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Punk and counterculture: The case of rumah api Kuala Lumpur
Abstract
Punk subculture is rooted in alternative music and fashion yet it has a strong tradition of anti-establishment politics and opposition to the dominant capitalist system. Thus many countries, Malaysia especially, regard punk culture negatively, as it is considered a form of moral deviation. This article aims to balance that view by connecting punk with positive political action. This article focuses on Rumah Api, the main base for the punk community in Kuala Lumpur, and a site recognised by the Malaysian and overseas punk community. Symbolic of subculture, cultural non-conformity, and counterculture, Rumah Api can be understood as an expression of opposition to authority and capitalism. Its role as a symbol of counterculture also serves as a method by which to build individual and collective identity. Research on Rumah Api therefore provides insight into how punk subculture empowers the inner-self, but also the political, economic and social contexts that underpin our society. The political actions of the Rumah Api community are seemingly influenced by the principle of “do-it-yourself” (DIY), anarchy, and freedom. However the Rumah Api community direct their energies into positive socio-political campaigns, not morally subversive activities. This can be seen in organised activities such as the Really, Really Free Market, Food Not Bombs, campaigns against the Highway Sungai Besi-Ulu Kelang (SUKE) development, “Lepak Anarki” and Federasi ANTARA, as well as various workshops, exhibitions and discussions. Small-scale concerts (gigs) have also been held to highlight current issues. Most recently, they have become more active in protests and street demonstrations, for example, which have caught the attention of the authorities. Therefore, this article suggests that Rumah Api epitomises the best example of a punk community that transcends music and fashion.
Slank is a phenomenal Indonesian band that exists today. Its existence in the music industry for more than three decades has given its style to Indonesian music, consistent with the criticisms that represent the voices of some people who are dominant at the bottom or are intimidated. The neatly fragmented social dynamics in each Slank album are like historiography in the form of music. With the postmodernism paradigm and the Poststructuralist approach a la Foucault, this article will examine the relations of power and music in the existence of Slank. Thus finding that 'criticism' is a form of Slank's continuation with its 'exotic' style representing Indonesia which has a lot of cultural blends that always appear arbitrary as a Slank identity to become an aesthetic existence a la Slank, which is a slice of meeting social issues with music that stretches wide
Basic cultural orientations such as Individualism and Collectivism are not static attributes of given societies, but reflect socioeconomic change. Economic development facilitates a shift toward some of the cultural syndromes associated with individualism and away from some of the cultural syndromes associated with collectivism, resulting in increased emphasis on individual freedom-focused values and reduced focus on traditional hierarchies; these cultural shifts are conducive of the emergence and flourishing of democratic institutions. Data from scores of countries demonstrates that Individualism and Collectivism (as measured by Hofstede and Triandis), Autonomy-Embeddness (as measured by Schwartz), and Survival/Self-expression values (as measured by Inglehart) tap a similar underlying construct which reflects the extent to which people give top priority to individual choice, over survival needs. The high correlation between these measures allows for time series
analyses of societal change in cultural syndrome by focusing on change over twenty years in the Inglehart measure. Analyses show that at high levels of economic development, Survival/Self-expression values have increased across generations. We propose one important way that culture changes is under the impact of economic development. Experiencing prosperity minimizes survival concerns, making social values associated with survival less important and allowing for increased focus on social values associated with self-expression and personal choice.
A discussion on the ideological force of Malay vernacular media reportage of the supposedly disjunctive influence of music subcultures (like "black metal music") and regulation of the "morality" of urbanized Malay youths.
This paper explores instances in which popular music captured contesting narratives over the South African border war of the 1970s and 1980s. It is particularly concerned with the use of ‘the border’ as a trope for situating ideological and political contests arising out of the border war and conscription into the South African Defence Force. Popular music was an important means by which such narratives could be expressed. During this period South African musicians coming to terms with various aspects of the war wrote many songs reflecting the trauma of their situation and thereby acted as ‘movement intellectuals’ broadly aligned to the anti-war movement, spearheaded by organisations such as the End Conscription Campaign. This paper especially focuses on those songs that entwined personal experience and sentiments with resistance to the military, characteristic of the left of that time. It is argued that the songs captured the contested nature of borders, the way they shift and can be crossed. The paper demonstrates that even in the face of strong state/military hegemony, localised forms of resistance were formulated through popular music and have impacted on the memory of the border war. The lyrics and music capture the convictions of the time, ensuring that these important narratives are potentially preserved in the collective memory of South Africa's past.
