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Defining “Fake News”: A typology of scholarly definitions



This paper is based on a review of how previous studies have defined and operationalized the term “fake news.” An examination of 34 academic articles that used the term “fake news” between 2003 and 2017 resulted in a typology of types of fake news: news satire, news parody, fabrication, manipulation, advertising, and propaganda. These definitions are based on two dimensions: levels of facticity and deception. Such a typology is offered to clarify what we mean by fake news and to guide future studies.
A typology of scholarly definitions
Edson C. Tandoc Jr., Zheng Wei Lim and Richard Ling
This paper is based on a review of how previous studies have defined and operationalized the
term “fake news.” An examination of 34 academic articles that used the term “fake news”
between 2003 and 2017 resulted in a typology of types of fake news: news satire, news parody,
fabrication, manipulation, advertising, and propaganda. These definitions are based on two
dimensions: levels of facticity and deception. Such a typology is offered to clarify what we
mean by fake news and to guide future studies.
KEYWORDS facts; fake news; false news; misinformation; news; parody; satire
On December 4, 2016, a man carrying an assault rifle walked into a pizza restau-
rant in Washington, DC. He was intent on “self-investigating” whether the restaurant,
Comet Ping Pong, was the headquarters of an underground child sex ring allegedly run
by then presidential candidate Hillary Clinton and her former campaign manager, John
Podesta (Lopez 2016). He was motivated by stories he had read on right-wing blogs
and social media that had developed this line of thought. In the process of his
“self-investigation,” he fired several shots into the ceiling of the restaurant. No one was
injured, but it was just one of the several threats made to the pizzeria after the news
report spread through social media sites, such as Facebook, Reddit, and Twitter (Lopez
2016). The viral news report, however, was a hoax. The District of Columbia’s Metropoli-
tan Police Department also officially declared it as a “fictitious conspiracy theory”
(Ritchie 2016).
Pizzagate, as the conspiracy theory was later called, is just one of the numerous
fake news stories that flood social media (Ritchie 2016; Silverman 2016). From Pope
Francis endorsing then Republican presidential candidate Donald Trump, to a woman
arrested for defecating on her boss’ desk after she won the lottery, fake news stories
have engaged—and fooled—millions of readers around the world (Silverman 2016). A
2016 survey commissioned by news and entertainment site BuzzFeed found that “fake
news headlines fool American adults about 75% of the time” (Silverman and
Singer-Vine 2016, para. 1). In many cases, readers ignore the fake news stories they
come across, but in some cases the consumption of fake news leads to concrete
actions. For example, at the ministerial level, Pakistan’s defense minister tweeted on
December 23, 2016 a menacing response to a false report that Israel had threatened
Digital Journalism, 2017
Ó2017 Informa UK Limited, trading as Taylor & Francis Group
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Pakistan with nuclear weapons (Goldman 2016). World leaders, such as former US Presi-
dent Barack Obama and Pope Francis, the leader of the Roman Catholic church, have
expressed concern over the spread of fake news (Gardiner and Eddy 2016; Pullella
2016). Studies have also started to look at the implications of fake news, not only in
terms of confusing readers (Barthel, Mitchell, and Holcomb 2016) but even in poten-
tially affecting election results (Allcott and Gentzkow 2017).
The term “fake news” is not new. Contemporary discourse, particularly media cov-
erage, seems to define fake news as referring to viral posts based on fictitious accounts
made to look like news reports. A recent study defined fake news “to be news articles
that are intentionally and verifiably false, and could mislead readers” (Allcott and Gen-
tzkow 2017, 213). Two main motivations underlie the production of fake news: financial
and ideological. On one hand, outrageous and fake stories that go viral—precisely
because they are outrageous—provide content producers with clicks that are convert-
ible to advertising revenue. On the other hand, other fake news providers produce fake
news to promote particular ideas or people that they favor, often by discrediting others
(Allcott and Gentzkow 2017). Fake news has now become a buzzword, but current ref-
erences to it seem to define it differently from earlier definitions. Earlier studies have
applied the term to define related but distinct types of content, such as news parodies,
political satires, and news propaganda. While it is currently used to describe false sto-
ries spreading on social media, fake news has also been invoked to discredit some
news organizations’ critical reporting, further muddying discourse around fake news.
