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Gender-stereotyped preferences in childhood and early adolescence: A comparison of cross-sectional and longitudinal data

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Abstract

Children are exposed to a gender-specific environment on an everyday basis through media, books, school supplies and especially toys. Children’s movies and television programs were found to portray protagonists’ occupational and private roles in a very traditional, gender-stereotypical way. The present two studies aimed to investigate gender-specific preferences in childhood and early adolescence. Cross-sectional data (study 1) were compared to longitudinal one (study 2) as we specifically aimed to investigate changes in gender preferences over time. A person-oriented approach, namely Configural Frequency Analysis was applied, to categorically analyze the relationship and development of gender-stereotyped preferences throughout childhood and early adolescence. Consistent with former studies, study 1 showed that gender-stereotypical preferences increased by age, for boys to a higher extent than for girls. By the age of twelve, these preferences had decreased supporting the theory of Kohlberg that children’s gender-stereotypic preferences continuously grow until around six years of age to finally lower thereafter. Gender-specific preferences generally became much more flexible over time.

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... The study of the use of free time by children is recent, and the majority of work in this area has concentrated on 'structured' free time; as a result, there are studies that focus on activities carried out by children in an 'extracurricular' manner, but few that address 'unstructured' free time. However, the most recent literature on the topic accounts for the fact that including both types of activity complicates the vision of children's daily life (Kanka et al., 2019;Sauerwein & Ress, 2020). In any case, and broadly speaking, the majority of research approaches the study of the use of free time among children by quantifying it through questionnaires (surveys or 'schedule filling'; Archbell et al., 2020;Larson & Verma, 1999;Mullan, 2018;Sauerwein & Ress, 2020;Hofferth & Sandberg, 2001), although iconic studies in the field with ethnographic and qualitative approaches also stand out (Lareau, 2000;Lareau, 2011). ...
... Some of the most interesting findings within this field refer to the variables that influence the use of free time by children. Among them, one of the first and most important is the cultural and economic capital of parents (Lareau, 2011;Lareau, 2000;Kanka et al., 2019;Sauerwein & Ress, 2020), who make decisions about structured time (e.g. by choosing extracurricular activities) or establish limits on unstructured time. In this sense, the evidence indicates that children from more affluent classes in the United States would be more susceptible to experiencing their free time within the structure imposed by their parents, while children from lower classes would tend to experience a much more informal organisation of their free time (Lareau, 2000). ...
... Exploring this evidence at greater depth, empirical studies on free time activities and play among children assert that these activities are strongly marked by gender stereotypes (González & Rodríguez, 2020;Kanka et al., 2019;Todd et al., 2017;Ferrar et al., 2012;Freeman, 2007;Servin et al., 1999). Several interesting conclusions have arisen from this literature, and one of the most validated is that boys have a greater attachment to gender stereotypes in the choice of activities they carry out compared to girls (Alexander et al., 2009;Campbell et al., 2004;Freeman, 2007;Miller et al., 2009 ). ...
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This article discusses the differentiation by gender displayed by children between 8 and 12 years old on how they used their free time during the COVID‐19 pandemic in Chile. This study had a qualitative approach, where 43 in‐depth interviews were conducted with children from three different regions of the country, using participatory photo‐elicitation as the central tool. The main results of the study show a configuration of free time based on gender stereotypes, showing that boys are the ones who most adhere to such stereotypes, triggering a crisis in the identity construction of masculinities during childhood. The study also suggests that socioeconomic and territorial differences between children configures different experiences of the use of free time.
... Shortly thereafter, children often show preferences for toys and clothing stereotypically associated with their genders (Campbell et al., 2000;Davis & Hines, 2020;Halim et al., 2014;Jadva et al., 2010;Serbin et al., 2001) and prefer same-gender peers (Martin et al., 2011;McHale et al., 2004). Children's preference for gender stereotypical objects, activities, and same-gender peers are generally observed throughout childhood and adolescence, though the degree to which they show these preferences varies across developmental stages (Kanka et al., 2019;Skinner & McHale, 2018; for a review see Halim et al., 2011). While most youth show these patterns, there is variation, wherein some youth show strongly gendered identity and preferences, others show weaker identity and preferences, and still others come to identify and/or have preferences more often associated with another gender (Golombok & Rust, 1993;Golombok et al., 2012;Gülgöz et al., 2019;Martin & Ruble, 2010). ...
