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Verbs and times

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... Para Vendler (1957), dos rasgos fundamentales, esto es [+/-fases] y [+/-terminación], permiten clasificar los predicados en cuatro clases: 'estados, actividades, realizaciones y logros'. La propuesta de este lingüista es la más influyente en los trabajos experimentales: Tabla I. Clasificación de Vendler (1957). ...
... Para Vendler (1957), dos rasgos fundamentales, esto es [+/-fases] y [+/-terminación], permiten clasificar los predicados en cuatro clases: 'estados, actividades, realizaciones y logros'. La propuesta de este lingüista es la más influyente en los trabajos experimentales: Tabla I. Clasificación de Vendler (1957). ...
... Si se presta atención a los rasgos de las tres taxonomías, se puede observar que algunos rasgos aspectuales se repiten con diferentes términos. Primero, se encuentra el rasgo de extensión temporal, ya sea denominado [+/-fases] (Vendler 1957), o [extendido] (Moens y Steedman 1988). Se cree que este es equivalente al rasgo duración mencionado en otras taxonomías (Verkuyl 1993). ...
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This article investigates the use of Spanish grammatical aspect by English speaking learners of Spanish as a second language following the Lexical Aspect Hypothesis (Andersen y Shirai, 1996; Bardovi, 1994; Domínguez, Tracy, Arche, Mitchell y Miles, 2013; among many others), which proposes that the lexical aspect of the verb biases the use of Spanish past tenses. Although most studies have focused on the effects of telicity in the use of past tenses, this article also studies how dynamicity, punctuality and durativity bias the use of Spanish past tenses by learners of A2, B1and B2. To that end, a written test based on a short movie has been designed, and its results were analysed through chi-square tests. On the one hand, the results show that all groups prefer the preterit to complete the task. The A2 group shows a higher preference range, which supports the L1 Transfer Hypothesis (Slabakova, 2001; Díaz, Bel y Bekiou, 2008; McManus 2015). On the other hand, we found that the different aspectual features determine the use of past tenses in different ways: the preterit is strongly biased by dynamicity and punctuality in all levels, whereas telicity biases the use of the preterit in B1 and B2. The use of the imperfect is biased by durativity, and its effect increases in B1 and B2. The results show that pure lexical aspectual features such as dynamicity and punctuality bias the use of past tenses throughout the whole process of acquisition, whereas those aspectual features which interact with syntactic features, telicity and durativity, bias the use of past morphology in intermediate levels.
... The verbs were classified as state, activity, or telic (achievement and accomplishment), based on Vendler (1957). We classified as state verbs those that do not denote an action, for example the verb ter in BP, in the Example (4): 6 tem does not have a process which unfolds during time, it does not denote action and if we consider its thematic role, then the subject, the school is not an agent. ...
... We classified as telic the action verbs that needed a finishing point, as quebrar, in Example (6): quebraram is an action that requires a conclusion point. In addition to the notion of aktionsart proposed by Vendler (1957), we used the aspectual tests in Dowty (1979) to distinguish one category from another in our analysis. As the Dowty tests are proposed for English, we used a version proposed by Wachowicz & Foltran (2006) for Brazilian Portuguese. ...
... We analyzedVendler (1957) aktionsarten's categories: state, activity and telic (achievement and accomplishment).5 Extracted from the ptTenTen corpus, in the platform Sketch Engine. See more information in de Sá et al. (2016). ...
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We discuss the properties of weak definite noun phrases, definite noun phrases (henceforth DP) which do not uniquely refer to an individual referent. Since one of the properties of generic noun phrases is that they do not uniquely refer, we asked whether weak definites might in fact be a form of generic noun phrase. We adopted a quantitative and experimental approach conducting a corpus analysis and four experiments that were designed to assess whether weak definites differ from DPs that are generic, weak and regular definites. A corpus analysis by de Sá et al. (2016) showed that generic DPs and weak definites are not in complementary distribution. A follow-up analysis on verb aktionsart showed that most weak definites appear in telic or activity DPs. The experiments also compared matched sentences with weak, regular and generic reading DPs. These studies do not find similarities between weak definites and generics. We conclude that weak definite noun phrases are not generics.
