... Si l'utopie donne l'impression de regarder trop loin, c'est qu'en réalité elle ne regarde pas assez profondément. 24 Si « utopique » est un qualificatif péjoratif -et G. Gourbin rappelle que Fourier l'utilise lui-même en ce sens pour flétrir Saint-Simon et Owen 34 -c'est donc en raison de ce que l'on pourrait nommer un réalisme inachevé ou une science inachevée du réel social et politique, une science qui, selon les termes de Marx, n'est pas produite par le mouvement historique lui-même et en conséquence demeure purement « doctrinaire », c'est-à-dire non-révolutionnaire 35 . ...
... Le fait que la question du luxe, de « l'opulence meurtrière » et de la misère constituent une « illustration privilégiée d'une philosophie expérimentale qui emprunte les "voies du monde" afin d'élaborer sa pensée politique » n'est pas un hasard : G. Gourbin non seulement y consacre une partie très importante de son étude, mais il a à coeur d'en montrer le débouché dans une « économie politique » (la préoccupation sociale n'est pas seulement affaire d'indignation). 35 L'esprit de l'utopie, et pas seulement les utopies sociales proprement dites, n'est pas si loin de cette ligne de force de la pensée politique. Thomas More avait construit son île d'Utopia à partir d'une unique question : celle de la pauvreté. ...
... Para os pós-keynesianos, este objeto deve ter elasticidades de produção e substituição negligíveis.14 Veja-se as observações críticas feitas por Marx à proposta de Proudhon em favor de uma moeda ''tempo de trabalho"(Marx, 1946). ...
Marx’s thoughts about money and its role in capitalist economies are scattered throughout his works. In particular, they constitute a major part of the 3rd volume of Capital and of the Grundrisse. In these two works, Marx presents the foundations for a theory of money that is very close to Keynes’s views. In the paper, this similarity is shown through the systematization of Marx’s monetary theory along (post) Keynesian lines. The demand for money is shown to be rooted not only in the transaction’s motive but also in the liquidity properties of money. These properties become important in capitalist economies characterized by market uncertainty. Both Marx and Keynes use the concept of money to break Say’s law. An essential difference between the two authors is shown to relate to the measure-of-value function of money and ways to reconcile them on this issue are developed.
KEYWORDS:
Marx; post-Keynesianism; monetary theory; history of economic thought
... Ils élaborent ainsi le cercle vicieux du capitalisme puisque le temps libre sert également à la modélisation des représentations capitalistes et à leur reproduction. Comme le soulignait Marx (1972), l'homme « n'est que la carcasse du temps » et, de ce fait, dans le sport l'individu n'est rien, la performance est tout. Ainsi, « la société du spectacle » sportif se développe au détriment des différents développements intellectuels, culturels ou artistiques et de toute théorie critique (Vassort, 1999). ...
... Some authors propose a rational theory of ideology, while others see ideology as an irrational phenomenon in which the behavior of actors is influenced by forces beyond their control. Thus, following the rationalist perspective, for Geertz (1964); cited by Boudon, 1986: p. 79, ideology is "a roadmap for orientation in a complex world", and for Marx (1953); cited by Boudon, 1986: p. 79, ideology is seen as "an effect of perspective or as conscious adherence to useful beliefs". For authors of the irrational theory current, ideology "is a product of fanaticism, of passions" (Aron, 1968, or Shils, 1968cited by Boudon, 1986: p. 79) or "an inverted image of reality under the influence of class interests" (Marx and Engels, 1953;cited by Boudon, 1986: p. 79). ...
... 14 Por outro lado, ao decompor analiticamente as conexões entre capitalismo e escravidão, 15 construindo a base teórica de argumentos e de debates fundamentais para as ciências sociais nos séculos XX e XXI (C. R. L. James, Moreno Fraginals, Dale Tomich, Emília Viotti da Costa, Eduardo Grüner etc.), Marx demonstra, por meio de uma crítica severa (redigida em francês) ao método e às categorias da economia política de Proudhon, que o escravismo moderno, como categoria econômica da formação do sistema social, é o núcleo (pivot) estrutural do sistema-mundo capitalista construído sobre a violência das colonizações, criando o comércio universal, a industrialização, o sistema de créditos, etc. 16 A autodeterminação nacional, nos textos de Marx e de Engels, constitui um tema fundamental para a constituição do sistema social e sua dinâmica na modernidade capitalista. 17 A nação não é uma determinação essencial dos povos, tampouco uma destinação ou morfogênese histórica/cultural (o que distancia bastante o materialismo histórico dos temas românticos de um Herder ou de um Goethe). ...
