Exploring sense of community in a relocated sports fan group

Abstract

Geographical relocation may create a number of adjustment issues for individuals including isolation and loneliness. For some, cheering for a team and being part of a fan group may be one way to address these issues and development a sense of community (SOC). The development of SOC, however, may be complicated when individuals no longer live near the team they root for. Though sport fan groups often exist outside of the area of the team, it is unclear if and how SOC develops in these groups, and further, how participation in the group influences views of the current residence. This paper addresses this gap by exploring SOC in one such ‘relocated’ sports fan group. Findings suggest elements of two prominent theories of SOC, and also extend that research by showing the process through which SOC develops, and how group participation impacts feelings towards the current residence.

Full text

Legg, E., Rose, J., Tanner, P. J., & Newland, A. (2018). Exploring sense of community in a
relocated sports fan group. Sport In Society, 21(9), 1319-1336.
doi:10.1080/17430437.2017.1388785
Exploring sense of community in a relocated sports fan group
Abstract: Geographical relocation may create a number of adjustment issues for individuals
including isolation and loneliness. For some, cheering for a team and being part of a fan group
may be one way to address these issues and development a sense of community (SOC). The
development of SOC, however, may be complicated when individuals no longer live near the
team they root for. Though sport fan groups often exist outside of the area of the team, it is
unclear if and how SOC develops in these groups, and further, how participation in the group
influences views of the current residence. This paper addresses this gap by exploring sense of
community in one such “relocated” sports fan group. Findings suggest elements of two
prominent theories of SOC, and also extend that research by showing the process through which
SOC develops, and how group participation impacts feelings towards the current residence.
Word Count: 7988
Introduction
Being a sports fan is an integral component of the social life of many individuals. Desire
for belonging, social support, community pride, and bonding are common motivations for being
a sports fan (Grove, Dorsch, & Hopkins, 2012; Trail & James, 2001). Therefore, it is not
surprising that a sense of community (SOC) may develop among sports fans. A sense of
community, or psychological sense of community, represents a feeling that one belongs as part of
a group, and gets his or her needs met through that group (McMillan & Chavis, 1986; McMillan,
2011). This SOC develops through social interaction as fans interact in attending sporting events,
watching the events together on television, and interacting in online venues (Fairley & Tyler,
2012; Ferriter, 2009). Although existing research offers several theoretical models of SOC and
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describes SOC within sports fandom, little is known about how sports fan groups, and more
specifically, sports fan groups outside of the immediate geographic area of the team they root for,
develop feelings of SOC.
Communities of sports fans may interact in various places that include spaces outside of
the actual game sites. Gathering together in a bar to watch a televised sporting event is a
common event for many sports fans (Eastman & Land, 1997). During the game, fans have
opportunities to interact around common interests and bond while sharing the highs and lows of
their shared interest. In this way, the presence of the televised game and the shared experience
actually serve as tools for social interaction, rather than preventing interaction. For many, this
shared experience leads to SOC with the members of the fan group (Eastman & Land, 1997;
Eastman & Riggs, 1994; Weed, 2007). This social experience and SOC may be a key component
of the fan experience (Fairley, 2003; Weed, 2007).
The importance of feeling SOC as fans is evidenced by research suggesting SOC is
associated with a range of positive outcomes. For example, individuals who feel strong SOC are
more likely to be engaged in healthy activities (Peterson & Reid, 2003), experience decreased
feelings of alienation (Pretty, Andrews, & Collett, 1994), decreased negative moods (Roussi,
Rapti, & Kiosseoglou, 2006), increased self-confidence and emotional connections (Goodwin, et
all, 2009), improved coping skills (Greenfield & Marks, 2010), and increased feelings of
empowerment (Peterson & Reid, 2003). Communities who have members with strong feelings of
SOC benefit from increased civic participation (Chavis & Wandersman, 1990), prosocial
behaviour, and volunteerism (Omoto & Snyder, 2009). Thus, the development of SOC within
sports fans may be a beneficial outcome of their experiences.
Today, however, being a sports fan, interacting with other fans, and developing SOC
within that context may be complicated by individuals’ relocating geographically. In fact, each
year approximately 12 percent of U.S. households move, with approximately 18 percent of those
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households moving outside of their previous state (U.S. Census Bureau, 2012). This change
represents approximately 750,000 people each year relocating outside of their previous state.
Relocating changes the dynamics of connecting with fans of one’s local team, and may create a
sort of diaspora of fans. Further, relocation may create a number of adjustment issues for the
individual, including losses of community and social support (Hausman & Reed, 1991; Lawson
& Angle, 1994; Martin, 1995; Rothberg, 1991). Although these social needs may be addressed as
part of being a sports fan, it may be particularly challenging to have a sense of community being
so geographically distant from the base of that local sports community. In contrast, if a fan is
able to connect with other fans it may be actually be easier to make connections to those
individuals through this shared interest that is likely not common in the new area. This
potentially competing juxtaposition helps explain how feelings of SOC may develop among
geographically relocated fans.