... Importantly, most investigations of gender preferences and identity in children have been cross-sectional, rather than longitudinal, making it unclear whether the same children who, for example, showed especially strong same-gender preferences at one age, do so at another age. Much of the longitudinal work that does exist has focused on very early childhood (i.e., infancy, toddlerhood, and preschool years) in which there is mixed evidence about stability or connection between or across gender concepts (e.g., Campbell et al., 2000Campbell et al., , 2004Halim et al., 2013;Kanka et al., 2019;Zosuls et al., 2009). In contrast, in the present work, we investigated the consistency of gender identity and preferences in middle childhood-a time when gendered behavior is regularly documented and central to children's self-concept (Carver et al., 2003), yet is less often the focus of longitudinal study. ...
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While considerable research has examined gender development in middle childhood, little longitudinal work has been conducted at this time to indicate whether, for example, youth who show more or less gender conformity at one point continue to do so later. The present study investigated the consistency of gender identity and preferences for gender-stereotypical toys, clothing, and same-gender peer preferences among groups of transgender youth (n = 158), their siblings (n = 79), and an unrelated group of cisgender youth (n = 128) from a mean age of 7.0 (range 3.0-10.9) to a mean age of 9.6 (range 5.1-12.0). Furthermore, 65.5% of the youth were girls, 69.7% were White, 72.8% grew up in households with an annual household income of $75,000 or more, and 89.9% of parents had a bachelor's degree or higher. Overall, we found a small-to-medium correlation over this 2.6-year span within each group, both across the composite of measures and most measures individually. Despite the moderate stability over time, we found a decrease in the composite and individual scores over this time span for girls and for transgender participants. Together these results suggested some stability in children's gender identity and preferences in middle childhood and that this was true regardless of whether the child's gender did or did not align with their sex assignment at birth. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2022 APA, all rights reserved).
... Shortly thereafter, children often show preferences for toys and clothing stereotypically associated with their genders (Campbell et al., 2000;Davis & Hines, 2020;Halim et al., 2014;Jadva et al., 2010;Serbin et al., 2001) and prefer same-gender peers (Martin et al., 2011;McHale et al., 2004). Children's preference for gender stereotypical objects, activities, and same-gender peers are generally observed throughout childhood and adolescence, though the degree to which they show these preferences varies across developmental stages (Kanka et al., 2019;Skinner & McHale, 2018; for a review see Halim et al., 2011). While most youth show these patterns, there is variation, wherein some youth show strongly gendered identity and preferences, others show weaker identity and preferences, and still others come to identify and/or have preferences more often associated with another gender (Golombok & Rust, 1993;Golombok et al., 2012;Gülgöz et al., 2019;Martin & Ruble, 2010). ...
... Importantly, most investigations of gender preferences and identity in children have been cross-sectional, rather than longitudinal, making it unclear whether the same children who, for example, showed especially strong same-gender preferences at one age, do so at another age. Much of the longitudinal work that does exist has focused on very early childhood (i.e., infancy, toddlerhood, and preschool years) in which there is mixed evidence about stability or connection between or across gender concepts (e.g., Campbell et al., 2000Campbell et al., , 2004Halim et al., 2013;Kanka et al., 2019;Zosuls et al., 2009). In contrast, in the present work, we investigated the consistency of gender identity and preferences in middle childhood-a time when gendered behavior is regularly documented and central to children's self-concept (Carver et al., 2003), yet is less often the focus of longitudinal study. ...
Preprint
While considerable research has examined gender development in middle childhood, little longitudinal work has been conducted at this time to indicate whether, for example, youth who show more or less gender conformity at one point continue to do so later. The present study investigated the consistency of gender identity and preferences for gender-stereotypical toys, clothing, and same-gender peer preferences amongst groups of transgender youth (n=158), their siblings (n=79), and an unrelated group of cisgender youth (n=128) from a mean age of 7.0 (range 3.0-10.9) to a mean age of 9.6 (range 5.1-12.0). Furthermore, 65.5% of the youth were girls, 69.7% were White, 72.8% grew up in households with an annual household income of 75,000$ or more, and 89.9% of parents had a bachelor’s degree or higher. Overall, we found a small-to-medium correlation over this 2.6-year span within each group, both across the composite of measures and most measures individually. Despite the moderate stability over time, we found a decrease in the composite and individual scores over this time span for girls and for transgender participants. Together these results suggested some stability in children’s gender identity and preferences in middle childhood and that this was true regardless of whether the child’s gender did or did not align with their sex assignment at birth.