... A abstração se deve à própria estrutura da lógica formal, que orienta o pensamento metafisico. Mas, para Karl Marx, deve-se principalmente ao modo como se produz a alienação no contexto das relações de trabalho, bem como à forma geral do valor que, ao quantificar e identificar todas as formas de trabalho e transformar os produtos do trabalho em trabalho humano indiferenciado para, assim, intercambiá-los na forma de mercadorias (Marx, 1908). ...
O objetivo deste artigo é fazer algumas reflexões sobre a relação entre arte, ciência e educação no sentido de uma formação integral. O aporte teórico metodológico consiste na Filosofia da Práxis sob a perspectiva do pensamento de Antonio Gramsci. Parte-se de contradições geradas no âmbito da estrutura social capitalista para refletir sobre as necessidades educacionais das classes populares a fim de alcançar uma organização política com outro projeto de sociedade.
... By studying the dynamics of globalization and the related geostrategic factors, we have reached the conclusion that it would be challenging for anyone to perceive the contemporary geopolitical reality if has not been previously familiar with dialectics. For this reason, we propose the utilization of some evolutionary conceptions-methodological elements offered by dialectical philosophy in socioeconomic discussion (Bukharin, 1931;Creaven, 2013;Jordan, 1967;Lenin, 1915;Magala, 1975;Marx, 1847;Pederson, 2015;Sanchez-Palencia, 2012;Thomas, 2009). In this way, we propose to enrich contemporary geopolitical and geoeconomic analysis through the lenses of dialectics in the following nine directions, which we think can act as analytical prerequisites for the ‚dialectization‛ of contemporary geopolitical and geostrategic thinking. ...
INTRODUCTION
We are experiencing a phase of profound restructuring of globalization nowadays, manifested through a wide variety of crisis symptoms, articulated at the same time upon the economic, political, social, and environmental spheres. Everything shows that the movements of the world’s “tectonic plates” are re-shaping the existing geo-economic and geopolitical balances on the planet drastically, causing new challenges to emerge, as well as new opportunities and threats for all stakeholders and participants in the global socioeconomic system. ...
This volume—which is a collection of published articles by the “Stra.Tech.Man Lab” research team—studies some of the fundamental aspects that concern the structuring/restructuring of the current phase of globalization: in what we call “new globalization.”
... By studying the dynamics of globalization and the related geostrategic factors, we have reached the conclusion that it would be very difficult for anyone to perceive the contemporary geopolitical reality if has not been previously familiar with dialectics. For this reason, we propose the utilization of some evolutionary conceptions-methodological elements offered by dialectical philosophy in socioeconomic discussion (Bukharin, 1931;Creaven, 2013;Jordan, 1967;Lenin, 1915;Magala, 1975;Marx, 1847;Pederson, 2015;Sanchez-Palencia, 2012;Thomas, 2009). In this way, we propose to enrich contemporary geopolitical and geoeconomic analysis through the lenses of dialectics, in the following nine directions which we think can act as analytical prerequisites for the ‚dialectization‛ of contemporary geopolitical and geostrategic thinking. ...
In the current restructuring phase of globalization, the geopolitical analysis, combined with the derived concept of geoeconomics, seems to acquire a new, growing interest. Specifically, the scientific discipline of geopolitics synthesizes the different socioeconomic analytical tools, having as final goal to propose and implement a proper strategy (geostrategy) by focusing on increasing national power and broadening the control of a geographic territory. In this context, this article explores how the contemporary geopolitical and geoeconomic analysis can valorize a composite evolutionary-dialectical method to enhance their understanding. To this end, substantial points of analytical enrichment to geopolitics and geoeconomics seem to emerge in the globalization's restructuration era.