Despite sometimes living in a different area from the local fan base, individuals often find
ways to connect to other fans of their “local” team. This diaspora of sport fans may connect with
others in smaller groups of fans to watch televised games together, and they also may interact in
online venues (Fairley & Tyler, 2012; Ferriter, 2009). These connections raise interesting
questions about if and how a SOC may develop among these fans and how that community is
affected by being physically located outside of the area of the primary fan base. The purpose of
this research, therefore, is to examine one such group of sports fans. In so doing, this research
addresses the following questions: a) If a SOC develops among a group of sport fans in a
geographically distant location from the sport team, how does it manifest itself? (b) How is that
community affected by residing outside of the geographic area of its mutual interest? (c) How
does the community affect the group members’ relations to their now local community and/or
their previous, now distant community?
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Theoretical Framework
Multiple areas of study have attempted to define SOC and provide theoretical models.
Two theoretical approaches to the study of SOC were particularly influential in informing our
research experiences: 1) Psychological Sense of Community and 2) Sense of Community in
Sport.
The theory of psychological sense of community represents an early and influential
attempt to explain SOC and has been used in a variety of settings including sports and recreation
activities (Goodwin, et al., 2009; Goodwin, Lieberman, Johnston, & Leo, 2011; McMillan &
Chavis, 1986; McMillan, 2011; Sharpe, 2005). In this approach, SOC develops through the
interaction of membership, influence, need fulfillment, and shared emotional connection.
Membership refers to the general feeling that one belongs as part of a group and develops
through the interplay of multiple sub-elements including boundaries, emotional safety, a sense of
belonging, and a personal investment (McMillan & Chavis, 1986; McMillan, 2011). Influence
refers to the bi-directional influence of the community upon the member and the member upon
the community. Third, when a community member perceives that his or her needs are met within
a community, that individual is more likely to feel SOC within that community. Finally, a shared
emotional connection develops when community members spend time together around events
that have value, closure, and that honor members (McMillan & Chavis, 1986; McMillan, 2011).
More recently, researchers have suggested that given the contextual nature of SOC,
theoretical models must be specific to the context. In response, Warner and colleagues developed
the Theory of Sense of Community in Sport (SCS; Warner & Dixon, 2011; Warner & Dixon,
2013; Warner, Dixon, & Chalip, 2012;). This model suggests that SOC in a sports context is
created when the elements of administrative consideration, common interest, competition, equity
of administrative decisions, leadership opportunities, social spaces, and competition exist. This
sport-specific theory continues to be tested, but early results including with college and club
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athletes (Warner, Dixon, & Chalip, 2012); youth athletes (Warner, Kerwin, & Walker, 2013), and
sport volunteers (Kerwin, Warner, Walker, & Stevens, 2015) suggest that this approach may be a
useful way to understand SOC in sports settings. Therefore, it is helpful to understand the emic
perspectives of people who have participated in sports/fan-related group experiences. This
research seeks to explore those experiences through qualitative inquiry.
Methods
The specific group selected for this study was a group of fans who currently reside in a
medium size city in the United States, but are fans of the Washington Redskins1, a professional
football team based in Washington, DC. The city is part of a larger metro area with a population
over 1-million people, and is located in the western U.S., well beyond the regional geographic
influence of Washington, DC. This group of fans initially connected primarily through Meet-Up,
a social networking website that facilitates connections around common interests, and met
weekly during the football season at a local bar and grill to watch games. Participants were
recruited through direct outreach, with the assistance of the group organizer who has maintained
contact with regular group members and agreed to assist the lead researcher in connecting with
individuals.
The primary method of data collection was semi-structured interviews. Semi-structured
interviews are an effective strategy in seeking to understand the individual’s lived experience
(Marshall & Rossman, 2016). Although group size fluctuated, the ten individuals interviewed
represent the most regular group participants as identified by the group organizer. These
interviews took place at a location of the participants’ choosing, where they were audio recorded.
In addition to data collected from the interviews, the lead researcher used ethnographic
1 The research team recognizes the potentially offensive implications of the use of the team
name, Redskins. We believe that the use of this team nickname is derogatory and offensive.
However, given that this is the current team name, and the use of this mascot is particularly
germane to some of the findings, we reluctantly contextualize the research by using the team
name.
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reflections as a fan group participant-observer to help inform interpretation of the data (Emerson,
Fretz, & Shaw, 2011).
The interviews consisted of three main types of questions: 1) open-ended questions; 2)
open-ended clarifications; and 3) detailed elaborations (Marshall & Rossman, 2016). Open-
ended questions included questions about the participant’s experience with their group, their
feelings toward the experience, if/how the experience changed their view of the current city
versus Washington, DC, and needs met by participating with the group. Clarification and
elaboration questions emerged in response to particular answers.