... Aspectual classes are established by feature dichotomies (Vendler, 1967;Moens and Steedman, 1988;Egg, 2005). First, stative predicates describe purely static situations (e.g., be happy or love); dynamic ones introduce eventualities with development (e.g., continuous change of place in move). ...
... For the first corpus, they distinguished stative vs. dynamic verbs with 93.9% accuracy. The second corpus was used for distinguishing 'culmination' Our classes Vendler (1967) Moens and Steedman (1988) and 'non-culmination' 4 with up to 74% accuracy. Friedrich and Palmer (2014) took into account aspectual ambiguity of verb tokens. ...
... 18 data points are dropped, leaving 7 possible labels. The third classifier disregards the change/no-change distinction, corresponding to Vendler's (1967) classes. 26 data points are dropped, resulting in 7 possible labels. ...
... Semantic theory has described parallel commitments for the semantics of verb phrases at least since Vendler (1957), but connections with representation have been relatively underexplored in cognitive psychology (though see Lakusta & Wagner 2016). The distinction on the language side is usually couched in terms of 'telicity' (see e.g. ...
... In contrast, the VP draw a circle is telic, in virtue of its failing to license the corresponding inference, (2). In Vendler's (1957) terms, the atelic predicate describes a 'process', any arbitrary part of which is of the same type as the whole, while the telic predicate describes an 'event', arbitrary parts of which are not of the same type. Such data have, thus, been taken to suggest that processes may be divided at arbitrary temporal points and still instantiate that same process (e.g., a division of some moving is still moving), whereas events are different (e.g., a division of a jumping may simply be a rising up, a coming back down, or other non-jumps). ...
... Each extracted occurrence of a PP and SP was manually annotated for the linguistic factors listed in Table 2. The operationalization of VERBTYPE (lexical aspect), is based on Vendler's (1957) original model of aspectual categories, or situation types, already adopted and modified by a number of scholars (see e.g. Quirk et al. 1985, Brinton 1988. ...
... Vendler (1957) und vielen anderen. Diese Klassen oszillieren sehr oft zwischen Lexem-und Verbformat, Default und (telischer) Kontextualisierung. ...
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Im vorliegenden Beitrag werden die Wege vom Lexem zum aspektuell spezifizierten Verb beschrieben. Aufgabe des Beitrags ist es, die Abhängigkeit der Aspektualisierung vom Lexem-Typ aufzuzeigen und möglichst explizit die funktionalen Veränderungen zu beschreiben, die mit der Aspektualisierung einher gehen. Summary: This paper describes the functional aspectualisation of lexeme classes in Russian, of event, process, diffuse, and stative lexemes. Aspectualisation means that the features of lexical time intervals are extended and adapted to the feature structure of pf. aspect and ipf. aspect. In order to do this in an explicit manner it is necessary to make a distinction between lexically determined time structures and aspectual time structures and between default structures and contextualised structures. The relevant aspectual features are the limits (open, closed) and the quantification of time intervals. Telicity is not a structural, but a content feature, its syntactic contextualisation is restricted to dif-fuse verbs (actionally underspecified verbs). On the condition of these discriminations it is possible to describe functional aspectualisation in an explicite and consistant manner and decide some much-discussed topics in Russian aspectology.
... Como telicidade é uma das propriedades semânticas que compõem o aspecto lexical, contemplam-se propostas de propriedades semânticas do aspecto lexical diversas. Por isso, a classificação de verbos adotada na análise dos dados das crianças A e B -com base em Vendler (1967) e outros autores contemplados por Dowty (1979) -é retomada sob outra perspectiva, de forma mais detalhada. Nessa perspectiva, focalizamse as propriedades semânticas do aspecto lexical a partir de diferentes propostas de propriedades semânticas do aspecto lexical, abarcando, nesta seção, Smith (1991) e Comrie (1976. ...
