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Relative Effects of Forward and Backward Planning on Goal Pursuit

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Abstract

Considerable research has shown that planning plays an important role in goal pursuit. But how does the way people plan affect goal pursuit? Research on this question is scarce. In the current research, we examined how planning the steps required for goal attainment in chronological order (i.e., forward planning) and reverse chronological order (i.e., backward planning) influences individuals' motivation for and perceptions of goal pursuit. Compared with forward planning, backward planning not only led to greater motivation, higher goal expectancy, and less time pressure but also resulted in better goal-relevant performance. We further demonstrated that this motivational effect occurred because backward planning allowed people to think of tasks required to reach their goals more clearly, especially when goals were complex to plan. These findings suggest that the way people plan matters just as much as whether or not they plan.

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... According to Rahim [12] greater complexity makes it harder for small set of decision-makers to get sufficient information to make decisions within a reasonable timeframe Furthermore, Hibbard et al. [13], Jia et al. [14] and Zsambok et al. [15], showed that the degree of complexity and the number of trade-offs that can be integrated into decision-making is basic to understanding how individuals make decisions. Park et al. [16] show that goal complexity and goal pursuit are negatively related in such a way that the motivation to pursue a goal decreases as the complexity of the plan increases. Grant et al. [17] suggest that the simpler the decision-making process is, the higher the benefit for the organization. ...
... To analyze perceived complexity differences, we used the analytic hierarchy process (AHP), which is designed for relative measurement [25]. According to Saaty, "the ultimate scope of the AHP is that of using pairwise comparisons between alternatives as inputs, to produce a rating of alternatives" [16]. The eigenvector enabled us to derive the priority scale of values from a matrix of comparisons. ...
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The proposed study examines the notion that software project managers do not necessarily choose the optimal Gantt chart while planning a software project. This suboptimal choice is biased by psychological perceptions of complexity, as well as by perceptions of risk level (anxiety). We claim that since the optimal plan is naturally more complex, the perceived complexity of Gantt charts influences project managers’ decisions and, when possible, causes them to avoid it. We assume that a “complexity adjustment” algorithm that would enable project managers to adjust the complexity of the Gantt chart to the required level of complexity will allow the manager to choose from among all relevant possible plans the one that meets project’s constraints, while the structural relationships between plan’ work units are at the level of complexity preferred by the manager (e.g., preference for serial activities over parallel ones). Such “feature” will enable managers to adjust the required level of complexity according to work-related anxiety levels. To assist in defining the research question and the relevant manipulations, a pre-test examined the perceived complexity of different basic relationships between work units (serial vs. parallel) and the perceived level of work-related anxiety.
... Insights about the meaning of personal history can be further increased by using philosophical and cultural insights to analyze the meaning to be gained by wisely contributing to broader societal and world needs. Having this wider perspective increases the flexibility to use both forward and backward planning (Park et al., 2017). This perspective helps to avoid unproductive paths, which often are revealed by difficulties in planning action steps when experiencing a block. ...
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... Planning order has been found to be critical to achieving targets in numerous studies. Park et al. (2017) investigated how the steps required for planning in chronological order (i.e., Forward Planning) and reverse chronological order (i.e., Backward Planning) affect target pursuit. It has been argued that Backward Planning can generate distinctive insights and perspectives not available in traditional Forward Planning, thereby allowing decision-makers to focus on information that would otherwise be overlooked. ...
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... The most important consideration in goalsetting is that the beginning is not the starting point. Backward planning results in higher motivation and better performance (Park, Lu & Hedgcock, 2017; U.S. Department of the Army, 2015). Start with the end goal and work backwards, from end to beginning, to outline the steps needed for goal achievement. ...
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... Plans can be simple, such as if-then implementation intentions (Gollwitzer, 1996), or complex, such as a conservation plan for how to save the red panda species from extinction (Glatston, 1994). Mental simulation can occur as forward planning, starting with the step closest to the present, or as backward planning, starting from the step closest to the goal (Park et al., 2017). In all these different forms of planning, simenb1996@gmail.com ...