La lecture de l’œuvre de Karl Polanyi par Maurice Godelier permet d’aborder la confrontation de la tradition marxiste et du courant substantiviste sur le terrain de l’anthropologie. Elle met en évidence un certain nombre de problèmes structurants pour l’analyse anthropologique des phénomènes économiques. Ainsi, la critique de la démarche substantiviste, qualifiée d’« empirisme critique », conduit à poser la question du rapport entre empirie et théorie dès lors que l’objet étudié – l’économie – se caractérise avant tout par la variabilité de ses formes et de ses fonctions à travers le temps et l’espace. En particulier, l’attention portée à la différence qui sépare l’autonomisation de la vie économique en régime de marché et son intégration à des institutions religieuses, familiales ou encore politiques dans les sociétés non capitalistes risque de masquer la relative constance des formes de domination ou d’oppression. Au-delà d’une telle critique, toutefois, les recherches de l’anthropologue français le conduisent à intégrer l’opposition polanyienne entre encastrement et désencastrement au cadre conceptuel propre à l’analyse anthropologique. Dans le cas de Maurice Godelier, ceci oblige à une redéfinition d’un certain nombre de notions structurantes pour la discipline. Plus précisément, il en va non seulement de la confrontation avec le structuralisme de Lévi-Strauss mais aussi et surtout du remaniement des termes clefs de la tradition marxiste, en particulier sous la forme qu’elle prend, dans les années 1960, chez Althusser et ses disciples.
Dans ce chapitre, nous proposons de questionner le rôle des inégalités, qui constituent à notre sens, non de simples dommages collatéraux, mais bien un pilier nécessaire au fonctionnement de l’ordre néolibéral qui les produit. À partir du concept de catallaxie proposé par Hayek et son rejet de la moindre intervention visant à diminuer les inégalités, nous pouvons mieux explorer la logique à l’œuvre dans le néolibéralisme d’aujourd’hui. Celui-ci, d’après lui, apparaît comme structure « naturelle », avec ses lois inaltérables que la moindre intervention politique viendrait déséquilibrer. Pourtant, nous montrerons qu’en réalité, le néolibéralisme repose sur des interventions humaines et politiques. Il joue alors un rôle de guidance économique, mais également, et c’est là sa spécificité, va plus loin en se déployant par une transformation durable du fonctionnement étatique et gouvernemental, par une saisie idéologique et par la construction d’une nouvelle subjectivité qui se traduit par la mise en concurrence des sujets devenus « entrepreneurs d’eux-mêmes ».
À l'heure où la défense des « éducations à l'égalité » semble plus audible et plus urgente et où les polémiques autour de la « théorie du genre » à l'école dramatisent la nécessité de se positionner en tant que féministe sur le terrain éducatif, cet ouvrage constitue une rupture épistémologique avec des impératifs tactiques qui semblent s'imposer d'eux-mêmes. En refusant de considérer qu'il va de soi que l'éducation est une modalité de la lutte féministe, l'autrice se propose de faire un pas de côté afin de mener un travail de clarification conceptuelle. Il s'agit ici de suspendre le postulat selon lequel l'éducation serait une évidence féministe pour laquelle les seules questions qui persistent seraient d'ordre technique, et se réduiraient au « comment faire ? », afin de revenir à une interrogation plus fondamentale, celle du « pourquoi faire ? ». En effet, si l'éducation est bien omniprésente historiquement dans les revendications féministes, sa place mérite d'être problématisée philosophiquement. Alors même que le féminisme connaît de nombreuses transformations et variations, l'éducation en est une constante historique, et c'est précisément pour cela qu'elle mérite d'être étudiée de façon critique : la forte persistance de cette tradition jette en effet un soupçon sur sa consistance théorique et politique. De l'éducation conçue comme un droit auquel les femmes devraient également avoir accès jusqu'aux institutions éducatives utopiques qui subvertissent la frontière entre privé et public, en passant par la coéducation, la sororité émancipatrice et les pédagogies féministes, cette recherche vise à mettre en lumière les partis-pris épistémologiques, les dialectiques et les tensions qui traversent la conceptualisation de l'éducation au prisme des féminismes.
Cet article élabore le constat que la philosophie sociale du XXe siècle se caractérise par un reflux progressif du concept d’intérêts de classe. L’analyse de Georg Lukacs de la position-clef du prolétariat au sein des rapports sociaux capitaliste a été matricielle pour la philosophie de la première École de Francfort. Cependant, en rattachant le concept d’intérêts collectifs à la connaissance davantage qu’a la politique, Habermas en entame la déconstruction. Elle sera achevée avec les efforts de Laclau et Mouffe pour condamner le concept d’intérêts comme relevant d’un essentialisme de classe. A la même période, au contraire, au sein de la tradition radicale noire, la notion d’intérêts appliquée aux populations afrodescendantes conserve toute sa pertinence. Les œuvres d’Aimé Césaire et de Frantz Fanon en fournissent la preuve.