Therefore, this paper reviews how fake news has been defined by other scholars
and, based on these definitions, provides a framework to conceptualize the different
types of fake news that have been identified in the literature. Through an analysis of
34 scholarly articles published between 2003 and 2017, this paper identified a typology
of fake news definitions guided by the domains of facticity and intention.
Understanding Fake News
The Role of Social Media
Misinformation in the media is not new. It has been with us since the develop-
ment of the earliest writing systems (Marcus 1993). A classic example of widespread
misinformation dates back to 1938, when the broadcast of a radio adaptation of H. G.
Well’s drama The War of the Worlds frightened an estimated one million residents (Can-
tril 2005). By adopting a radio news format via the relatively new technology of radio,
complete with actors playing the roles of reporters, residents, experts, and government
officials, radio drama director Orson Welles found a clever way of narrating the story of
Martian invasion. While his intention was to entertain listeners, the radio adaptation
assumed the form of a live news report, in a period when radio was the main source of
information in the United States. While the intention of Wells and the Mercury Theatre
of the Air was to produce a piece of radio drama, listeners interpreted it as factual
news (Cantril 2005). Now that online platforms, particularly social media, are becoming
the main sources of news for a growing number of individuals, misinformation seems
to have found a new channel.
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The digitization of news has challenged traditional definitions of news. Online
platforms provide space for non-journalists to reach a mass audience. The rise of citizen
journalism challenged the link between news and journalists, as non-journalists began
to engage in journalistic activities to produce journalistic outputs, including news
(Robinson and DeShano 2011). Citizen journalists were initially confined to blogging.
Eventually, social media offered a wider platform for non-journalists to engage in jour-
nalism (Wall 2015). Through their social media accounts, users can post information,
photos, videos, and narratives about newsworthy events they witness first-hand (Her-
mida 2011; Jewitt 2009). Journalists have also followed the audience and increased their
presence on social media. Initially, they treated it as just another platform with which
to promote their news stories (Lasorsa, Lewis, and Holton 2011), but eventually they
started using it to break stories and interact with audiences (Tandoc and Vos 2016).
Twitter, for example, became a perfect platform to quickly disseminate details about a
breaking event (Hermida 2010). Not only did social media change news distribution, it
has also challenged traditional beliefs of how news should look. Now, a tweet, which at
most is 140 characters long, is considered a piece of news, particularly if it comes from
a person in authority.
Facebook, the most popular social media platform, claims to have more than 1.23
billion daily active users as of December 2016 (Facebook 2017). While it started as a site
through which we can share personal ideas and updates with friends, it has morphed
into a portal where users produce, consume, and exchange different types of informa-
tion, including news. A survey carried out in the United States found that 44 percent of
the population get their news from Facebook (Gottfried and Shearer 2016). Social
media sites are not only marked by having a mass audience, they also facilitate speedy
exchange and spread of information. Unfortunately, they have also facilitated the
spread of wrong information, such as fake news.
An important facilitator of such distribution is how social media blur the concep-
tualization of information source. A news organization might publish a news-based arti-
cle, but that article can reach an individual through a dedicated news site, via the news
organization’s Facebook site, or through a “shared” posting of their social network.
Social media users, therefore, have to navigate through a multitude of information
shared by multiple sources, which can be perceived “as a set of layers with various
levels of proximity to the reader” (Kang et al. 2011, 721). Receiving information from
socially proximate sources can help to legitimate the veracity of information that is
shared on social networks. However, users seldom verify the information that they
Social media also makes the bandwagon heuristic more salient, as each post is
accompanied by popularity ratings (Sundar 2008). When a post is accompanied by
many likes, shares, or comments, it is more likely to receive attention by others, and
therefore more likely to be further liked, shared, or commented on (Thorson 2008).
Popularity on social media is thus a self-fulfilling cycle, one that lends well to the prop-
agation of unverified information. More recently, we have also seen the development
of so-called news bots that automate this self-fulling cycle, adding what the unwary
reader of the news might interpret as legitimacy of the item (Lokot and Diakopoulos
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What is News?
The question of fake news brings up the question of how to think about the nat-
ure of real news. News has been defined in a number of ways, ranging from being an
account of a recent, interesting, and significant event (Kershner 2005), an account of
events that significantly affect people (Richardson 2007), to a dramatic account of
something novel or deviant (Jamieson and Campbell 1997). News is often seen as an
output of journalism, a field expected to provide “independent, reliable, accurate, and
comprehensive information” (Kovach and Rosenstiel 2007, 11). Since the “primary pur-
pose of journalism is to provide citizens with the information they need to be free and
self-governing,” journalism is expected to report, above all things, the truth (17). A
central element in the professional definition of journalism is adherence to particular
standards, such as being objective and accurate. Along with the responsibility of the
profession comes power. Thus, journalists have occupied an influential position in
society, namely one that can amplify and confer legitimacy to what it reports
(Schudson 2003).