Data were transcribed and analyzed, where researchers developed themes. Multiple
researchers (n=3) separately reviewed all of the transcribed data following a modified thematic
analysis approach (Sparkes & Smith, 2014). The research team (two males, one female) had
previous advanced training and publications in qualitative research methods. A fourth member of
served as an external reviewer and overall quality control (e.g., Morse et al., 2002). Researchers
immersed themselves in the data by reading through the transcriptions multiple times. Each
researcher then generated initial codes and related quotes. At this point, researchers specifically
sought to identify as many codes as possible. Researchers refocused the coding on a broader
level of themes, by identifying ways in which the codes could be meaningfully combined. Initial
coding was completed independently by each researcher using a simple Word document and
highlighting. All codes and themes were then visually represented and shared with the research
team using the online application Stormboard, which allows users to simultaneously share a
virtual space, and rearrange and nest codes and relevant quotes within that space. Using the
visual representation, researchers then collaboratively reviewed, discussed, named, and defined
each of the themes. The primary researcher then constructed a report and provided it to the
research team for further discussion and refinement.
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Researcher Positionality
Researcher positionality provides direction and insight into the analyses. I (the primary
researcher) became interested in this particular group of fans when I discovered the group late
during a recent NFL season. As someone who has resided most of my adult life in the
Washington, DC area, I consider myself a fan of the Washington Redskins, and was excited to
learn about a group of fans in my area who were getting together to watch the games and cheer
for the Redskins. I met with the group five times to watch Redskins’ games prior to any
formulation of this research. In addition, as I would later find out, most of the group members
had also lived much of their lives in the Washington, DC area, so I felt an immediate connection
to the group and an excitement to participate in the group.
I personally felt a strong sense of community with this group and participation with the
group gave me a sense of connection with Washington, DC. Participation with this group helped
my own transition living in a new area away from my home of Washington. My insider
positionality contributes to my ability to connect with the experiences of the group in ways that
someone who was a complete outsider to the group would not be able. I also recognize, however,
that my research is influenced by my own perceptions and experiences, and the analyses that
follow are colored and amplified by these positionalities.
Trustworthiness
Trustworthiness, or validity, refers to how accurately the account represents the realities
of the phenomenon being described (Creswell & Miller, 2000). We established trustworthiness
through (1) triangulation, (2) researcher reflexivity, and (3) member checking. Triangulation
involves searching for convergence related to the themes among multiple sources (Creswell &
Miller, 2000). We used data from semi-structured interviews, textual analysis of the two websites
that the group used to communicate, and the lead researcher’s personal experience with the group
to provide convergence and confirmation of themes across sources. Researcher reflexivity refers
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to the practice of the researcher self-disclosing their own assumptions, beliefs, and biases. In the
section below, I (the primary researcher) discuss my own position within this group and how that
position relates to my interests and analyses in this research. In so doing, researchers can provide
readers with sufficient information to decide how positionality influences the results. Finally,
member checking is the process by which study participants review the results and confirm or
deny that the results accurately reflect their experience (Creswell & Miller, 2000). For this
research, all interviewed group members read the results prior to submission, and provided
feedback on the results.
Findings
Ten group members were interviewed for this study. Though participation in the group
for any given football game ranged from a handful to up to twenty participants, the ten members
interviewed represented the thoughts and perspectives of the active members, as identified by the
group leader. Participating members ranged in age from mid 20s to late 50s, and included five
males and five females. All but one group member identified as being a fan of this team since
childhood. Interviews ranged from approximately 20 minutes to over one hour. Total interview
time was approximately seven hours and resulted in sixty-two pages of transcribed data.
Additionally, I (the primary researcher) relied on my own experience with the group and
analyses of the group websites to assist in interpreting responses. Based on these data sources,
the research team identified four primary themes with corresponding subthemes. Identified
themes (Table 1, below) provide insight into the meaning of the group for participants (theme 1:
group meaning), meeting criteria for membership (theme 2: becoming a member), the process
through which a fan group community develops and strengthens (theme 3: strengthening the
group connection), and the role of a transplanted community within a different geographic
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community (theme 4: Appreciation for past and present communities). The following sections
elaborate on each of these themes.
[Insert Table 1]
Theme 1: Group Meaning
For members, the group held a certain meaning in their life, and met a particular need.
The importance of filling this need kept members involved in the group. We noted three needs in
particular that the group met, 1) social; 2) connection to personal history and family; and 3)
emotional regulation.
Social Needs. For many members of the fan group, the group may have started out as a
way to watch the games every Sunday, but its primary importance was in its social role.
Members frequently used the word camaraderie when describing the experience and every
person interviewed noted the social role and importance of the fan group. Across the interviews,
the word camaraderie was used a total of twelve times. Aaron’s2 response was typical of the
transition from the group being a place to watch the game to it being a social outlet, “So I started
to know more people and so it became … it became almost as much about hanging out with
friends as it did about watching football.” Mary also noted that the group was about much more
than just watching a game or going to a bar:
Actually, I had NFL direct TV. It didn't include the social part… I was new [to the
area], so I thought it was also a good way to get to meet people. And, it's for the
socialness. We’ve been to ten million different places, it's not like I wanted to go
to a bar all the time. We've gone some places where, you know, they don't
necessarily serve drinks. It's more of a family.