Understood as the relative excellence of a translation product or process, quality can be measured in many ways, including automatic comparison metrics, evaluation by translators, evaluation by monolingual end users, time required for postediting, time required for non-translation (language learning), process regulation, user satisfaction, and translator satisfaction. Behind all these measures there lie a series of human judgements and work-process considerations. In order to draw out those human aspects of quality, a critical appraisal is made of five relations involved: 1) Automatic evaluation metrics appear to measure equivalence to a start text but in effect adopt a reference translation, which is itself subject to all the hazards of translational indeterminacy; 2) Claims to parity with human translation are based on human judgements of acceptability but are often measured on the basis of isolated sentence pairs, which is not how humans communicate; 3) Criteria of usability generally do not take into account the risks involved in not knowing where error might lie; 4) Industrial regulations of production processes allow for enhanced reviewing and revision needs but do not address technologies directly; and 5) Assessments of translator satisfaction give variable results but tend not to account for the individual skills involved in the use of technologies.
Podemos considerar la filosofía como un largo río tranquilo donde varios textos dialogan cortésmente con otros textos a través de generaciones, culturas y grupos humanos. Es aproximadamente la concepción tradicional de la historia de la filosofía la que forma el corpus básico del mundo académico. Pero también podemos considerar la filosofía como un tema de luchas con consecuencias vitales que implica y hasta exige la crítica, la deconstrucción y la polémica, en definitiva la “batalla en la refriega”. La filosofía se ocupa entonces del mundo real, de sus conflictos, de sus aspiraciones, de sus proyectos. Es esta concepción que tengo de la filosofía en la tradición de un Marx, un Sartre, un Nizan, un Adorno, un Marcuse, un Jankélévitch, por nombrar algunos. Sin embargo, los filósofos no son sólo lectores y comentaristas de textos, también son ideólogos o políticos que aceptan o rechazan su tiempo, manifiestan preferencias y valores, ocupan posiciones de poder y disputan o colaboran con los diversos poderes. “Ya es hora de ponerlos contra la pared, por lo tanto, escribe Paul Nizan. Para preguntarles su opinión sobre la guerra, sobre el colonialismo, sobre la racionalización de las fábricas, sobre el amor, sobre las diferentes formas de muerte, sobre el desempleo, sobre la política, sobre el suicidio, sobre la policía, sobre los abortos, sobre todos los elementos que realmente ocupan la tierra. Ya es hora de pedirles su partido. (Nizan, 1976)
Adult education is an ongoing and vital process, which cannot be resumed in just a few hours of course. As a result, the adults’ experiences need to be accompanied, because the experience is not taught, but accompanied. This study is based on the context of open and distance training, which aims to consider the experiences of individuals so that they give meaning to their personal, professional, training and even existential paths. Based on a mixed analysis (qualitative and quantitative) of the transcripts of seven interviews with distance adult trainers, she seeks to understand the specificities of distance coaching that can be proposed in this context. The results highlight four main approaches to distance support: (1) didactic support, (2) support of learners’ experiences outside the training, (3) support of the rhythm-training for the appropriation of the individual and collective rhythms and (4) for the use of technology.
The paper wishes to analyse whether parallels can be drawn between theology and law. Its initial hypothesis rests on a notion that both structures are defined by particularized wording: a rather formal, complex, and interdependent body of lexemes. Consequently, preservation and genuine voicing of the two phenomena is considered to be reasonably pertinent to the human ability of safeguarding ideas in their authentic, unaffected appearance. It goes without saying that one of the ultimate tools in this respect, throughout the human history as we know it, has been the printing press. Withal, its expansion in Europe coincides with the emerge of Protestantism.
The paper analyses theoretical and practical parallels between law and theology.
Las clases medias profesionales consideradas las grandes beneficiarias del modelo de sustitución de importaciones por su rápido crecimiento y su integración en los sectores productivos, (Graffina, 2005), no han estado exentas de los cambios generados por el nuevo modelo económico, pues aspectos como la precarización del mercado laboral, la disminución de sus ingresos y el desempleo han puesto en evidencia su vulnerabilidad frente a las dinámicas económicas, políticas y sociales, lo que ha incidido en su nivel de vida y en sus expectativas profesionales. En este estudio se defiende la hipótesis que una de las alternativas que las clases medias profesionales han asumido para paliar su situación de vulnerabilidad económica ha sido la utilización de sus relaciones sociales como un recurso a partir del cual buscan, en un mercado cada vez más competitivo por la sobre oferta de profesionales y la reducción de los puestos de trabajo, engancharse laboralmente y mantener, en el marco de condiciones laborales flexibles, una cierta estabilidad y permanencia laboral.