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Este trabalho se propõe a refletir sobre a representação linguística de aspecto a partir de um estudo de caso duplo, com dados de aquisição da linguagem sobre a associação entre aspecto lexical e aspecto gramatical. Seu objetivo principal é avaliar a hipótese da primazia do aspecto, segundo a qual a marcação de tempo-aspecto seria limitada pelo aspecto lexical dos verbos. Para tanto, coloca-se à prova a hipótese de que, no processo de aquisição de aspecto, a associação entre aspecto lexical e aspecto gramatical se baseia na relação entre telicidade e perfectividade. A partir da análise dos dados, a hipótese da primazia do aspecto não pôde ser refutada completamente. Todavia, abarcando diferentes propostas teóricas sobre as propriedades semânticas do VP (sintagma verbal), refuta-se a hipótese de que a primazia do aspecto estaria ancorada na relação entre telicidade e perfectividade. Demonstra-se, ainda, a compatibilidade dos dados com a proposta de telicidade dizer respeito à sintaxe interna ao VP. Por fim, argumenta-se que não haveria leitura composicional de aspecto nas etapas iniciais de aquisição.
... To answer Q3, the tokens were coded for the lexical aspect of their predicatethat is, 'the inherent temporal structure of a situation' (Croft 2012: 31)according to Vendler's (1957) classic four-way distinction between stative, activity, accomplishment and achievement predicates. Although at this point we are primarily concerned with whether the predicate is an achievement or not, all four categories are defined here, as comparing them gives a clearer understanding of the properties of achievements. ...
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This study investigates the relationship between research findings and teaching practice by examining the declared practices and pedagogical content knowledge of teachers in Spanish language teaching (SLT) when teaching the meanings and forms of past tense. Data from an online questionnaire was used to investigate in which order teachers taught three Spanish past forms (preterite, imperfect, and present perfect), their justification for teaching it in a specific order, the main concepts in their pedagogical content knowledge, and whether they thought there was an influence of research in their teaching. A total of 293 teachers of Spanish participated in the study, and results showed that the most common order of teaching past tenses was beginning with the present perfect, followed by the preterite and the imperfect forms, and that the order of teaching was related to the location where Spanish was being taught. The most common justification for teaching in a specific order was the influence of textbooks. Regarding the teachers’ pedagogical content knowledge for the teaching of tense-aspect, the most common concepts were related to tense features. Data regarding the influence of research showed that more than half of the participants thought that research was relevant for teaching. Finally, a cluster analysis provided evidence for three distinct profiles of SLT teachers based on their pedagogical content knowledge when teaching tense-aspect.
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Amis (Austronesian, Taiwan) displays a rich, partly symmetrical voice system and a split case-marking pattern which are selected and restricted by (i) verb classes whose basic diathesis correlates with semantic properties such as activities versus states, and (ii) by Aktionsart features (i.e., atelic activities versus telic accomplishment and achievements), which also denote degrees of patient affectedness. Referential features such as patient definiteness, and semantic features such as agent’s animacy and intentionality also bear on voice selection. This voice system offers alternate ways of encoding arguments within a bipartite case-marking pattern; it also promotes peripheral, non-core arguments to subject function via applicative voice constructions.
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This study tests grammatical aspect in adult Heritage Speakers (HSs) of Greek in Germany (HSs-Germany) and the US (HSs-US), a topic which has not been investigated before for this language, exploring the role of the dominant language and the default value as an acquisition strategy. In an oral elicitation task (Experiment 1) targeting the production of aspectual marking in Greek, Greek monolinguals (MSs) and HSs-Germany exhibited ceiling performance, while HSs-US were significantly less accurate. Education in Greek reliably predicted their accuracy. In a speeded Grammaticality Judgment task (Experiment 2) targeting the comprehension of aspect in a Grammaticality x Aspect repeated measures design, similar results were obtained for the grammatical conditions as in Experiment 1. In ungrammatical conditions, accuracy on aspect was affected for all groups, and this was more evident for HSs. HSs-US were overall less accurate with the morphologically marked form (perfective). Decision Times (DTs) revealed that only MSs and HSs-Germany were sensitive to aspect violations exhibiting longer DTs. Education in Greek reliably predicted accuracy and DTs. The results are discussed within the realm of heritage languages, language contact, and aspect acquisition in Greek bilingual populations. Finally, certain novel verbal forms produced by HSs are also discussed.
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Our hypothesis is that the past participle is a singular form in the TAM (tense-aspect-mood) linguistic system in French, in that it represents the internal time of the process on its terminal point ([R = E t ]). Due to this representation of internal time, the p.p. can be related to the second argument – the patientive argument – of a direct transitive process: it is the essential element of the passive construction. Contrary to what is often written, the copula être ‘be’, is an optional element: it may serve to develop the construction in its periphrastic dimension, but it is not necessary to the passive construction itself, as the cases of the passive in the participial clause demonstrate. Moreover, the p.p. is not intrinsically resultative or processive, no more than it is active or passive: from its aspect [R = E t ], it can, in interaction with different contexts, participate in the production of these different effects of meaning in discourse.