The need for social connections is well-documented across literatures (Deci & Ryan,
2000; Lieberman, 2013). For group members, this social experience appears to meet this need
and create social connections for them. For example, Kate commented on how much the
community meant to her, “I loved the anticipation prior to the game. Knowing that I was going to
2 Pseudonyms are used throughout for participant anonymity.
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meet the group made me feel more excited, made the game experience much better, increased the
excitement level, offered me a sense of belonging, made me a better fan.”
For Roger, the group organizer, this social outlet and sense of belonging met a need
related to a recent event in his life. Roger stated that one of the reasons he founded the group was
to fill a social void in his life following his divorce,
I got divorced that summer … and so I was exploring all kinds of social
opportunities that I had kind of, you know, let slide by or just things I wanted to
do in my life … and another part of that was I just found myself in the middle of a
new city and newly divorced and kind of in need of friends.
When asked about what he got out of the group, Roger confirmed the importance of the group in
his life,
Good, good friends, actually … It’s been nice getting to know folks… Definitely
the friendships is the primary thing I get out of it … It’s nice to have football to go
to on the weekends, but it’s been surprisingly nicer that regardless of the game it’s
nice to just see the people that you know and that you’ve bonded with on the
weekends, and it’s just kind of a sense of belonging.
In this example, Roger seems almost surprised that the social need fulfillment trumped
the actual experience of the game.
Interestingly, for several group members, social bonding related to watching the
game translated into friendship and social opportunities outside of game watching. As
Jake pointed out, “We became friends outside of the games also, which was really cool
too, so we built like this little group of friends.” Mary also stated, “We do some things
outside of football. Like Saturday night, I'm going to see two guys play some music.”
Thus, the social connections that formed through the fan group led to friendship beyond
just the common interest of watching the game together.
Connection to personal history and family. For some members, the group
provided a connection to their own personal history. Often this personal history was
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connected to family memories. Mary told a story about wanting to go to a game when she
was a kid because one of her neighbours played on the team. Although tickets were
difficult to get at the time, her father managed to get two tickets and as Mary puts it, “the
whole family just became rabid fans after.” Mary spoke about how being part of the
group connects her with family and family memories, “It's because of my bond with my
Dad. And my son has it now too.” For Mary, therefore, the group kept her connected to
family history and current family.
Debbie also expressed how rooting for the team and being part of the group was a
connection to family history. Having grown up in a military family that regularly
relocated, Debbie noted that Washington, DC was the place where they lived the longest
so she started cheering for the team. She goes on to state that being part of the group
reminds her of home, “so, it's really, it sounds cheesy, but it’s kinda like coming home, to
have that little piece of DC.” In this way the group functioned in connecting Debbie to
memories of home.
Other group members also expressed the importance of the connection to family
and growing up. For Doug, “My brother liked them [the team]… I idolized my older
brother, so of course you go for the same team.” Jane comments, “My mom always says
that when my baby brother was born she yelled at the doctors to let her home just so she
could see the Redskins game. It was all I ever knew.” Somewhat differently, for Roger,
the connection was not to family, but rather to the experience of growing up as first
generation American. He stated, “It's the kind of thing where as a first generation
American, I kind of discovered on my own, so mostly from friends I guess.” For each of
these group members, although their stories were different, the group represented a
connection to their personal history.
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Emotional Regulation. For some group members, the group served the function
of helping to control their emotions. For instance, Doug was particularly adamant about
how the group met this need for him. He stated,
There's something about the group that deflates my anger. When I watch the
games alone; it was actually my wife who encouraged me … She encouraged me
to go find a group. Because, I mean, the kids weren't scared, but they were seeing
a very different side of Dad. And I was just screaming and yelling, and just took
the losses so personal. And they weighed down on me on Sunday. And here, we
leave the bar, and of course we've lost many games; and so I just feel it's, there's
none of that. So, there is something about being in this group that seems to ease
all of that pressure. Like we're able to shoulder it together.
Doug clearly feels that the group meets a central need in his life, and more specifically, that the
fact that everyone is together and supports each other helps meet that need.
Theme 2: Becoming a member
In order to become part of the group, each person had to meet one or more of the
membership criteria. These criteria distinguished the group as a separate entity, and also helped
to identify who was part of the group. Membership criteria for this group were part of the
following subthemes: 1) common interest; 2) knowledge of team history; and 3) symbols.
Further, although each of these items represented membership criteria and distinction, the group
displayed a fluid openness to new members who met or attempted to meet minimal criteria.
Common interest. Although it may seem obvious, it was essential that each group
member have a common interest in rooting for the Washington Redskins. As Cameron stated,
“You know, we have a common interest. That makes it fun, especially being as we are all really
so far away from home, you know, being in [the Intermountain West]. So that's kinda cool.” Jane
pointed out that although this common interest seemed superficial, it functioned by bringing
people together. She stated:
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Like truly a group of strangers having a similar purpose, like people you didn't know
really having a similar purpose, even if it's a vicarious purpose of winning game... but it's
like this similar purpose, this similar joy.