At the same time, news is socially constructed, and journalists often exercise sub-
jective judgment on which bits of information to include and which to exclude (Her-
man and Chomsky 2002; Tuchman 1978). Thus, news is vulnerable not only to
journalists’ own preferences (White 1950), but also to external forces, such as the gov-
ernment, audiences, and advertisers (Shoemaker and Reese 2013). News is also a
unique commodity, for while it is sold to audiences, news audiences are subsequently
sold to advertisers (McManus 1992), making it vulnerable to market forces. Still, news is
expected to include accurate and real information. A landmark survey of American jour-
nalists, for example, differentiated journalists as those involved in the production of
reality, instead of symbolic media content (Johnstone, Slawski, and Bowman 1976).
Journalists “make the news” but it does not mean they fake it (Schudson 1989, 263).
So what makes fake news fake? If news refers to an accurate account of a real
event (Kershner 2005), what does fake news mean? News is supposedly—and norma-
tively—based on truth, which makes the term “fake news” an oxymoron. The word
“fake” is often used interchangeably with words such as copy, forgery, counterfeit, and
inauthentic (Andrea 2016). The Oxford Dictionary defines “fake” as an adjective which
means “not genuine; imitation or counterfeit.” A study about detecting fake websites
distinguished two types: “spoof sites,” which imitate existing websites, and “concocted
sites,” which are “deceptive websites attempting to appear as unique, legitimate com-
mercial entities” (Abbasi et al. 2010, 437). A study about fake online reviews also speci-
fied the role of intention in defining what is fake. The study defined fake reviews “as
deceptive reviews provided with an intention to mislead consumers in their purchase
decision making, often by reviewers with little or no actual experience with the prod-
ucts or services being reviewed” (Zhang et al. 2016, 457).
Others situate fake news within the larger context of misinformation and disinfor-
mation (Wardle 2017). While misinformation refers to “the inadvertent sharing of false
information,” disinformation refers to “the deliberate creation and sharing of informa-
tion known to be false” (Wardle 2017, para. 1). The term “fake news” has entered not
just scholarly discourse but even daily conversations, invoked not only in efforts to
point out false information but also in efforts to demonize traditional news organiza-
tions. Therefore, understanding the concept of fake news is important. Such an effort
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will allow a systematic study of not only what makes individuals believe in fake news,
but how fake news affects public discourse. Since the term is not new, and has been
used in numerous contexts across different scholarly studies, it is useful to review the
different ways fake news has been defined.
A Typology of Fake News
This paper is based on a review of published academic studies that used the term
“fake news.” The analysis focused on how each of the studies defined and operational-
ized the term. The researchers used the search term “fake news” to find academic arti-
cles through Google Scholar and a library database of academic publications. This
procedure found 34 articles, published between 2003 and 2017. While the majority of
the articles studied fake news in the context of the United States, a few were con-
ducted in Australia, China, and Italy. Most articles studied it from a journalistic perspec-
tive, while other disciplines include psychology, computer science, and political science.
While fake news is an instance of misinformation (Wardle 2017), we focused on aca-
demic articles that used the actual term “fake news” in order to identify the different
ways the term has been used and defined. A careful reading of each article identified
six ways that previous studies have operationalized fake news: satire, parody, fabrica-
tion, manipulation, propaganda, and advertising. What follows is an overview of the
way the term has been used in these papers.
News Satire
The most common operationalization of fake news in the articles reviewed is
satire, referring to mock news programs, which typically use humor or exaggeration to
present audiences with news updates. An example of such programs is The Daily Show
on Comedy Central in the United States (Baym 2005). These programs are typically
focused on current affairs and often use the style of a television news broadcast (a
“talking head” behind a desk, with illustrative graphics and video), much as a regular
news program. Nonetheless, a key difference is that they promote themselves as deliv-
ering entertainment first and foremost rather than information, with hosts calling them-
selves comedians or entertainers, instead of journalists or newscasters. The programs
are produced with a rather transparent humorous motivation. They are injected with
humor to maintain the interest of the typically younger audience using wry, sarcastic,
or over-the-top graphics or comments. Unlike traditional broadcast news, these pro-
grams are done before an audience who is heard to laugh as the punch lines are read.