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The aim of this chapter is to give an overview of the different accounts of decomposition. After briefly describing the binary feature approach to nouns we concentrate on the decomposition of verbs. We describe several semantic formula approaches that have been developed since the time of generative semantics. Besides being used as a proper means to give a compilation of a verb's semantic properties they are often considered to have a substantial impact on linguistic theory, in particular on the syntax–semantics interface. Decomposition plays a prominent role for many linking theories; that is, for the mapping of semantic arguments to syntactic positions. Beyond that, early approaches such as generative semantics and recent syntactic theories such as distributed morphology propose that lexical decomposition itself is completely projected to syntactic structures. We argue that this claim is supported by the syntacto‐semantic properties of adverbs.
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This paper aims to determine whether it is necessary to propose the extreme of putrefaction as the only unmistakable sign in diagnosing the death of the human organism, as David Oderberg does in a recent paper. To that end, we compare Oderberg’s claims to those of other authors who align with him in espousing the so-called theory of hylomorphism but who defend either a neurological or a circulatory-respiratory criterion for death. We then establish which interpretation of biological phenomena is the most reasonable within the metaphysical framework of hylomorphism. In this regard, we hold that technology does not obscure the difference between life and death or confect metaphysically anomalous beings, such as living human bodies who are not organisms or animals of the human species who are informed by a vegetative soul, but instead demands a closer and more careful look at the “fuzzy area” between a healthy (living) organism and a decaying corpse. In the light of hylomorphism, we conclude that neurological and circulatory-respiratory criteria are not good instruments for diagnosing death, since they can offer only probabilistic prognoses of death. Of the two, brain death is further away from the moment of death as it merely predicts cardiac arrest that will likely result in death. Putrefaction, the criterion that Oderberg proposes, is at the opposite end of the fuzzy area. This is undoubtedly a true diagnosis of death, but it is not necessary to wait for putrefaction proper—a relatively late stage of decomposition—to be sure that death has already occurred. Rather, early cadaveric phenomena demonstrate that the matter composing a body is subject to the basic forces governing all matter in its environment and has thus succumbed to the universal current of entropy, meaning that the entropy-resisting activity has ceased to constitute an organismal unity. When this unity is lost, there is no possibility of return.
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The paper presents the results of a study investigating a possible influence of the viewpoint (perfective vs. imperfective) and lexical (telic vs. atelic) aspect of Polish verbs on the countability of eventive nominalizations ( substantiva verbalia ) derived from these verbs. Polish substantiva verbalia preserve many properties of the base verbs, including the eventive meaning and aspectual morphology. Native speakers of Polish rated the acceptability of nominalizations in count and mass contexts. An effect of both viewpoint and lexical aspect was found in mass contexts, where aspectually delimited (perfective, accomplishment) nominalizations were less acceptable than non-delimited (imperfective, state) nominalizations. In count contexts, only an effect of the lexical aspect was clearly present, with accomplishment nominalizations being more acceptable than state nominalizations. The nominalizations were overall rated as more natural in mass than count constructions, regardless of the aspect. The results indicate that aspect plays a role in establishing the countability of a word, but it does not fully determine it.
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En el marco del enfoque cognitivo prototípico, que parte del presupuesto de que la sintaxis está motivada por la semántica y la pragmática, el presente trabajo sostiene la hipótesis de que en la oposición entre pretérito perfecto simple (pps) y pretérito imperfecto (pi), cada tiempo verbal tiene un conjunto de atributos semánticos que lo definen, dependiendo del contexto de uso y del objetivo comunicativo de los hablantes. Estos atributos no sólo se relacionan con el aspecto verbal, sino también con la función discursiva. Para comprobar la hipótesis, analizamos cuantitativa y cualitativamente los usos de pps y pi en un corpus de textos narrativos.