... The choice of activities where students spend their leisure time highly depends on the gender, the place where the children live and the educational level of the parents [26][27][28][29][30][31][32]. Moreover, these activities are related to mother's and father's education and family size [28,30,31], while in recent years there has been a shift in organized activities, such as sports, arts and reading, which have stereotypical characteristics, according to a nationwide study [33,34]. In terms of student leisure time, there is a marked increase in play and sports activities involvement, television watching, dancing, reading literature, engaging in music, surfing on the internet and playing electronic games, as well as learning foreign languages [35][36][37][38]. ...
... The above finding is in agreement with the results of the Pan-Hellenic study of Kokkevi, Stavrou, Kanavou and Fotiou [34], where a variety of leisure activities as well as the differentiation of gender employment between boys and girls with the arts, were concluded. Moreover, according to Wikberg [45] and Kanka, Wagner, Buchmann and Speil [33] girls report a higher rate of arts-related-activities compared to boys. In contrast, boys report higher rates than girls in activities such as sports, electronic games, programming and television. ...
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... As early as 2 years of age, children demonstrate an understanding of gender both for themselves and others (Hill & Flom, 2007). Although there are individual variations in early childhood in the stability of children's preferences for clothing, toys, and behaviors typically associated with their gender (Kanka et al., 2019), longitudinal research has found remarkable stability of children's gender identity and preferences as they move through middle childhood (Golombok et al., 2012), and this stability is consistent for both cisgender and transgender children (Hässler et al., 2022). For example, prepubescent children expressing a gender different from their assigned sex at birth have demonstrated similarities to cisgender children of their same gender in implicit and explicit gender preferences and in their gender identity (Olson et al., 2015), illustrating the developmental consistency of gender identity for both cisgender and transgender children (Gülgöz et al., 2019). ...
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... Se hipotetiza que la socialización parental puede tener un rol en las preferencias que niños y niñas tienen a partir de las cogniciones de género estimuladas. Kanka et al. (2017) reportan hallazgos similares con grupos de niños y niñas entre los 2 y 6 años, en un estudio que hizo seguimiento de la muestra inicial por seis años. Las conclusiones aluden a la existencia de identificaciones rígidas en edades iniciales, que con el tiempo se muestran flexibilizadas e influenciadas por el entorno social. ...
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La infancia temprana es un período fundamental para el desarrollo posterior de los seres humanos. En esta etapa da inicio el desarrollo de la identidad de género, el cual es un proceso complejo y multideterminado por factores biológicos, psicológicos y sociales. Existen teorías que describen el desarrollo de la identidad de género a partir de los procesos de cognición involucrados condicha identificación. El objetivo de este estudio es caracterizar los procesos cognitivos involucrados con el desarrollo de la identidad de género en la primera infancia, comprendida entre los 0 y 6 años. Se realizó una revisión sistemática de la literatura pertinente, en inglés y en español, durante el período 2010- 2021. Se consultaron las bases de datos Scopus y Web of Science. En paralelo se revisó literatura gris y se controlaron referencias de trabajos seleccionados. Se seleccionaron 30 estudios a partir de la búsqueda sistemática. Los resultados evidencian una trayectoria evolutiva de procesos de identificación, estereotipos, constancia de género, esquemas y otros. Se revisan antecedentes biológicos e influencias sociales que impactan a nivel cognitivo y se analizan en relacióncon las teorías cognitivas. Así, se evidencia que la identidad de género es un concepto multidimensional y su desarrollo depende de la interacción entre influencias prenatales, sociales y las cogniciones de género. Se presentan modelos integradores en torno al sexo y género y se discuten diferencias entre estos modelos y aquellos con tendencia a los reduccionismos. Se señala la necesidad de incorporar definiciones más amplias del género en la literatura científica.
... Nevertheless, gender stereotypes seem to be a universal phenomenon and to develop from an early age. Although most studies mentioned focused on children in North American, children in other cultures such as Spain [16], Austria [17], and Taiwan [18,19] seem to share similar beliefs and attitudes toward gender roles. ...