Cooperation, Joint Action Theory in Didactics, Didactic time
A superação da crise dos tempos pós-modernos implica determinações sociais, ecológicas, culturais e geopolíticas como um todo, na luta contra o imperialismo global. Nesse contexto, a alternativa crítica e revolucionária considera o proletariado como sujeito emancipador consciente e, portanto, recusa tanto a regulação liberal conservadora, quanto a regulação historicista populista. Busca, enfim, atualizar a antecipação concreta comunista de um mundo melhor para os seres sociais e naturais.
In this article, we argue that critique and emancipation are two unavoidable horizons for popular education and social movements. As epistemological foundations of social theory, critique and emancipation shed light on the theoretical and practical tasks of progressive social struggles in contemporary society. We reconstruct the historical and political roots of critical philosophical frameworks embedding the denunciation of the current distress, as well as the prospects to overcome it, in order to establish a normative conceptual scheme for social movements with an emphasis on popular education.
Résumé
Claude Lévi-Strauss a souvent souligné l’importance que revêtait pour lui la découverte précoce du marxisme dont l’inspiration l’aurait ensuite constamment accompagné dans son travail d’anthropologue. Cette affirmation est devenue un leitmotiv des travaux consacrés à Lévi-Strauss, sans que personne ne se soit soucié d’en vérifier le bien-fondé. De nombreux indices attestent pourtant que Lévi-Strauss s’est livré à une mystification autobiographique. Afin d’en saisir la signification, l’article se propose de reconstituer le contexte du milieu intellectuel parisien des années 1950, lorsque cette mystification a vu le jour, et d’expliquer les raisons qui ont poussé Lévi-Strauss à entretenir cette fiction encore une trentaine d’années plus tard. Le but de cet argument est de montrer que la ruse autobiographique habilement mise en scène, loin de n’être qu’un obstacle herméneutique, peut également devenir une ressource qui aide à lever le voile sur des pans oubliés de l’histoire.
Réfléchir et éduquer en termes des capacités au tempe de la complexité n’est pas chose facile. Le processus de formation aujourd’hui doit faire face à un défi pressant celui d’arriver a transmettre des nouveaux savoir grâce à une démocratie cognitive a des personnes de plus en plus diversifies surtout sur le plan culturel. Tout cela en présence d’un taux élevé d’obsolescence des compétences plus spécifiques et d’un taux significatif de mobilité des spécialistes, aspects qui rendent inéludable la réactualisation de la formation. Un processus qui doit permettre de réinventer, réadapter ses propres connaissances en temps réel, mais aussi de les recontextualiser en présence d’une technique capable de dépasser rapidement et imprévisiblement des limites de pensée et d’action que semblaient infranchissables. Il s’agit alors d’arriver a programmer des cartes cognitives capables de se évoluer et respectueuses du principe d’un savoir ouverte aux défis de la nouvelle mondialisation et d’une l’innovation permanente. Cartes capables de restructurer l’organisation des compétences et de faire face aux défis du notre temps, et à la complexité des aspects des dynamiques économiques actuelles
Este artículo revisa y discute las observaciones del profesor Maxi Nieto sobre algunos temas importantes de la moderna teoría del socialismo. En particular, su interpretación del argumento contra la “posibilidad” del cálculo económico sin derechos de propiedad privada desarrollado por la nueva generación de autores de la escuela austriaca. Centra la atención en cuestiones metodológicas para resaltar las deficiencias teóricas de algunas de las principales ideas defendidas por Nieto. También analiza su propuesta del ciber-comunismo como alternativa para superar el desafío del cálculo económico a través de las nuevas tecnologías de la información y la comunicación. Argumenta que su análisis es superficial y que el desafío de los austriacos sobre la imposibilidad del socialismo sigue siendo sólido.