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... ‫و‬ ‫متعددة‬ ‫إيجابية‬ ‫نفسية‬ ‫اتج‬ ‫نو‬ ‫للتخطيط‬ ، ‫منها‬ ‫يعزز‬ ‫تكيفي‬ ‫نشاط‬ ‫أنه‬ ‫ة‬ ‫المستقر‬ ‫غير‬ ‫الخارجية‬ ‫امل‬ ‫العو‬ ‫مختلف‬ ‫تجاه‬ ‫نة‬ ‫المر‬ ‫الفعل‬ ‫ردود‬ (Michael, et al, 2001) ، ‫المسار‬ ‫على‬ ‫نفسه‬ ‫لوضع‬ ‫الذاتية‬ ‫الفرد‬ ‫تهيئة‬ ‫على‬ ‫يعمل‬ ‫أنه‬ ‫كما‬ ‫السلبية‬ ‫النتائج‬ ‫وتجنب‬ ‫المرجوة‬ ‫النتائج‬ ‫و‬ ‫األهداف‬ ‫تحقيق‬ ‫أجل‬ ‫من‬ ‫الصحيح‬ ( Hallgeir & Roy, 2018 .) ‫ك‬ ‫إلى‬ ‫الفرد‬ ‫ميل‬ ‫من‬ ‫التقليل‬ ‫على‬ ‫التخطيط‬ ‫يعمل‬ ‫ما‬ ‫الوقت‬ ‫إهدار‬ ، ‫المهام‬ ‫استكمال‬ ‫في‬ ‫التسويف‬ ‫وعدم‬ ، ‫دور‬ ‫يؤدى‬ ‫أنه‬ ‫عن‬ ‫فضال‬ ‫أفضل‬ ‫بشكل‬ ‫المهام‬ ‫أداء‬ ‫اجل‬ ‫من‬ ‫التردد‬ ‫وعدم‬ ‫ام‬ ‫االلتز‬ ‫و‬ ‫الذاتي‬ ‫الضبط‬ (Park, et al , 2017) . ‫الرضا‬ ‫تحقق‬ ‫التي‬ ‫امل‬ ‫العو‬ ‫من‬ ‫التخطيط‬ ‫يعد‬ ‫ذلك‬ ‫إلى‬ ‫باإلضافة‬ ‫ليوت‬ ‫ا‬ ‫و‬ ‫شيلدون‬ ‫اسة‬ ‫در‬ ‫أشارت‬ ‫المثال‬ ‫سبيل‬ ‫فعلي‬ ‫السعادة‬ ‫و‬ (Sheldon & Elliott,1999) ‫الرضا‬ ‫مصادر‬ ‫أحد‬ ‫تعد‬ ‫أهداف‬ ‫تحديد‬ ‫علي‬ ‫الفرد‬ ‫ة‬ ‫قدر‬ ‫إلى‬ ، ‫وشارك‬ ‫وسميث‬ ‫كاسر‬ ‫و‬ ‫شليدون‬ ‫من‬ ‫كل‬ ‫اسة‬ ‫در‬ ‫وتوصلت‬ (Sheldon, Kasser, Smith & Share,2002) ‫تون‬ ‫وهيثر‬ ‫وكوتس‬ ‫أندوي‬ ‫و‬ (Andrew, Coates & Hetherton, 2008) ‫تون‬ ‫بار‬ ‫اسة‬ ‫ودر‬ ( Barton, 2009 (Shinobu, Park, Heiwa, Jennifer, Hazel, Carol, Love & Christopher, 2018) Garcia, et,al,2013, Cloninger: ,Lee, & Chae, 2015, Dinica, , Demenescu, ,Lord, Krause, Kaiser, & Horn, 2015, Müller, Panksepp, & Kiefer ,2016 (Gallagher, 2014, Pedrelli, Nyer, David, Jonathan, Holt, Bril, Alert, Fisher, Maurizio & Farabaugh,2015 Reed, Bruch & Haase, 2004, Rogers, Creed & Glendon, 2008, Fayga & Kamal, 2011 .) ...
... Both individuals and organizations might use the process model to "backward plan" (Park, Lu, & Hedgcock, 2017), beginning with the specification of behavior change goals, then identifying the appraisals that would lead to such goals, the attentional processes that would make those appraisals more likely, and, finally, the situational features that would give rise to those perceptions. Relatedly, we recommend conducting a behavior change "premortem" (Klein, 2007)-vividly imagining a future in which behavior did not change and then identifying likely failures at each stage in the process model. ...