Jane also commented that this common interest helped bridge other divisions:
Funny thing. Where everybody was from in DC was really diverse. It was like
Centreville, and Frederick, and MoCo, nobody was really from the same place
and if we were all in DC we would view those all as really far away different
things. Like, what would I have in common with you? But it wasn’t like that.
Thus, for many group members, this common interest in rooting for the same team served as a
starting point to bring people together and distinguish the group.
Team knowledge. Another component of becoming a group member was to demonstrate
knowledge of the team. In fact, upon joining the group via the online site, potential group
members were asked several questions related to their knowledge of the team. The questionnaire
asked about team history, favourite players, and favourite memories. As Jane stated:
If you look at the questionnaire it's not for the faint of heart… it includes like most
random player, most this, most that -- they were questions for somebody more than
somebody who just was bandwagon or just say the name.
This evidence of team knowledge was a requirement of group membership. As Roger stated, “all
are welcome as long as they can prove to the rest of the group that they have some [team]
knowledge.” Roger went on to comment that team knowledge was not necessarily a prohibiting
factor from being part of the group, but people would not likely feel like part of the group unless
they had this knowledge:
And if they can't [demonstrate team knowledge], then they have to show that they have
some strong loyalty to the group and then they will feel welcome, I think. And that's not
to say that people are asked to not be in the group, but it is to say that you will feel out of
place, and I've noticed this with certain people who have come one or two times. You feel
out of place if you don't know enough to keep your own in the conversation.
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Mary also pointed out the role that team knowledge, and specifically the questionnaire, played in
being part of the group. “It was like a trivia question you gotta answer. Like, who is your favorite
Redskins player? And I picked someone from way back and he, was like, 'okay, I know you're a
fan.” For group members, it is clear that knowledge of team history was a vital part of becoming
a group member.
Symbols. Symbols played a key role in distinguishing the group. While symbols were not
part of becoming a group member, once individuals were in the group, symbols played a central
part in marking the group. For example, for group members, the hanging of a team flag in the bar
was an important symbol of the group. Group members seemed to feel that the flag gave the
group a sense of legitimacy, and getting the host bar to hang a team flag became a regularly
occurring conversation. Ironically, after getting the initial bar to hang a flag, the group decided to
change locations for the following season. Getting a flag in the new location, however, become a
priority. According to Aaron, “They don’t have any flags, but we’ll ask them, the Red Dog [the
original bar] hung a flag, that’s the only sad thing about leaving it.” It is apparent that having the
flag fly at the bar was imperative to the group.
Wearing team gear was also an chief symbol of the group. For Jake, this led to a bold
statement of his identification with the group:
I wanted to do something kind of crazy, kind of fun for the game and everything
so I dressed up kind of like the mascot … you know the headdress on, and the
headband. We looked at the picture on the helmet and tried to get as close to that
as we could so I went fully dressed like the mascot.
Jake went on describe that his dressing up was well received by the group and a great
topic of conversation, despite it being offensive and problematic in most social settings.
Kate remarked that wearing team gear was an entrance to group membership. While
commenting that everyone was welcome, she followed up with “anybody who wants to put on
the burgundy and gold. That’s awesome … I didn’t feel like at any time we were exclusive.”
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Although Kate states that everyone was welcome, it appears that the welcome mat only extended
to people who were willing to display their Redskins pride.
The unstated requirement to wear team gear extended to guests as well. Jake regularly
brought his girlfriend to the games, even though she was not originally a Redskins fan. However,
Jake stated, “I got her a couple of Redskins shirts and sweatshirts and a hat and everything like
that she wears and everything now too, so that was kind of cool.” Another set of guests, who
were good friends of one of the group members, but only attended once were given hats to wear
during the game. Jane noticed, “They were the first outsiders I remember seeing, and they were
just really nice. And it was really funny, I guess Roger probably gave them hats or whatever.”
Clearly wearing team gear was an essential component of being part of the group for regular
members and guests.
Ironically, the group was able to bridge gaps that may have existed had members been in
the home city where divisions among neighbourhoods or politics were more readily apparent.
Instead, group members were able to bond simply around being fans of a non-local team. One
example of this relates to the team symbol that was an occasional object of discussion as to
whether or not it was an offensive nickname. Commenting on Jay’s mascot costume, Jane stated
“… and even things I wouldn’t normally find funny like the Indian braids wig, which I probably
find offensive, but you only have like six fans of the same team. You bond together. You and the
person from [a different Washington DC neighbourhood] are the same, where, it’s funny, if it was
in a D.C. bar, I think I’d feel different.” Since the symbol was important to the group, it was able
to transcend those differences.
Membership Limits. Although, the group was open to members who met, or were
willing to meet, the membership criteria, there were also limits to that membership. Those limits
related primarily to behavior of group members. Several members retold a story of a Redskins
fan at the bar who tried to join the group, but was not welcome due to his behaviour. As Aaron
15

tells the story, “The guy at our table that was a Redskins fan was worse [than a Seahawks fan
who was also there], just because I mean, he was talking about the Jewish owner in a really
negative way.” Roger also discussed this exception. After noting the generally welcoming nature
of the group he commented, “Sometimes it seemed to me that folks would just be at the bar, not
necessarily with our group, have a Redskins shirt on or something and either would come over
and join us.” He then described the one exception,
He was just really vocal and very opinionated, and I think he made a few people
uncomfortable because he was kind of making some, I guess some racist comments …
things like that so it was a little awkward, uncomfortable because we were just like, wow,
this guy is pretty loud and opinionated and everything like that, and made some off the
wall comments and was just really kind of emotional and stuff.