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... For one, students compare themselves to other students in their class and thus gain a somewhat realistic perception of their capabilities, which is reflected in the self-assessment of their competencies Wentzel et al. 2017). Students are also susceptible to implicit group-specific stereotypes of ability, performance, and effort, particularly those related to gender and social class (Kanka et al. 2019;Kriesi and Buchmann 2014), potentially distorting the self-assessment of their capabilities. The amalgam of realistic and stereotypical student assessment of their capabilities is likely to influence educational attainment (DiPrete and Jennings 2012), including educational upward mobility. ...
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... Teniendo en cuenta los resultados, la mayoría de los estudiantes encuestados presenta una competencia mediática por debajo de la media, lo que corrobora resultados de estudios sobre la competencia mediática de otros grupos etarios (Rivera, et al., 2015;Ferrés, Aguaded & García, 2012). Estos resultados son coincidentes con estudios previos realizados en estudiantes de educación infantil (García-Ruiz, Ramírez- realizado al segmento en general, sobre todo si tomamos en cuenta que las preferencias mediáticas por género se hacen más flexibles conforme los niños crecen (Kanka et al., 2019). ...
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... These changes generally highlight adaptive pathways that can be qualified by adolescent maturation (for a review see Meeus 2019). Notably, gender differences can account for variations in mean-level changes of morality, competence, and sociability very likely because of gender stereotypes underlying socialization processes (Alfieri et al. 1996;Cole et al. 2001;Kanka et al. 2017). Research has shown that stereotypic representations of males and females become salient early in development (Bigler and Liben 2007;Prentice and Carranza 2002). ...
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In the Configural Frequency Analysis (CFA) of KRAUTH and LIENERT (1973 a, b), overfrequented (or underfrequented) cells in multivariate contingency tables are identified by simultaneous binomial tests. As an alternative, finite and asymptotic tests are proposed, which are derived from the (exact conditional) generalized hypergeometrical distribution of the cell frequencies. These tests allow for considerably more powerful decisions than do the conservative binomial tests.
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This study examined four- and five-year-oldchildren's predictions concerning the sexof personscarrying out a variety of common activities andoccupations on television. The purpose of the study wasto investigate the possibility that young childrenmay have stereotyped beliefs and expectations which canbe applied in the course of television viewing.Preschoolers of European Australian background viewed short scenes establishing the need for avariety of activities and in each case were asked toindicate who would perform the activity: a man, a womanor both. The children's responses revealed strong gender stereotyped expectations, and these werestrongest in the case of masculine stereotypedactivities. With age, children were more likely to makestereotyped judgments about the ability of males andfemales to perform the activities. The children'sestimates of their own future competence in theactivities also indicated stereotypical beliefs, withthe older girls more likelyto rejectmasculineactivities. It is argued that children's preconceivedexpectations furnish an organizational basis for theirinterpretation of gender related information intelevision.
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A social constructionist analysis is used here to examine London primary school children's job choices in interview discussions and role play groups. Children's selections are compared according to gender, and according to the different interactive environments in which they made them. By analysing their responses this paper investigates which gendered constructions appeared to prevail, and the ways in which children explain their ideas. Previous studies of children's occupational choices have found their responses to be gender‐stereotypical. This paper shows that in their interviews the children in this study chose a diverse selection of jobs, which were less gender‐stereotypical than found in previous studies. However, a clear dichotomy remained between the attributes of the jobs chosen by the different genders, and few children chose jobs traditionally performed by the opposite sex. Moreover, in their role play groups children's constructions of gender and adult occupation often appeared different, and sometimes more gender‐stereotypical, than those in the interviews.
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Children’s cultural worlds provide them with many different sources of information about gender and work. Early school reader illustrations, for example, are a cultural resource that produces particular meanings about gender, however children may also draw on understandings from other contexts to make their own sense of these representations. The study described in this article interviewed young children about illustrations depicting women and men’s work in two early school readers. Feminist poststructuralist analyses were used to examine representations in illustrations and how children made sense of them. Findings revealed variability of meanings about gender and work in both illustrations and the children’s accounts, assigning women agency and equality on some occasions while locating them in a gender hierarchy below men at other times. Although findings illuminate children’s access to an egalitarian discourse, they also point to an ongoing need to support and encourage children’s critical reading of texts.