Despite the exclusion of satire from mainstream media outlets, several studies
argued that these satirical programs are an increasingly important part of the media
ecosystem. Their use of humor is not perfunctory; rather, humor is often used to pro-
vide critiques of political, economic or social affairs. In essence, they are equal parts of
informing and entertaining. Indeed, Kohut, Morin, and Keeter (2007) found that individ-
uals who watch satirical programs are as knowledgeable about current affairs as indi-
viduals who consume other forms of news media. Satirical programs are also
acknowledged to have significantly shaped public discourse, opinions, and political
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trust (Brewer, Young, and Morreale 2013). One niche they occupy in the media land-
scape is their ability to situate daily news pieces within a larger context (Kohut, Morin,
and Keeter 2007; Reilly 2012). For instance, The Daily Show often compares the remarks
of politicians with their past remarks, sometimes from many years previous, with the
effect of underscoring inconsistencies or contradictions. While previous studies have
referred to political news satires as fake news, their being fake only refers to their for-
mat. They take the form of newscasts for the sake of humor, playing on exaggerated
style, outlandish faux reporting, laughter of the live audience, etc. However, the core
content of political satires are based on actual events.
News Parody
Parody is a second format which previous studies have referred to as fake news.
It shares many characteristics with satire as both rely on humor as a means of drawing
an audience. It also uses a presentation format which mimics mainstream news media.
Where parodies differ from satires is their use of non-factual information to inject
humor. Instead of providing direct commentary on current affairs through humor, par-
ody plays on the ludicrousness of issues and highlights them by making up entirely fic-
titious news stories. One of the most common examples is the parody website The
Onion that indeed has, on occasion, been mistaken for an actual news website. The art
of political parody plays on the vague plausibility of the news item. The reader might
believe, or want to believe, that “tearful Biden carefully takes down blacklight poster of
topless barbarian chick from office wall” (The Onion 2017c) or that “North Korea suc-
cessfully detonates nuclear scientist” (The Onion 2017b). The Onion illustrates how par-
ody-making maps onto fake news. In the case of successful news parody, the authors,
with a “wink” to the audience, carry off sophisticated balance between that which may
be possible and that which is absurd. Unlike most satires which make clear its
non-journalism role, only the grandiose claims of The Onion, such as its readership of
“4.3 trillion,” hint at it not being a mainstream news source (The Onion 2017a).
Berkowitz and Schwartz (2016) argued that news parodies play a role similar to
that of satire, namely that they form part of the “Fifth Estate,” along with non-main-
stream media sources such as columnists and bloggers. The Fifth Estate creates a
unique boundary vis-a
`-vis mainstream news media by enabling critiques of both people
in power and also of the news media. By serving as watchdogs of the press, satirical
and parody sites help ensure that professional journalistic conduct is maintained, help-
ing to improve the credibility of news media. Parody news, as well as news satire, are
different from other forms of fake news in that there is the assumption that both the
author and the reader of the news share the gag. In the case of news parody, the con-
tent is fabricated. The lampooning of either legacy news sources or a person in power
is a shared joke. In some cases, the parody can be too subtle, and the item can be
picked up and receive coverage in mainline news, as when The People’s Daily in China
ran a 55-page photo spread on Kim Jong Un inspired by a “report” in The Onion that
he had been judged the “sexiest man alive” (BBC 2012). In cases such as this, and in
cases where parody items appear in legacy news outlets such as on April Fools’ Day,
people can be taken in by the ruse. In these instances, the intention of the item’s
author and the gullibility of the reader are out of sync. That is, the disclaimers are lost
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on readers who can be deceived by the article and eventually share it with others
without understanding the actual premise.
News Fabrication
The third operationalization of fake news in the articles examined here is “fabrica-
tion.” This refers to articles which have no factual basis but are published in the style
of news articles to create legitimacy. Unlike parody, there is no implicit understanding
between the author and the reader that the item is false. Indeed, the intention is often
quite the opposite. The producer of the item often has the intention of misinforming.
Fabricated items can be published on a website, blog or on social media platforms.
The difficulty in distinguishing fabricated fake news occurs when partisan organizations
publish these stories, providing some semblance of objectivity and balanced reporting.