Roger went on to point out that that individual was not welcome and did not come back. Thus,
while people who met basic criteria were generally allowed in the group, unacceptable behavior
represented an exclusion criteria.
Theme 3: Strengthening the Group Connection
Once part of the group, group members’ connection to the group grew as they
experienced fandom together. First, group members became “true fans.” Although some group
members may have identified this way prior to the group, for other members the experience
increased their fandom. Second, group members displayed an increased loyalty to each other.
Becoming a true fan. Although many members strongly identified with their fandom
prior to the group, for others, they became a true fan as part of the group experience. For
example, Cameron talks about his prior allegiance to another team before discussing how
exciting it was watching the Redskins with the group this year. He confirms his full switch in
team allegiances when he states, “I was done with them. I was ready for a new team. Been
looking for a new team for a few years.” Aaron represents a particularly interesting case because
he was the only group member who started the experience without any allegiance to the team,
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but rather simply because he was accompanying a friend. However, Aaron was adopted into the
group and defended by other group members. He states, “I'm really the only bandwagon fan. I'll
claim it, and Jake won't even let you call me that.” Thus, individuals became members of the
group via certain criteria; once part of the group, the bond grew as individuals deepened their
fandom and also developed a loyalty to each other.
Loyalty. The influence of members was clear in group members supporting each other
and showing loyalty to the other members, sometimes directly related to the group and
sometimes related to events outside of the group. The most noticeable example of this influence
revolved around the group’s choice of a gathering venue for the upcoming season. Although the
group had found a place that they enjoyed during the previous season, group members decided to
change locations for the following year due to a disagreement that one of the group members had
with the owner of the previous location. Roger expressed the importance of supporting group
members,
… we used to gather most often at the Red Dog. It looks like that may change,
and that’s primarily because in the spirit of showing loyalty to our own, one of our
own got in an argument with somebody at the Red Dog, so [laughs], we’ll see,
we’ll see. I think that’s no longer [where we will meet].
Thus, for the group, being loyal to one of the members was privileged over loyalty to a particular
place.
This loyalty also extended beyond football games as group members supported each
other at events outside of the group. On one occasion, a message was sent out through the group
website inviting the members to attend a performance by two of the group members at a local
coffee shop. Several group members attended. Aaron, one of the performers, stated, “I was a
little surprised … I was happy to see everybody. I was glad everybody came out.”
For Roger, the group had taken on enough importance that his work colleagues were
aware of it and aware of its importance to him. Thus, when work colleagues were planning a
17

surprise birthday party for him, one of them found a way to reach out to the group and invite
group members to the party. Aaron:
He [Roger] had a surprise birthday party and his friends from work knew about
the Redskins group, and somehow were able to track me down out of it, on
Facebook somehow, so we, Jay and I ... walked in, to this surprise party where
people thought it was work friends and he was just totally shocked.
In these examples, group members are displaying loyalty to each other by supporting
each other outside of just group activities.
Theme 4: Appreciation for past and present communities
In describing the group, Roger points out the nature of the group as being composed of
individuals who no longer live in the home city of the team they are rooting for, “The group is a
group of enthusiastic Redskins fans who are all stranded in [the Intermountain West] and, just
looking for a slice of home I suppose.” Related to this statement, one of the exploratory
questions of this research related to the specific experiences of a fan group that is located outside
– and this case cross-country – from the team that the group roots for. Specifically, we wanted to
explore how this dynamic affected not only the experience of the group, but also how this
influenced the group members’ experience of their current city. Interestingly, for group members
the experience seemed to add to their appreciation of their current city.
While group members shared their love and appreciation for the Washington area, the
experience also gave them an appreciation for their current city. According to Kate, “people from
Washington are awesome.” But this did not mean she liked her current city less. In fact:
I like [this city] better knowing there is more diversity in it than it would appear without a
group like this. It’s nice to know that [this city] is made up of people from all over …I
like it better. I enjoy my city because of experiences like this.
For Kate, developing bonds with people in this group made her realise that her current city had a
larger variety of people than she expected.
18

The idea that belonging to the group made a member appreciate the broader diversity of
the city was mentioned by other group members as well. As Mary stated,
I enjoyed [my current city] anyway. But it's nice to know that, you know, it's kind
of a transient place here. It's not all locals. Which DC is that way- very transient.
You know, people from everywhere. So, yeah, it's kinda nice to know that if I
want to complain about the Redskins, or something back East, I've got some
people I can go to. So it's added to my enjoyment of the area.
For Mary, having group members allowed her to make connections to her original home,
which added to her enjoyment of her current city.