Cette recherche traite des mutations contemporaines de la peine à partir de l'hypothèse foucaldienne de l'avènement de la gouvernementalité néolibérale. Le néolibéralisme semble reposer sur le déclin des techniques disciplinaires de pouvoir, telles que décrites en particulier par Foucault (Surveiller et punir). Il fait rupture avec l'autorité monopolistique, avec le pouvoir direct sur les corps, avec la fixation institutionnelle des individus. Or le pouvoir disciplinaire entretenait chez Foucault un lien privilégié avec l'institution carcérale : la prison, c'est l'archétype disciplinaire. Si bien que la mise en question de ce modèle disciplinaire général du pouvoir par l'avènement de la gouvernementalité néolibérale implique une réinterrogation du système pénal, qui s'est présentée par l'entremise d'un problème-prison. Si la prison pose problème aujourd'hui, si le système pénal se réforme autour de la critique de la prison, c'est parce que la prison est devenue un archaïsme visible, une forme désuète de l'art de gouverner les comportements humains, et ce malgré la permanence et l'accélération de l'enfermement. La prison constitue ainsi un problème stratégique de cette transition des formes de gouvernement : le néolibéralisme s'éclaire dans son exercice contre les murs, et hors des murs du carcéral ; il éclaire en retour le mouvement contemporain de contestation critique et de transformation effective des fonctions pénales générales : la régulation pénale et les peines ouvertes dites de réinsertion. De sorte qu'un dispositif de pouvoir contemporain distinct puisse être appréhendé.
Il rapporto tra anziani e tecnologie gioca ormai un ruolo cruciale negli studi sull’invecchiamento attivo. Il saggio affronta il tema della capacitazione e della socializzazione igitale tra i componenti della società in età avanzata attraverso l’analisi comparata dei profili sociologici di un campione di soggetti di età compresa tra i 61 e 90 anni in tre città metropolitane italiane: Milano, Napoli, Roma.
I risultati dell’analisi enfatizzano il ruolo dell’alfabetizzazione digitale ed il supporto delle reti sociali nel processo di capacitazione digitale. Più che l’influenza di specifiche politiche attive i processi di alfabetizzazione digitale avvengono grazie all’inclusione degli anziani all’interno delle proprie reti con il supporto di alcuni attori centrali.
O texto desenvolve um painel conceitual da modernidade, entendida como uma consciência histórica que articula promessas e discursos de emancipação (progresso, razão, etc.) tensionados em sua efetivação. Revisito algumas chaves teóricas a fim de articular a teoria social às linhas de força que constituem parâmetros capazes de balizar temas como a razão instrumental, a crítica, a autonomização das relações de mercado, o novo e a técnica. A modernidade não é apenas uma descrição da estrutura social, mas uma atitude em relação aos valores e aos ritmos históricos de transformação. Ao instituir um terreno normativo em que os valores são legitimados e tensionadas pela experiência histórica, soçobram os impasses de um projeto inacabado que permanece no horizonte da crise contemporânea. Abstract: This paper offers a conceptual framework that deals with modernity, conceived as a historical consciousness that comprises discourses of emancipation (progress, reason, etc.) that are tensioned in their effort at actualization. The paper discusses the main approaches of social theory with themes like instrumental reason, critique, the autonomization of market relations, the new and technique. Modernity is not only a description of the social structure, but rather it is embedded in an attitude regarding values and the historical pace of transformations. With the institution of a normative terrain where values are legitimated and tensioned in light of the historical experience, the impasses of an unfinished project remain on the horizon of the contemporary crisis. Keywords: Modernity. Critique. Crisis. Transition. Social change.
This chapter is structured in terms of the two terms, reform and then opening-up, and book-ended by the two related topics of collective-individual and ‘one country, two systems’. The chapter opens with the dialectical relation between collective and individual, as it was manifested in the ‘household responsibility system [lianchandaohu]’. From there, the main section on reform deals with the dialectical process of deepening reform, the need to see reform in the context of revolution, and how the many problems of ‘wild 90s’ were incidental rather than systemic and would be solved by the dialectic of reform itself. The section on opening-up deals with the contradiction of engaging with developed capitalist countries while maintaining self-reliance, sovereignty, and thus China’s socialist project. This reality leads to a recalibration of class analysis: internally, the focus is on non-antagonistic relations between classes under socialism (including the rural and urban workers who have been lifted out of poverty and make up a new ‘middle-income’ group). Externally, class conflict continues, now in terms of the efforts by some capitalist states to ‘scold’ or even ‘contain’ the ‘threat’ of socialist countries like China. The chapter concludes with a final example of contradiction analysis: Deng Xiaoping’s breakthrough policy of ‘one country, two systems’. The two systems are socialism on the mainland and capitalism in Hong Kong, Macao, and Taiwan—all of them contained within one country where the socialist system dominates.