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Identified developmental trends and patterns of change in sex-typing (ST), assessed the stability of individual traits of ST, and analyzed interrelationships among different components of ST and cognitive development among German children over a 5-yr longitudinal study. Ss were 43 girls and 39 boys (aged 4.6–5.5 yrs at inception of study) who completed a battery of measures of cognitive abilities and ST annually. At all ages, Ss showed a considerable degree of sex-role orientation. Individual changes in self-concept of masculinity–femininity, sex-role preferences, and sex-typed play behaviors were unrelated to cognitive abilities. Stability of interindividual differences did not vary with homogeneity or diversity of individual patterns of change. Girls' and boys' development of ST was similar, suggesting an interplay of the perceiver's developmental status and the perceived characteristics of the social environment. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
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Parents' child-rearing sex-role attitudes were investigated to determine their relationship to social issue sex-role attitudes and selected demographic variables. The sample included 94 parents, 32 couples, and 30 persons who responded individually. Data were gathered by use of a demographic information sheet, the Sex-Role Attitude Scale, and the Child-Rearing Sex- Role Attitude Scale. Findings indicated a relationship between social issue and child-rearing sex-role attitudes. The demographic variables of parents' sex and child caretaker choice were related to both social issue and child-rearing sex-role attitudes. On the other hand, the variables of income, employment status, and type of family unit appeared to have little rela tionship to sex-role attitudes.
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This article reviews recent UK-based research that has prioritised children's accounts of their experiences of their daily lives, and focuses on gender differences in these accounts of family life, friendships, use of public space, use of out-of-school care, popular culture and consumption, and children's views of gender differences—drawing mainly from research with children in middle childhood. It then discusses some of the implications for practice and training for a range of professionals working with children. The article suggests that a re-evaluation of theories of gender differences in practitioner textbooks could usefully be undertaken to integrate more sophisticated, contextual notions of gender identities based on children's experiences. Copyright © 2006 The Author(s).
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This cross-sectional study investigated toy-choice in 38 one-year-old, 33 three-year-old, and 35 five-year-old children, who could choose between 10 different toys (four feminine, four masculine, and two neutral) in a structured play-session. The children played alone for 7 minutes and together with their accompanying parent for another 7 minutes (play-status). The results showed that girls and boys chose different toys from as early as the age of one year (Mdn=12 months). These sex differences were found at all three ages. In contradiction to earlier studies, our results showed that feminine toys became less interesting for both girls and boys with increasing age. The present study showed no consistent effects of play-status. This study contributes to the knowledge of how early behavioral sex differences can be observed, how these differences develop, and it also raises questions concerning what sex differences stem from.
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This research examined 3- to 11-year-old children's knowledge of and beliefs about violating several gender norms (e.g., toys, play styles, occupations, parental roles, hairstyles, and clothing) as compared to social and moral norms. Knowledge of the norms and understanding that norm violations were possible increased with age. The children's evaluations of violations of gender norms varied from item to item. Violations concerning becoming a parent of the other gender were devalued in both boys and girls, whereas most toy and occupation violations were not especially devalued in either. Boys with feminine hairstyles or clothing were evaluated more negatively than girls with masculine hairstyles or clothing. On the other hand, girls who played in masculine play styles were devalued relative to boys who played in feminine styles. Evaluations of norm violations were not consistently related to age.
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Gender differences in children's play activities, preferred school subjects, and occupational goals were examined in relation to such parental variables as toy-giving and chore assignment. Subjects were 245 children in grades K, 3, 6, and 8. Subjects completed questionnaires before and after Christmas asking what gifts they wanted, asked for, received, and liked best. They also were asked to name their friends and play activities, favorite and least-liked school subjects, occupational aspirations, and chores at home. Children generally wanted, asked for, received, and most-liked gender-typical toys. They were less likely to receive requested gender-atypical toys. Children's preferred activities, job aspirations and assigned chores were along gender-typical lines. Girls preferred masculine toys and jobs more than boys preferred feminine ones. With increasing age, both girls and boys increasingly preferred masculine toys and male friends. No gender differences in favorite or least-liked school subjects were found. School subject preference was related to gender-typing of occupational choice for girls but not boys.