Proposes a theory of social impact specifying the effect of other persons on an individual. According to the theory, when other people are the source of impact and the individual is the target, impact should be a multiplicative function of the strength, immediacy, and number of other people. Furthermore, impact should take the form of a power function, with the marginal effect of the
Nth other person being less than that of the (
N–2)th. When other people stand with the individual as the target of forces from outside the group, impact should be divided such that the resultant is an inverse power function of the strength, immediacy, and number of persons standing together. The author reviews relevant evidence from research on conformity and imitation, stage fright and embarrassment, news interest, bystander intervention, tipping, inquiring for Christ, productivity in groups, and crowding in rats. (27 ref) (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
Recently, there has been a rapid proliferation of scholarship on resistance but little consensus on its definition. In this paper, we review and synthesize the diverse literatures that invoke the concept of resistance. This review illuminates both core elements common to most uses of the concept and two central dimensions on which these uses vary: the questions of whether resistance must be recognized by others and whether it must be intentional. We use these two dimensions to develop a typology of resistance, thereby clarifying both the meaning and sociological utility of this concept.
The third edition of Notes from Underground: Zines and the Politics of Alternative Culture by Stephen Duncombe was published in 2017. The author researches zines as an underground’s mouthpiece, as an opportunity for “losers” who do not fit in to speak up for themselves. According to Duncombe, zines serve as an identity constructor and help to find one’s place through joining a community of like-minded individuals. By deviating from conventional publishing practices, zinesters, following the DIY principle, prefer authenticity to professionalism, creativity to consumption, and the personal to the accepted and popular. Zines, while remaining in the realm of the pre-political, engage in complex relationships with politics as such. The ideology of zines allows one for a continuous questioning of existing cultural norms, never offering fixed politics but always inviting a zinester to remain in a “free space” of exploration. This enables them to evade a consumer culture that threatens to absorb certain underground identities and strategies. New challenges for zines arise from self-publishing and the overall change in communication practices associated with the development of the Internet. The translations of two chapters from the book, presented for the first time in Russian, shed light on fundamental questions about what zines are and what their place is in the modern world.
It is generally agreed that song is the most powerful emotional force of all, capable of stirring people into violent action or dulling them into a state of stupefied numbness. ‘La Carmagnole’ is supposed to have played a crucial part in winning the French Revolution. The ferocious hymn-singing of the Hussites reportedly caused the Crusaders to flee in terror. Songs have given fight to the Kentucky miners in the 1930s and heart to the civil rights demonstrators in the 1960s. Songs have been proscribed as dangerous and kept from the ears of the common people by such exalted authorities as Queen Elizabeth I and the Controller of Radio One.
A bold rethinking of the most powerful political idea in the world—democracy—and the story of how radical democracy can yet transform America
Democracy has been the American religion since before the Revolution—from New England town halls to the multicultural democracy of Atlantic pirate ships. But can our current political system, one that seems responsive only to the wealthiest among us and leaves most Americans feeling disengaged, voiceless, and disenfranchised, really be called democratic? And if the tools of our democracy are not working to solve the rising crises we face, how can we—average citizens—make change happen?
David Graeber, one of the most influential scholars and activists of his generation, takes readers on a journey through the idea of democracy, provocatively reorienting our understanding of pivotal historical moments, and extracts their lessons for today—from the birth of Athenian democracy and the founding of the United States of America to the global revolutions of the twentieth century and the rise of a new generation of activists. Underlying it all is a bracing argument that in the face of increasingly concentrated wealth and power in this country, a reenergized, reconceived democracy—one based on consensus, equality, and broad participation—can yet provide us with the just, free, and fair society we want.
The Democracy Project tells the story of the resilience of the democratic spirit and the adaptability of the democratic idea. It offers a fresh take on vital history and an impassioned argument that radical democracy is, more than ever, our best hope.
This book presents a cultural history of subcultures, covering a remarkable range of subcultural forms and practices. It begins with London's 'Elizabethan underworld', taking the rogue and vagabond as subcultural prototypes: the basis for Marx's later view of subcultures as the lumpenproletariat, and Henry Mayhew's view of subcultures as 'those that will not work'. Subcultures are always in some way non-conforming or dissenting. They are social - with their own shared conventions, values, rituals, and so on - but they can also seem 'immersed' or self-absorbed. This book identifies six key ways in which subcultures have generally been understood: through their often negative relation to work: idle, parasitical, hedonistic, criminal. their negative or ambivalent relation to class. their association with territory - the 'street', the 'hood', the club - rather than property. their movement away from home into non-domestic forms of 'belonging'. their ties to excess and exaggeration (as opposed to restraint and moderation). their refusal of the banalities of ordinary life and in particular, of massification. Subcultures looks at the way these features find expression across many different subcultural groups: from the Ranters to the riot grrrls, from taxi dancers to drag queens and kings, from bebop to hip hop, from dandies to punk, from hobos to leatherfolk, and from hippies and bohemians to digital pirates and virtual communities. It argues that subcultural identity is primarily a matter of narrative and narration, which means that its focus is literary as well as sociological. It also argues for the idea of a subcultural geography: that subcultures inhabit places in particular ways, their investment in them being as much imaginary as real and, in some cases, strikingly utopian.