1846 yılında Marx’la Proudhon arasında çok anlamlı bir mektuplaşma gerçekleşir. Bu mektuplaşma sonucu Marx’ın Proudhon’a duyduğu hayranlık nefrete dönüşür. Marx’la Engels’in, Avrupa düzeyinde etkinliklerini dağınık biçimde sürdüren sosyalist ve komünist hareketler arasında oluşturmaya çalıştıkları dayanışma örgütü girişimlerine Proudhon çok mesafeli kalmıştır. Çalışmamız, Fransız düşünürün bu tutumunun Marx’ın Proudhon’u, özellikle onun Sefaletin Felsefesi kitabını okumasını nasıl etkilediği üzerine bir sorgulamadır. Marx’ın Sefaletin Felsefesi’ne yönelttiği eleştiriler, bilimsel yaklaşımın ne olması gerektiği konusunda önemli çözümlemeler içerir.
This chapter is an overview of society under capitalism. Building on the discussion on Marx’s critique of political economy, the author provides a detailed analysis of Marx’s writings on different phenomena ranging from capital to wages, from surplus labour to accumulation. The chapter’s focus is on labour, alienation, and accumulation and their relations within capitalism. It shows how capitalist production develops with contradictions which are constantly surmounted but are also constantly posited. The discussions in this chapter lay the theoretical and conceptual groundwork for the chapters that follow.
As the title suggests, this chapter looks at capitalism as a transitional society that produces within it the contradictions that give rise to the future society. It starts by looking at the double existence of capital and discusses the role of credit, stock companies, and workers’ cooperatives in capitalism. Then, the author shows how the new society of the future, the Association of free and equal individuals, is a product of history that should not be mistaken as naturally given or as dependent on the arbitrary will of individuals. After a discussion of private property and the relation between the labourer and the conditions of labour in the transitional society, the chapter concludes by focusing on the process of production and exploitation as contributing to the genesis of the new society.
This chapter focuses on the “social individual” in the new society. It analyzes the situation of the individual in the new society, following from the three stages in the evolution of the human society according to Marx. The author brings together earlier themes such as labour, production, and alienation to fully analyze how Marx envisaged the future society, or communism, or socialism, in his master work, Capital. The main argument of the chapter is that through the appropriation of the “means of labour” by the collective body of the freely associated individuals, the “reunion” takes place, which, once established, allows the human to be personally and materially independent, abolishing the former, alienated, fragmented individual.
La philosophie des Lumières considérait le savoir comme un moyen d’émancipation : l’instruction permet aux opprimés d’acquérir les compétences intellectuelles pour se libérer des dominations. L’époque moderne fait du savoir une fin : il serait émancipateur car il donne de la société une connaissance vraie qui est émancipatrice en elle-même et par elle-même. Dans les deux cas se trouve occultée la question de l’appropriation du savoir, autrement dit de la pédagogie. Dans la mesure où savoir et rapport au savoir ne sont pas dissociables, les modalités pédagogiques de sa transmission ne sont plus secondaires ; selon les choix qu’elles opèrent, elles seront ou non émancipatrices. En ce sens elles ne se distinguent pas de l’éthique professionnelle des enseignants.
A revisão que será desenvolvida a seguir foi identificada diante do contraste teórico no tratamento do conceito de “progresso” nos escritos de Adorno e Max Weber, respectivamente, no texto de 1962 “Fortschritt” (Progresso) e no texto de 1917, “Sobre o sentido da Wertfreiheit nas ciências econômicas e sociológicas”. Pretende-se comparar as abordagens destacando os diferentes recursos teóricos empregados, identificando diferenças nos usos conceituais da teoria tradicional e da teoria crítica. O contraste teórico ficará mais nítido quando comparados os exemplos da história da arte tomados pelos dois autores. Weber utilizava um critério geral para equiparar as obras musicais às pinturas, Adorno pressupunha algo distinto seguindo o mesmo referencial, o progresso técnico.
In questo contributo vengono presentati i primi risultati di un progetto partecipativo messo a punto dal Dipartimento di scienze della formazione, scienze umane e della comunicazione interculturale dell’Università di Siena insieme ad alcuni attori sociali del territorio: si tratta di un’esperienza locale che ha visto l’Università incentivare la propria missione civica e sociale riappropriandosi in modo cooperativo dei suoi spazi. Il Dipartimento, localizzato ad Arezzo in una posizione centrale, a due minuti dalla stazione ferroviaria e prossimo alla piazza principale della città, cuore pulsante del centro urbano, si trova all’interno del Parco del Pionta. Nel Parco è stato a lungo operante l’Ospedale psichiatrico cittadino (1901-1990) e solo dopo la sua chiusura le strutture sono state adibite a spazio universitario (Baioni, Setaro 2017): l’area è stata occupata prima dalla facoltà di Lettere e filosofia e nel 2013 dal Dipartimento. Partendo dalla considerazione che il territorio è un sistema relazionale complesso e aperto (Magnaghi 2000), l’Università ha cercato di pianificare diverse attività: in quest’ottica si è impegnata a rigenerare socialmente ed ecologicamente gli spazi, intendendo per rigenerazione quell’insieme di misure concertate a più livelli, volte a intervenire sulle aree degradate nell’ottica di promuovere lo sviluppo non solo dell’area interessata ma del territorio locale (Armano, Dondona, Ferlaino 2018).