For instance, right-wing news Breitbart’s report that retailer Target’s share prices had
dropped because of its transgender policies is questionable as there were more likely
reasons for the decrease (Palma 2017).
As with the case of parody, a successful fabricated news item, at least from the
perspective of the author, is an item that draws on pre-existing memes or partialities. It
weaves these into a narrative, often with a political bias, that the reader accepts as
legitimate. The reader faces further difficulty in verification since fabricated news is also
published by non-news organizations or individuals under a veneer of authenticity by
adhering to news styles and presentations. The items can also be shared on social
media and thus further gain legitimacy since the individual is receiving them from peo-
ple they trust. As Flanagin and Metzger (2007) demonstrated, visitors who are unfamil-
iar with a website’s brand uses the sophistication of the website as a mental heuristic
to judge its credibility. In this way, fake news outlets draw in readers (and eventually
advertising revenue) by creating websites which closely mimic those of legacy news
organizations. Once the reader suspends credulity and accepts the legitimacy of the
source, they are more likely to trust the item and not seek verification. It is important
to note that the success of fabricated items relies on pre-existing social tension. When
a population has trust in a particular institution or a person, they will be less likely to
accept stories that are critical. However, if there is social tension—if there are serious
political, sectarian, racial or cultural differences—then people will be more vulnerable
to fabricated news.
An example of a fabricated story is one titled “Pope Francis Endorsed Donald
Trump” (Allcott and Gentzkow 2017). It was estimated that fabricated news relating to
Donald Trump was shared 30 million times on Facebook and those relating to Hillary
Clinton was shared 8 million times. Approximately half of those who remembered these
stories also believed them (Allcott and Gentzkow 2017). There are two relatively new
dimensions to the issue of news fabrication. One is the financial motive of the author;
the other is the development of news bots that give the illusion of widespread accep-
tance of a news item. Looking at the former, the motivation for producing fabricated
news is not simply to sway political meaning. Indeed, in some cases it can be devel-
oped for financial reasons, that is, to attract clicks that in turn will be attractive to
advertisers. During the recent US election, for example, some people in Macedonia
exploited the possibilities of automated advertising bots, such as Google AdSense, to
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make money from fabricated stories (Subramanian 2017). The more people clicked on
the false stories, the greater the income flowing into the bank account of the author.
In some cases, the people producing these stories were not motivated by pursuing a
political goal, only the pecuniary dimension of the issue (Subramanian 2017). Thus, the
more believable the story and the more it piqued the interest of the eventual reader,
the greater the income for the producer.
The second new issue with fabricated news is the development of news bots. It
is not only the content and the format that make fabricated items seem like real news,
but also the illusion that they are widely circulated. Indeed, fake news sites regularly
rely on an “ecosystem of real-time propaganda” composed of a network of bogus bot-
powered sites that automatically push the same set of fake news stories (Albright
2016). This gives the reader the sense that many others are also reading (and eventu-
ally liking) the item and if they go to another site to verify the item, they will likely find
it there, again adding a veneer of legitimacy to the piece. In sum, fabricated news plays
on some of the same dimensions as news parody, without the implicit agreement
between the author and the consumer that it is false. Instead, the author is not acting
in good faith and is motivated by economic or political motivations.
Photo Manipulation
Fake news has also been used to refer to the manipulation of real images or
videos to create a false narrative. Where the previous categories generally referred to
text-based items, this category describes visual news. Manipulation of images has
become an increasingly common occurrence with the advent of digital photos, power-
ful image manipulation software, and knowledge of techniques. Effects may range from
simple to complex. Simple adjustments can include increasing color saturation and
removing minor elements. More-invasive changes can include removing or inserting a
person into an image.
Mass media is no stranger to utilizing these techniques to catch the audience’s
eye. Most recently, this has been studied in the context of citizen journalism and social
media, marked by information overflow and difficulties in the verification of shared
information and images. This is compounded by sharing habits among users who often
share posts without verifying their authenticity. Zubiaga and Ji (2014) used this opera-
tionalization of fake news in their study of manipulated photos that were circulated on
Twitter during Hurricane Sandy in 2012. They examined many examples of photo
manipulation, one of which was a photo that showed the Statue of Liberty in New York
City being battered by waves, with a superimposed logo that made it appear to origi-
nate from a live broadcast by channel NY1. However, the photo was actually a compos-
ite of a fictitious disaster movie and an actual image from Hurricane Sandy (Zubiaga
and Ji 2014).
