterdam not only hold for the Netherlands or Western Europe but are also relevant in the United States. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
In recent years evaluators of educational and social programs have expanded their methodological repertoire with designs that include the use of both qualitative and quantitative methods. Such practice, however, needs to be grounded in a theory that can meaningfully guide the design and implementation of mixed-method evaluations. In this study, a mixed-method conceptual framework was developed from the theoretical literature and then refined through an analysis of 57 empirical mixed-method evaluations. Five purposes for mixed-method evaluations are identified in this conceptual framework: triangulation, complementarity, development, initiation, and expansion. For each of the five purposes, a recommended design is also presented in terms of seven relevant design characteristics. These design elements encompass issues about methods, the phenomena under investigation, paradigmatic framework, and criteria for implementation. In the empirical review, common misuse of the term triangulation was apparent in evaluations that stated such a purpose but did not employ an appropriate design. In addition, relatively few evaluations in this review integrated the different method types at the level of data analysis. Strategies for integrated data analysis are among the issues identified as priorities for further mixed-method work.
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This article considers the influential social theoretical argument that relates the proliferation of mediated knowledge and information with the emergence of `mediated' democracy, a new form of democracy based on nondialogical deliberation rather than collective decision making (see for example Thompson, 1995). Drawing on sociological theory, media studies and discourse analysis, the paper uses empirical material to argue that the facilitation of deliberative processes among audiences is a matter not only of changing institutional arrangements (towards a regulation of marketized media) but also of changing the mode of articulation of media discourse itself; even though the latter may be a consequence of the former, each is a sine qua non for deliberative democracy. The meta-argument of this paper is that high social theory, which engages centrally with information flows and structures, should also incorporate a theoretical account of the discursive aspects of information, and of the symbolic resources that constitute aspects of the social world in the field of media.
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