In traditional Marxism, domination and exploitation constitute two distinct processes that, in turn, belong to two different spheres of social reality. This essay attempts to show that within the capitalist mode of production, like those modes that preceded it, domination is in fact the primary relation and is located at the very base of relations of exploitation. Indeed, exploitation only occurs when a minority determines the use of surplus labor. Moreover, the degree of exploitation depends on the level of mastery over the labor force, which is in turn an effect of the balance of forces between the worker and the owner of the means of production.
Resumo Este artigo tem por objetivo discutir as relações entre algumas contribuições consagradas dentro da teoria urbana, fazendo um contraponto lefebvriano ao problema da cidade e da transformação radical da sociedade. Ao tratar do tema do urbanismo, do papel das ideologias e dos novos movimentos sociais, foi empreendido um esforço de postular a validade da problemática de Marx para os dias atuais e de discutir a programática da transição para o comunismo tendo como horizonte uma nova “sociedade urbana” e tendo em conta também o problema do direito. Sob a rubrica do comum, o texto busca trazer alguns autores (neo) marxistas que retomam esste conceito e indicar de que modo uma interpretação não economicista da obra marxiana permite vislumbrar novos caminhos revolucionários.
Marxist political economy quite often refers to the “accumulation of capital” as if it were a transparent concept, easily understood from Marx’s work. The problem is that the concept has not broken from Marx’s predecessors when mentioning accumulation, even though it must be understood with class clearly in mind, not means of production, not constant capital. Further, Marx had stated in Capital that he was offering an understanding of a world that is fully capitalist. Yet his discussion of accumulation suggests that more wage-laborers would be involved, in addition to more constant capital. And Luxemburg discussed the implications of expansion of wage-labor employment being fundamentally involved in the accumulation of capital. Thus, there are contradictions in Marx needing to be examined. For example, how does value as a concept work in a theoretical environment in which non-capitalist environments are being penetrated by capital.
Juggling with the merits and flaws of Marx and his followers, Schumpeter seems to be acting as an impartial judge, especially since he eliminates the extreme arguments of both the Marxists and their opponents. His technique seeks to make his position unassailable from either side of the debate. Although he recognizes several merits to the economic conceptions of Marx, Schumpeter points out several limits of orthodox Marxists which only confirm his critical position towards Marxism. A careful reading of Schumpeter’s commentary on Marxism reveals many points in common between himself and Marx. For Schumpeter as for Marx, capitalism is a transitory and historically limited social mode of production. Unlike most Marxists, who merely repeated ideological slogans from the works of Marx, Schumpeter believed he had discovered the true reasons behind capitalism’s demise. With his critique of Marxism, Schumpeter did not wish to diminish the merit of its founder, but rather to save what he thought was valuable in the doctrine of Marx.
A presente contribuição inscreve-se no debate sobre a pesquisa de fundamentos explicativos para a dinâmica histórica dos modos de produção, em particular sobre a emergência do capitalismo. Esta questão é estudada no âmbito do debate interno do marxismo analítico. Enquanto Cohen elabora uma teoria da história fundada no desenvolvimento das forças produtivas, completada pela análise de Roemer articulada pela teoria da escolha racional, Brenner propõe uma historiografia mais empírica fundada na racionalidade dos atores. O artigo defende a possibilidade de uma complementaridade entre essas interpretações.
This article aims to examining the meaning of the political in Karl Marx’s thought from the perspective of Carl Schmitt’s interpretation. While on one hand the German jurist considers that Marxism subsumes political problems under economical issues, on the other hand he stresses that Marx thought politics through the deepening of the antagonism and dictatorship of the proletariat. However, for Schmitt, these two elements of the political in Marx are built based on the Hegelian logic of history. In this paper, I discuss this Hegelian legacy in Marx’s political thought and suggest an alternative to think politics appealing to “practical materialism”, in which contingent action that stems from human coexistence is accentuated.
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