Jay also shared the sentiment that being part of the group improved his view of his
current city,
I used to dislike a lot of things about [this city], but now I’ve gained a really great
group of friends … I’ve always liked the mountains and hiking and everything,
but it’s just made me have a better attitude of [this city] in general, just knowing
that I can still kind of have my cake and eat it too, being out here, being able to
have that group of people from back East, and have that camaraderie and still be
away from home.
Similar to Mary, Jay liked some things about his current city, but having the connection to
the group enhanced his experience. This feeling appeared to be common among group
members. While it may be possible that the fan group could create a sense of nostalgia,
and longing for another place – for members of this group it actually enhanced their
positive emotions towards their current city.
Discussion
Given the value of a feeling of SOC, the importance of fandom in the social lives of
many sports fans, and the challenges of relocation, the purpose of this research was to examine
the experiences of a group of displaced sports fans with a specific focus on three research
questions: 1) Does a sense of community develop within the group, and if so, how does it
19

manifest itself? 2) How is that community affected by residing outside of the geographic area of
its mutual interest? (3) How does the community affect the group members’ relation to their
current community or their previous community? Our analyses identified four themes that
address our research questions. Here, we discuss how those themes address our research
questions and how they fit into the larger body of SOC literature.
As noted in the results, group members clearly felt that a feeling of SOC was a primary
benefit and reason for being part of the group. Further, the feeling of SOC developed through a
process of establishing the meaning of the group, becoming a group member, and strengthening
the bond. As group members went through these steps, a feeling of SOC developed. This finding
is of particular importance as it fills a gap in the research by describing the process of the
development of SOC, and not just components of SOC.
In their seminal work on psychological sense of community (PSOC), McMillan and
Chavis (1986; McMillan, 2011) note that the four elements of PSOC (membership, influence,
need fulfillment, and shared emotional connection) do not exist in isolation or sequential order,
but rather function as constantly interwoven parts. In this group, we see the different parts of
PSOC interlocking throughout the process of SOC developing. We also see components of
Warner and colleagues (Warner, Dixon, & Chalip, 2012; Warner, Kerwin, & Walker, 2013 sport-
specific Theory of Sense of Community in Sport (SCS).
Part of the development of SOC was the individual conclusion that being in the group
met a particular need (or needs) in a group member’s life. Specifically, the group appeared to
meet social needs, a connection to personal history and family, and emotional regulation needs.
According to McMillan and Chavis (1986), need fulfillment represents one of the four
components of a PSOC. As the community meets the members’ needs, the member feels a
stronger PSOC. Further, a part of need fulfillment is the creation and reinforcement of shared
values (McMillan, 2011). The idea of shared values appears throughout our analysis.
20

Shared values emerge through each stage of the development of SOC. In the group
meaning phase, we see shared values through common interest, team knowledge, and
membership limits. The importance of common interest recalls the Theory of SCS (Warner,
Dixon, & Chalip, 202; Warner, Kerwin, & Walker, 2013). As other authors have also suggested,
the idea of community is context specific and, therefore, may manifest differently in different
settings (Dunlap & Johnson, 2010). According to Warner & colleagues (2012), sport is a unique
setting and, thus, needs a sport-specific theory of SOC. They note that the common interest of
sport is a starting point for the development of SOC. While SCS has largely focused on sport
participants, some research suggests that SOC develops in sport similarly with non-participants
such as parents and volunteers (Legg, Wells, & Barile, 2015; Warner, Dixon, & Leierer, 2015;
Kerwin, Warner, Walker, & Stevens, 2015). Our research agrees, while also expanding common
interest beyond a simple acknowledgement of shared interest, to something that is strong enough
to manifest through knowledge of the team.
Connections to personal history were also a primary meaning of the group for several
members. This connection to personal history represents a shared emotional connection.
Although shared emotional connection often emerges as a result of quality time spent together
(McMillan, 2011), in this case it appears that the shared emotional connection can also be the
result of time spent with the unifying element – or the common interest - of the group. In this
case, the common interest was the team that everyone was rooting for. While the group members
had not specifically shared an abundance of time with this particular group, many had shared
quality time and an emotional connection in a different setting, but with the same common
interest. Group members were then able to translate this shared emotional connection to the
current group. One could also imagine a different scenario where this also applied. For example,
if a person moves away from a neighbourhood as a child, but then returns to that neighborhood
21

as an adult, he or she may already feel a shared emotional connection with the people in that
neighborhood, even if the current residents differed from those that lived there previously.
Group members also were able to share stories about childhood, family, or going to
games when they lived in another city. These shared stories were even a part of the initial
membership qualifications as the online group application asked applicants to share their favorite
Redskins’ memory. These shared stories are a central component of a shared emotional
connection, and again we see that the stories can be related to the common interest, and do not
need to emerge from events with the current group members.
As one became a group member, symbols and rituals performed essential functions.