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Despite rapid growth in the empirical research on behavior change, modern science has yet to produce a coherent set of recommendations for individuals and organizations eager to align everyday actions with enduringly valued goals. We propose the process model of behavior change as a parsimonious framework for organizing strategies according to where they have their primary impact in the generation of behavioral impulses. To begin, individuals exist in objective situations, only certain features of which attract attention, which in turn lead to subjective appraisals, then finally give rise to response tendencies. Unhealthy habits develop when conflicting impulses are consistently resolved in favor of momentary temptations instead of valued goals. To change behavior for the better, we can strategically modify objective situations, where we pay attention, how we construct appraisals, and how we enact responses. Crucially, behavior change strategies can be initiated either by the individual (i.e., self-control) or by others (e.g., a benevolent employer).
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Even though planning is generally helpful in goal pursuit, people do not always choose to plan. The inclination to plan might depend on whether we focus on what we seek to approach or what we seek to avoid. In two pre-registered experiments, we tested the relative effect of approach versus avoidance motivation on willingness to plan (total N=1349). With outcome framing as the experimental manipulation, participants were randomly assigned to either an approach or an avoidance condition, and then indicated their willingness to plan their study activities before an upcoming exam. Contrary to predictions, the results showed no significant difference in willingness to plan depending on condition in either experiment. There was mixed support for the importance of anticipated affect and perceived distance as process mechanisms: While Experiment 1 showed that participants who experienced the day of the exam as closer in time were more willing to plan their study preparations (regardless of condition), we found no mediational effects through perceived distance or anticipated affect. In Experiment 2, anticipated affect intensity mediated the association between motivation and willingness to plan, where participants induced to approach motivation predicted greater intensity of anticipated affect upon achieving their goals, and thus were more willing to plan than participants induced to avoidance motivation. However, such mediation effects without a main effect remain ambiguous and should be interpreted with caution. Seen as a whole, the results suggest that the effect of different motivation types on the willingness to plan may be different than previously thought: They may not influence this aspect of goal striving.
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The theoretical distinction between goal intentions ("I intend to achieve -c") and implementation intentions ("I intend to perform goal-directed behavior y when I encounter situation z"; P. M. Gollwitzer, 1993) is explored by assessing the completion rate of various goal projects. In correlational Study 1, difficult goal intentions were completed about 3 times more often when participants had furnished them with implementation intentions. In experimental Study 2, all participants were assigned the same difficult goal intention, and half were instructed to form implementation intentions. The beneficial effects of implementation intentions paralleled diose of Study 1. In experimental Study 3, implementation intentions were observed to facilitate the immediate initiation of goaldirected action when the intended opportunity was encountered. Implementation intentions are interpreted to be powerful self-regulatory tools for overcoming the typical obstacles associated with the initiation of goal-directed actions.
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The present study tested a model explaining how the core self-evaluations (i.e., positive self-regard) concept is linked to job and life satisfaction. The self-concordance model, which focuses on motives underlying goal pursuit, was used as an explanatory framework. Data were collected from 2 samples: (a) 183 university students (longitudinal measures of goal attainment and life satisfaction were used) and (b) 251 employees (longitudinal measures of goal attainment and job satisfaction were utilized). In both studies, the core self-evaluations concept was positively related to goal self-concordance, meaning that individuals with positive self-regard were more likely to pursue goals for intrinsic and identified (value-congruent) reasons. Furthermore, in both studies, goal self-concordance was related to satisfaction (job satisfaction in Study 1 and life satisfaction in Study 2).
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The authors propose and test a model of multiple-goal pursuit that specifies how individuals allocate effort among multiple goals over time. The model predicts that whether individuals decide to step up effort, coast, abandon the current goal, or switch to pursue another goal is determined jointly by the emotions that flow from prior goal progress and the proximity to future goal attainment, and proximally determined by changes in expectancies about goal attainment. Results from a longitudinal diary study and 2 experiments show that positive and negative goal-related emotions can have diametrically opposing effects on goal-directed behavior, depending on the individual's proximity to goal attainment. The findings resolve contrasting predictions about the influence of positive and negative emotions in volitional behavior, critically amend the goal gradient hypothesis, and provide new insights into the dynamics and determinants of multiple-goal pursuit.