Most legacy news media are committed to truth and draw the line at altering
images to create a misleading or inauthentic narrative. For instance, the Reuters code
of ethics on image manipulation states that it is primarily a “presentational tool” using
effects like balancing an image’s tone and color, but there can be “no additions or
deletions, no misleading the viewer by manipulation of the tonal and color balance to
disguise elements of an image or to change the context” (Reuters 2017). In 2003, a Los
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Angeles Times journalist was dismissed for merging two actual photos into one, as he
had sufficiently changed the narrative of the images (Campbell 2003). However, on
social media, there are currently no similar codes on sharing manipulated images, much
less a way to enforce any code of ethics to ensure that manipulated images do not
misinform readers or even unnecessarily cause panic. Manipulations are often based on
facts, but include embellishments that have no factual basis.
An increasingly widespread practice involving photos is what we refer to as mis-
appropriation. While none of the studies reviewed for this study used the term “fake
news” to refer to misappropriation, numerous cases have been documented. A recent
example is the viral sharing via Twitter of a photo showing buses purportedly being
gathered to transport anti-Trump protesters (Maheshwari 2016). A Twitter user with
about 400 followers saw a collection of buses in Austin, Texas and assumed they were
being used to transport people to the upcoming anti-Trump protest, when they were
actually being used to transport attendees at a non-related conference. The user took
three photos and posted them along with a comment condemning the protesters on
his Twitter feed. One of his followers posted the tweet on social news-sharing site Red-
dit, where it was also reposted to Facebook and other conservative websites. It was
eventually shared more than 370,000 times. The virality of the photo seemed to verify
the conservatives’ belief that the protesters were not authentic, that they were being
supported or perhaps paid to join the protest. This was a case of a non-manipulated
photo taken out of its original context—intentionally or not—to represent a different
context. The photo may be factual, but it was misappropriated to support a concocted
Advertising and Public Relations
In the material we have examined, fake news has also been used to describe
advertising materials in the guise of genuine news reports as well as to refer to press
releases published as news. For example, one report referred to video news releases
(VNRs) as “fake TV news” (Farsetta and Price 2006, 5). VNRs are pre-packaged video seg-
ments produced by public relations firms aimed at selling or promoting a product, a
company, or an idea. In this context, fake news was defined as “when public relations
practitioners adopt the practices and/or appearance of journalists in order to insert
marketing or other persuasive messages into news media” (5). Nelson and Park (2015)
also examined the use of VNRs and conducted an experiment in which audience’s
beliefs about and credibility toward VNRs were measured in response to pre- and post-
disclosure of their sources. Such video releases were considered fake news as they are
produced by third parties, often advertising or public relations agencies, and they are
provided to television news outlets for possible incorporation into an actual news
report. Although the content’s usage is determined by news agencies, the obscuration
of its origins may mislead audiences into believing that the news produced is entirely
free of bias. A clear distinction with regards to public relations or advertising-related
fake news vis-a
`-vis the other types of fake news examined here is the emphasis on
financial gain. This dimension may be a part of other forms of fabrication that often
primarily focus on political manipulation, but in this case, it is central.
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In some instances, news may function as fulfilling both advertising and news
goals through an advertising format termed native advertising. A prominent example is
that of a 2014 news feature published on The New York Times’ website on women’s
incarceration. This was used to promote the television program Orange is the New Black
(Deziel 2014). At first read, it appears to be a genuine news feature as the content
includes official sources, statistics, interviews, and scholarly studies. It is only by examin-
ing the presentation that one would understand it to be an advertisement. A banner at
the top of the page shows that it is a paid post, while disclaimers at the bottom state
that no news or editorial staff was involved with the publication (Deziel 2014). This
form of “native advertising” is usually based on facts, albeit an incomplete set, often
focusing on the positive aspects of the product or person being advertised. It takes
advantage of the news format, however, to confer more legitimacy to its one-sided
The use of “clickbait” headlines, designed to encourage the reader to “click,” thus
moving the reader to a commercial site, is also on the rise. For example, a promoted
post on Facebook that went viral in March 2017 showed a headline and a photo of
what appeared to be a news item about a wealthy Middle Eastern man arrested for
speeding in the United Kingdom. The headline suggested that he had told the police
that his car was more expensive than the police officer’s annual salary. The item gener-
ated negative, even racist, comments, with some saying the man should be deported.