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A content analysis was conducted to examine gender-role stereotypes in toy commercials airing during the after-school hours in October, 2004, on the U.S. Nickelodeon network. The sample included 455 toy commercials, which were analyzed for the type of toy, number of identifiable boys and girls, gender portrayal, gender orientation, age of children, type of interaction, setting, and color of setting. The majority of girl and boy characters were featured in gender-specific toy commercials, and there were more identifiable girls than boys. Almost one-half of the characters were children (6-to-10-years old) who predominantly played indoors, in mixed colored settings, and engaged in cooperative play. Boys were more likely than girls to be shown outdoors and playing competitively. KeywordsStereotypes-Gender-Toys-Nickelodeon-Commercials
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The popular Disney Princess line includes nine films (e.g., Snow White, Beauty and the Beast) and over 25,000 marketable products. Gender role depictions of the prince and princess characters were examined with a focus on their behavioral characteristics and climactic outcomes in the films. Results suggest that the prince and princess characters differ in their portrayal of traditionally masculine and feminine characteristics, these gender role portrayals are complex, and trends towards egalitarian gender roles are not linear over time. Content coding analyses demonstrate that all of the movies portray some stereotypical representations of gender, including the most recent film, The Princess and the Frog. Although both the male and female roles have changed over time in the Disney Princess line, the male characters exhibit more androgyny throughout and less change in their gender role portrayals. KeywordsChildren–Disney–Film–Gender–Gender role
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Research has shown that gender role development is socially constructed and learned from birth. In this study, the impact of child care and the interactions that take place there are examined, with a focus on gender behavior and stereotypes. Observation data and analysis are presented. Themes representing gender stereotypes and the breaking of gender barriers are examined, and the role that caregivers can play in the fostering of gender-fair behaviors is discussed.
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It was hypothesized that gender-stereotyped styles of social interaction are apparent as early as the preschool years, and that the use of these gender-stereotyped behaviors is associated with the child's perceived competence and social support. Using a story-completion method with 47 white middle-class preschoolers, the results of the study confirmed the hypotheses. Boys were more likely to use the male-stereotyped styles of domination and intrusion, while girls were more likely to use the female-stereotyped styles of affiliation and inclusion. In addition, the use of male gender-stereotyped behaviors among boys was significantly related to perceived physical competence and peer acceptance. For girls, use of the female gender-stereotyped behavior of Affiliation was related to perceived cognitive competence and, weakly, to perceived maternal acceptance. For both sexes, use of the feminine-stereotyped behavior of Inclusion was negatively related to competence and acceptance variables.
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Our goal was to explore how children's understanding of gender as a social category relates to their acquisition of sex-typed knowledge and preferences. Children's gender concepts, sex-typed preferences, and stereotyped knowledge were measured in 61 boys and girls (3-5 years). Gender concept measures included ability to identify and to discriminate the sexes, understanding gender group membership, temporal stability of gender, and gender consistency over situational changes. Children improved with age on most of the measures except gender consistency. With the exception of consistency, measures of gender concept understanding were found to be related to children's stereotyped toy and clothing knowledge and/or to their sex-typed toy preferences (with age controlled). It was shown that only rudimentary gender understanding is needed prior to children learning about sex stereotypes and prior to showing strong sex-typed preferences for peers or toys. The roles of gender identity, stability, consistency, and group membership in the sex-typing process are discussed.
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Unlabelled: Do children's schemata for occupations they observe in real life differ from those they see on TV? 177 second- and fifth-graders were assigned to conditions in a 2 (real-life or on TV) x 2 (police officer or nurse) design. They answered open-ended questions about what police officers or nurses do (in real life or on TV) and rated the typicality of various job activities. Their schematic knowledge about TV and real occupations was clearly differentiated. TV versions entailed more glamour, higher income, more stereotypes, and more dramatic events without negative consequences. Real-life occupations entailed more effort, status, and excitement. Older children differentiated slightly more clearly than younger ones. Children who perceived television as factual and realistic had real-world schemata similar to TV images. Children who were heavy viewers and perceived television as realistic were most likely to aspire to jobs shown on TV. Conclusion: children form separate schemata for social information acquired from TV and from real-world experience, but those who perceive television as socially realistic are apt to incorporate TV messages in their schemata and their aspirations.
Article
Gender schema theory proposes that children's acquisition of gender labels and gender stereotypes informs gender-congruent behaviour. Most previous studies have been cross-sectional and do not address the temporal relationship between knowledge and behaviour. We report the results of a longitudinal study of gender knowledge and sex-typed behaviour across three domains in children tested at 24 and 36 months (N = 56). Although both knowledge and sex-typed behaviour increased significantly between 2 and 3 years, there was no systematic pattern of cross-lagged correlations between the two, although some concurrent relationships were present at 24 months. Future longitudinal work might profitably focus on younger children using reliable preverbal measures of gender knowledge and employing a shorter lag between measurement times.