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The current research examined the self-enhancement, motivational, and behavioral implications of subjective distance to future goals. Study 1 revealed that students felt subjectively closer in time to anticipated success than to expected failure on a midterm, which may refect a self-protective mechanism keeping self-threats at bay. Additionally, those who felt more distant from the exam performed more poorly (controlling for expectations). Conceivably, increased psychological distance, while self-protective, might also reduce goal pursuit motivation. In Study 2, frst-year students who were induced to feel close to their graduation reported greater academic motivation than those induced to feel far from graduation. In Study 3, we examined a model of how distancing predicts motivation, which subsequently promotes goal-oriented behavior. Participants who felt close to an upcoming aptitude test were more motivated to prepare for and to perform well on the test, and in turn, practiced more for the test.
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The concepts of goal and intention have not been adequately differentiated in the work motivation and goal-setting literatures. As discussed in theories of intentional behavior (Ajzen, 1985; Fishbein & Ajzen, 1975; Kuhl, 1985; Ryan, 1970), intention is a cognitive representation of both means and end, and, thus, is a broader concept than goal. It is argued here that an examination of the nature and role of intentions in the motivational process helps clarify several issues in the work motivation literature, including the process by which assigned goals influence behavior.
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Retrospective thinking occurs whenever one remembers something from the past, but one can also think retrospectively about hypothetical future events, by imagining that the event has already transpired and then working backward in the mind from the future toward the present. Designers, artists, planners, and other creative individuals utilize retrospective thinking when they mentally envision the object they wish to create and then thinkabout how it might be constructed. Some theorists and some previous research have suggested that forward and backward thinking are different cognitive processes, but there has been little investigation on the nature of these differences. This article examines the literature and describes a laboratory study designed to investigate retrospective thinking as a technique for increased idea generation. Subjects (n=64) were professional planners and managers with an average business experience of over 20 years. In a planning task, significantly more ideas were generated in the retrospective thinking mode than in the prospective mode, but the ideas were not found to be of greater quality. Evidence emerged that a subset of subjects were better able to make use of the retrospective technique, suggesting that selection along with training may be appropriate for the technique's mosteffective use.
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This paper presents a cognitive model of the planning process. The model generalizes the theoretical architecture of the Hearsay-II system. Thus, it assumes that planning comprises the activities of a variety of cognitive “specialists.” Each specialist can suggest certain kinds of decisions for incorporation into the plan in progress. These include decisions about: (a) how to approach the planning problem; (b) what knowledge bears on the problem; (c) what kinds of actions to try to plan; (d) what specific actions to plan; and (e) how to allocate cognitive resources during planning. Within each of these categories, different specialists suggest decisions at different levels of abstraction. The activities of the various specialists are not coordinated in any systematic way. Instead, the specialists operate opportunistically, suggesting decisions whenever promising opportunities arise. The paper presents a detailed account of the model and illustrates its assumptions with a “thinking aloud” protocol. It also describes the performance of a computer simulation of the model. The paper contrasts the proposed model with successive refinement models and attempts to resolve apparent differences between the two points of view.
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People tend to underestimate how long it will take to complete tasks. We suggest that one reason people commit this planning fallacy is that they do not naturally “unpack” multifaceted tasks (e.g., writing a manuscript) into subcomponents (completing the literature review, general discussion, references section, etc.) when making predictions. We tested this interpretation by asking participants to estimate how long it would take them to complete one of several tasks: holiday shopping in Experiment 1, “getting ready” for a date in Experiment 2, formatting a document in Experiments 3 and 5, and preparing food in Experiment 4. Participants prompted to unpack the task provided longer—and, in Experiments 3–4, less biased—estimates of how long the task would take than did participants who did not. Experiment 5 showed that the debiasing influence of unpacking is moderated by task complexity: the more multifaceted the task, the greater the influence of unpacking.