Members dressed up and sang the team song together. Symbols and rituals thus served the roles
of demarcating who was part of the group (membership boundaries) and creating a shared
emotional connection (McMillan, 2011). As noted, a basic knowledge of the team also served as
a membership boundary. It is worth nothing, however, that membership boundaries included both
inclusion (e.g. team knowledge) and exclusion factors. Even if one met the basic criteria for
membership, they could be excluded by exceeding unwritten rules of membership including
respect for other people and general good behaviour. In this case, these membership limits – even
if unspoken – served a boundaries of membership and a reinforcement of shared values. Further,
we see the influence of the group creating group norms and a pressure to conform to those norms
(McMillan, 2011).
With time, the group membership strengthened and members became increasingly loyal
to each other. This loyalty included defending each other as well as supporting each other outside
of the time spent together to watch games. Here, we see both the influence of the community and
additional need fulfillment. Influence is a bi-directional concept whereby the community
influences the individual and the individual influences the community (McMillan & Chavis,
1986; McMillan, 2011). When one makes a personal investment in the community, they earn a
22

right to influence (McMillan, 2011). In this group, members made a personal investment by
supporting each other outside of just watching games together. Further, loyalty and support of
each other provided a strong reinforcement to belong by both fulfilling a need and suggesting a
certain status within the group (McMillan, 2011).
Loyalty to each other can also be seen as similar to administrative consideration.
According to the theory of SCS, administrative consideration is a key component of SOC in
sport and is “the expression of care, concern, and intentionality” (Warner, Dixon, & Chalip,
2012, p. 990). In the original explication of the SCS, administrators (group leaders) were the
sources of this care. We see, however, in this case, that group members can also demonstrate the
care for each other. Being loyal to each other and supporting each other outside of the official
activities of the group certainly represents a form of care and consideration.
Finally, the SCS includes social spaces as an element of SOC within sport (Warner,
Dixon, & Chalip, 2012). While participants in our study did not actively discuss the importance
of the bar, it is apparent that having this social space to gather was essential to the development
of SOC. Further, a body of research already supports the importance of bars and social spaces as
gathering points for sports fans (Eastman & Land, 1997). While group members may not discuss
the specific space as a primary part of their experience, it is clear that without this gathering
space the community would likely not exist.
Given the similarity between research questions two and three, we discuss those two
questions together. Geographic mobility has increased across the United States. For sports fans,
this may mean that one either must change their allegiance or root for a team that they are no
longer locally tied to. Given this mobility, we were interested to know how this reality impacted
the fan group. As noted in our findings, not only did being geographically separated from the
home base of the team not diminish ties to the current city, but it actually appeared to strengthen
bonds to both the current city and the group,
23

Previous research suggests that mobility during childhood is associated with a host of
negative outcomes, which may then led to a desire for stability as an adult (Webb, Pedersen, &
Mok, 2016). Many group members resided in the Washington, DC area as children, and all group
members had experienced some degree of mobility. A desire for stability may mean that group
members were more likely to see the group as enhancing a positive emotion towards their current
city, rather than creating a longing for a place they no longer live. Further, when similarities
between old and new environments exist, old place bonds may aid in transitions to new place
bonds (Ryan & Oglivie, 2001). Bonds to new places are central to adjustment, well-being, and
health, so the ability of this group to transition that bond may be especially important (Hornsey
& Gallois, 1998). Finally, while literature suggests that attachment to multiple places is not
common, they may develop if organized around a central theme (Barcus and Brunn, 2010,
Freeman, 2004). In this case, the central theme may be rooting for the Washington Redskins;
however, it appears that the theme serves more as a transitional tool to the new area.
Conclusion
In sum, this study explored the experience of SOC within a dislocated sports fan group.
As theories of SOC continue to develop, particularly with the sports context, this study provides
valuable information related to the process of SOC among sports fans. In particular, this study
demonstrates the process through which SOC can be formed in a non-geographically-proximate
community. Further, this study contributes to understandings of the nature of SOC when the
common uniting interest is not geography. This information may be valuable to both sports and
community managers who wish to enhance SOC and community pride. Future research should
continue to explore the various ways that SOC develops, particularly noting the role of increased
access to information through virtual spaces.
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Table 1: Themes, subthemes, and operationalizations of relocated sports fan group sense of
community
Theme Subtheme Operationalization
1: Group Meaning Social Needs Membership in the group meets an
important social need for the group
member (e.g. friendship, support)
Connection to Personal
History and Family
Group members feel a connection
between the group and their own
personal history or family
Emotional Regulation Group serves as a social setting to
support positive emotions
2: Becoming a Member Common Interest Initial group membership is stimulated
through the common interest of
rooting for the Washington Redskins.
Team Knowledge Group members demonstrate a basic
level of knowledge about the team
(present or past) in order to be part of
the group.
Symbols Group membership is indicated
through the use of symbols such as
team gear
Membership Limits Group membership is delimited based
on behaviour
3: Strengthening the
Group Connection
Becoming a True Fan As members interact with the group,
their devotion to the team increases
Loyalty Group members display loyalty not
just to the team, but also to fellow
group members
4: Appreciation for Past
and Present Communities
Appreciation for Past and
Present Communities
Group members indicate that being
part of this group increases their
appreciation or both their current
geographic community and past
geographic communities
29