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In this article we focus on the category of aspect and examine modern English grammars to see whether they give sufficient guidelines to the learner on how aspectual meanings are decoded and encoded in English. More precisely, we check whether the grammars reflect the abundant linguistic research on aspectual construal in English. Out of a number of components that play a role in the shaping of aspectual meaning, we look at the following four: lexical aspect, arguments, grammatical aspect, and tense. An overview is first made of the key theoretical findings on the impact of these four components on aspectual interpretation, followed by an analysis of the grammar content on the given components. Our conclusion is that only two comprehensive grammars we examined take into account the results of linguistic research on aspect to a certain extent and that there is a lot of room for improvement.
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This introduction discusses the construal of temporal categories, their connection with spatial categories and general principles of the patterning of time in language. Transfers between categories and up language hierarchies are frequent types of change. It is shown how aspect may either lose or increase some of its functional load, and how tenses may develop from aspects, or extend into modal domains. General tendencies (such as developments from spatial to temporal categories) and systemic constraints are discussed in relation to the papers in this volume with additional Indo-European examples.
Chapter
This chapter explores the notion of imperfectivity – an aspectual property associated with natural language sentences that finds clear linguistic encoding crosslinguistically. I suggest that imperfectivity may be semantically understood to be the presence of the subinterval property at the sentential level. I survey the literature that analyzes the exponents of imperfective operators – notably progressive and imperfective marking – focusing on deriving the readings associated with such marking.
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Empirical studies investigating the second language (L2) acquisition of tense, aspect, mood/modality (TAM) systems offer an enlightening window into L2 learners’ linguistic competence because they involve all areas of a language, making them ideal testing grounds for the Interface hypothesis and ultimately whether adult learners may achieve a native-like TAM system. This longitudinal study used a pre-test, repeated exposure, delayed post-test design guided by a main research question—does the L2 learners’ interlanguage display contrasts and systematicity? Sixteen L2 French learners—L1 English (n = 9), HL French (n = 4), and HL Spanish (n = 3) speakers enrolled in a fourth-year college Film and Fiction class read five novels that were extensively discussed in class and used as essay topics, thus providing controlled, repeated exposure to oral and written input over a semester. Qualitative and quantitative findings reveal a highly accurate production of several forms, but with an over-reliance on the indicative present. The learners’ TAM system appears to be contrasted and varied, but unbalanced. Findings regarding the Interface hypothesis are mixed.
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This chapter provides an overview of the major empirical phenomena discussed in connection with the theoretical concepts of distributivity, collectivity, and cumulativity. Topics include: an operational definition of distributivity; the difference between lexical and phrasal distributivity; atomic vs nonatomic distributivity; collectivity and thematic entailments; two classes of collective predicates (exemplified by be numerous vs gather); how to distinguish between cumulative and collective readings; interactions of distributivity and collectivity; and a list of other relevant review papers and handbook articles. Typological generalizations and examples from a wide range of languages are discussed throughout the chapter.
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Lexical aspect (also Aktionsart) concerns classification of lexical items, mainly verbs, into aspectual classes. The two dominant taxonomies are Vendler's accomplishments, achievements, activities, and states, adapted with substantial modifications by Dowty; and the tripartition into events, processes, and states by, for example, Mourelatos and Bach. This contribution focuses on the aspectually relevant properties lexicalized in (root) verbs (e.g., change‐of‐state, temporal extent, limit or boundary of some sort, incrementality, scalarity) and their relation to aspectual classes. The properties have grammatical consequences showing that they are lexicalized in overlapping clusters which characterize aspectual classes that are not neatly aligned with either of the dominant taxonomies. They influence the ways in which verbs are integrated into complex predicates and their aspectual class. Krifka's mereological approach to aspectual composition provided a foundation for much of the work on (non‐)compositional processes that motivate the aspectual interpretation of complex predicates.
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Neste texto, mostramos resultados de estudos variacionistas sobre o funcionamento da expressão do tempo passado, especificamente, quanto aos usos do pretérito perfeito vs. pretérito mais-que-perfeito composto e do pretérito imperfeito vs. forma progressiva do pretérito imperfeito, no Português. Inicialmente, apresentamos o domínio funcional complexo tempo-aspecto-modalidade. No segundo momento, apresentamos o funcionamento variável dos pretéritos sob análise. Ao final, tecemos considerações acerca da implicação da diversidade de usos das formas verbais de passado no ensino de Língua Portuguesa.
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