The study examined the relationship of popular music preferences to individual differences in social judgments and to personality characteristics. Individuals who expressed liking for heavy metal music were higher in machiavellianism and machismo and lower in need for cognition than nonfans. Heavy metal fans also made higher estimates than nonfans of consensus among young people for sexual, drug‐related, occult, and antisocial behaviors and attitudes. Punk rock fans were less accepting of authority than those who disliked this music. Punk fans also estimated higher frequencies than nonfans of antiauthority behaviors such as owning weapons, committing a crime, shoplifting, and going to jail. The results are discussed using interactive and social‐cognitive models for the acquisition of stable social attitudes and personality characteristics.
A two-dimensional model of social response is advocated over the customary unidimensional one, the two dimensions of response being independence and net conformity. An experimental technique is described whereby dyadic social response can be decomposed into two components corresponding to these dimensions. The logic underlying the measures of independence and net conformity is explicated. An experimental illustration is provided which yielded results not accommodated by a unidimensional model. An incidental finding is that degree of liking for partner had no effect on extent of dependence upon partner's judgments. Some variants of the technique are briefly discussed.
Initially, I will suggest that the postmodernist understanding of youth subculture relies on a determinist interpretation of the Centre for Contemporary Cultural Studies (CCCS) position, which denies the immense diversity in the CCCS theorization that draws on Barthes, Gramsci, Althusser, Levi-Strauss and Lacan. I shall critically examine the development of postmodern subcultural theory, which is premised on the work of three key social theorists: Max Weber, Jean Baudrillard and Michel Maffesoli. Postmodernists have extracted ideas from these thinkers and combined them to argue against what is described as CCCS' 'theoretical orthodoxy' and also to construct new terms such as 'neotribe' and 'lifestyle' to replace the concept of subculture. I suggest that postmodernism's reluctance to focus on social structure promotes an individualistic understanding of the social. The work of the Chicago School and the CCCS gave priority to the collective, whereas postmodern subcultural writing is preoccupied with the individual resulting in a weak understanding of the group context of youth cultural practices. The postmodern interventions offer some useful critical insights, but their new theorization lacks substance and critical application to young people's social, economic and cultural realities. Furthermore, I will argue that under postmodern analysis, subculture returns to a conservative Mertonian interpretation of individual adaptation that corresponds to recent political neo-liberal economic and social policies. I will demonstrate that a contradiction is apparent between the postmodern dismissal of the CCCS' model of resistance and their own argument that youth are engaged in creative and emancipatory activities.
Cet article propose une etude sur un mouvement de creation musicale appele Indaba, entre 1960 et 1990, qui eut une forte influence sur le cours de l'histoire de l'Afrique du Sud, notamment sur le passage de l'apartheid a la democratie. Le terme zulu Indaba signifie la reunion democratique qui a pour objectif le consensus de tous ses membres. L'A. replace la musique Indaba dans l'histoire des musiques populaires d'Afrique du Sud, etudie son emergence, son style syncretique, ses caracteristiques de sous-culture, puis les liens entre cette manifestation artistique, la resistance et la protestation contre l'apartheid.
Presents an introduction to social psychology theory and research, emphasizing more recent work and findings than earlier, classic material. Topics include attraction, liking, social influence, imitation and social learning, sexual behavior, the measurement and acquisition of attitudes, social exchange, and environmental influences on social behavior. (281/2 p ref) (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
Largely ignored by scholars of world politics, the global punk rock scene provides a fruitful basis for exploring the multiple circuits of exchange and circulation of goods, people, and messages that moves beyond the limitations of IR. Punk can also offer new ways of thinking about international relations and communication from the lived experiences of people’s daily lives. At its core, this essay has two arguments. First, punk offers the possibility for counter-hegemonic expression within systems of global communication. Punk has simultaneously worked within and against the hegemony of capitalist telecommunication networks, navigating an increasingly interconnected and mediated world. Second, punk is a subversive message in its own right. Focusing on punk’s Do-It-Yourself (DIY) ethos and the resource it offers for resisting the multiple forms of alienation in modern society, the story I construct here is one of agency and empowerment often overlooked by traditional IR.
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Several modifications of the Asch experiment in which the S judges the length of lines in the company of a group of "stooges" who carry out the experimenter's instructions are described. These include a face-to-face situation, an anonymous situation, and a group situation, with self-commitment, public commitment and Magic Pad commitment variations. The results indicate that, even when normative social influence in the direction of an incorrect judgment is largely removed (as in the anonymous situation), more errors are made by Ss in experimental groups than by Ss making their judgments when alone.
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