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Sustainable development is a highly complex problem area, which will probably call for major changes of industrialized societies in the long run. How could futures studies contribute to a policy forming process directed to these problems? And what kind of knowledge about the future is most needed? It is argued that a backcasting approach, due to its problem-solving character, is well suited to these kinds of long-term problems. Fundamental theoretical assumptions behind backcasting are traced. One conclusion is that the merits of backcasting should be judged in the context of discovery rather than in the context of justification. Also, if one is inclined to see teleology as a specific form of understanding, beside causality, then backcasting becomes interesting. Backcasting studies typically aim at providing policy makers and an interested general public with images of the future as a background for opinion forming and decisions.
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Mental simulation provides a window on the future by enabling people to envision possibilities and develop plans for bringing those possibilities about. In moving oneself from a current situation toward an envisioned future one, the anticipation and management of emotions and the initiation and maintenance of problem-solving activities are fundamental tasks. In the program of research described in this article, mental simulation of the process for reaching a goal or of the dynamics of an unfolding stressful event produced progress in achieving those goals or resolving those events. Envisioning successful completion of a goal or resolution of a stressor--recommendations derived from the self-help literature--did not. Discussion centers on the characteristics of effective and ineffective mental simulations and their relation to self-regulatory processes.
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Typescript. Thesis (Ph. D.)--Stanford University, 1983. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 307-328). Photocopy.
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Researchers often conduct mediation analysis in order to indirectly assess the effect of a proposed cause on some outcome through a proposed mediator. The utility of mediation analysis stems from its ability to go beyond the merely descriptive to a more functional understanding of the relationships among variables. A necessary component of mediation is a statistically and practically significant indirect effect. Although mediation hypotheses are frequently explored in psychological research, formal significance tests of indirect effects are rarely conducted. After a brief overview of mediation, we argue the importance of directly testing the significance of indirect effects and provide SPSS and SAS macros that facilitate estimation of the indirect effect with a normal theory approach and a bootstrap approach to obtaining confidence intervals, as well as the traditional approach advocated by Baron and Kenny (1986). We hope that this discussion and the macros will enhance the frequency of formal mediation tests in the psychology literature. Electronic copies of these macros may be downloaded from the Psychonomic Society's Web archive at www.psychonomic.org/archive/.
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Two studies explored whether perfectionism moderates the impact of implementation intentions on goal progress. Study 1 used an implementation intention manipulation to examine the effects of these plans in interaction with perfectionism on the progress of New Year's resolutions. Study 2 added a repeated implementation intention condition and monitored affect and monthly goal progress. The results of both studies revealed a significant backfire effect of the implementation intentions on goal progress for participants high on a particular dimension of perfectionism (socially prescribed perfectionism). These perfectionists reported doing significantly worse at reaching their personal goals when they were asked to formulate implementation intentions than when they completed a control exercise. There also was evidence that implementation planning aroused negative affect for socially prescribed perfectionists. These results are the first to suggest that implementation planning may be contra-indicated for individuals with self-critical tendencies.
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Corruption in the public sector erodes tax compliance and leads to higher tax evasion. Moreover, corrupt public officials abuse their public power to extort bribes from the private agents. In both types of interaction with the public sector, the private agents are bound to face uncertainty with respect to their disposable incomes. To analyse effects of this uncertainty, a stochastic dynamic growth model with the public sector is examined. It is shown that deterministic excessive red tape and corruption deteriorate the growth potential through income redistribution and public sector inefficiencies. Most importantly, it is demonstrated that the increase in corruption via higher uncertainty exerts adverse effects on capital accumulation, thus leading to lower growth rates.
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Systematic errors in performance are an important aspect of human behavior that have not received adequate explanation. One such systematic error is termed post-completion error; a typical example is leaving one's card in the automatic teller after withdrawing cash. This type of error seems to occur when people have an extra step to perform in a procedure after the main goal has been satisfied. The fact that people frequently make this type of error, but do not make this error every time, may best be explained by considering the working memory load at the time the step is to be performed: the error is made when the load on working memory is high, but will not be made when the load is low. A model of performance in the task was constructed using Just and Carpenter's (1992) CAPS that predicted that high working memory load should be associated with post-completion errors. Two experiments confirmed that such errors can be produced in a laboratory as well as a naturalistic setting, and tha...
Time in perspective: A Psychology Today survey report
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A cognitive model of planning
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