However, clicking on the post did not take the user to any news article, but rather to a
marketing website. This type of item can also be described as fake news, banking on
news values to attract attention, but misleading a lot of people in the process, even
sowing anger for something that did not happen (Chen, Conroy, and Rubin 2015).
Finally, our material shows that there has been increased interest in the concept
of propaganda due to its relevance to political events in recent years. Propaganda
refers to news stories which are created by a political entity to influence public percep-
tions. The overt purpose is to benefit a public figure, organization or government. One
study investigated news stories on Channel One, an official Russian news channel that
is broadcast both locally in Russia and internationally (Khaldarova and Pantti 2016).
While it is a type of legacy news agency, it does not adhere to the same journalism
code as news outlets in western democracies. The study indicates that news from
Channel One may be construed as “strategic narratives” and “a tool for political actors
to articulate a position on a specic issue and to shape perceptions and actions of
domestic and international audiences” (Khaldarova and Pantti 2016, 893). Indeed, Chan-
nel One was found to have published factually untrue news stories to influence public
perceptions of Russia’s actions (Khaldarova and Pantti 2016).
It is also worth noting that there is a gray zone between advertising and propa-
ganda as overlapping motives may be present. For instance, one study investigated
people who were paid to post comments on social media platforms and forums (Chen
et al. 2013). The posters were recruited by an online game and an anti-virus company
to promote positive news about their respective products and negative news about
competitors. Even though the postings were not explicitly advertising, the underlying
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commercial motive is still financial gain. Similar to advertising, propaganda is often
based on facts, but includes bias that promotes a particular side or perspective. Such
blending of news and commentary, while not unheard of in journalism, hides behind
the appropriation of being an objective piece of news; however, the goal is often to
persuade rather than to inform.
So What Does Fake News Mean?
Fake news has become a buzzword, especially after the 2016 presidential elec-
tions in the United States, a democratic exercise marked by loads of misinformation
and false news (Albright 2016). Mainstream news outlets have reported extensively
about fake news, and even political institutions around the world have discussed ways
to curb the phenomenon (Scott and Eddy 2017). Yet fake news is not a new term. It
has a long legacy reaching back centuries, but even in the past decade it has shifted
meaning. A review of previous studies that have used the term fake news reveals six
types of definition: (1) news satire, (2) news parody, (3) fabrication, (4) manipulation, (5)
advertising, and (6) propaganda.
What is common across these definitions is how fake news appropriates the look
and feel of real news; from how websites look; to how articles are written; to how pho-
tos include attributions. Fake news hides under a veneer of legitimacy as it takes on
some form of credibility by trying to appear like real news. Furthermore, going beyond
the simple appearance of a news item, through the use of news bots, fake news imi-
tates news’ omnipresence by building a network of fake sites. This is a clear recognition
of news’ place in society, but by misappropriating news’ credibility, fake news might
also undermine journalism’s legitimacy, especially in a social media environment when
the actual source of information often gets removed, or at least perceived at a distance
(Kang et al. 2011).
Facticity and Intention
This review of fake news definitions from academic publications allows us to
identify two domains, each of which constitute a continuum, from high to low. This
model allows us to map out the various types of fake news discussed in the literature.
The first dimension, facticity, refers to the degree to which fake news relies on facts.
For example, satire relies on facts but presents it in a diverting format, while parodies
and fabricated news take a broad social context upon which it fashions fictitious
accounts. Native advertising uses one-sided facts, while fabrications are without factual
The second dimension, which is the author’s immediate intention, refers to the
degree to which the creator of fake news intends to mislead. News satires and parodies
use some level of mutually understood suspension of reality to work—the immediate
intention is to humor readers through some level of bending facts. These types of fake
news assume an open disclaimer that they are not real news, a key for the intended
humor to work. In contrast, the authors of fabrication and manipulation intend at the
point of departure to mislead, without any disclaimer. While ultimately the goal of
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fabrication and manipulation is to either misinform people or just attract clicks for
advertising money, such goals are achieved through the immediate intention of
deceiving people that the fake news they see is real.
Integrating these two continuums gives a typology of four general types of fake
news definitions from the literature based on level of facticity and level of immediate
intention (see Table 1).
This not only provides a parsimonious mapping of the different definitions of fake
news across studies, but it can also provide a starting point for clarifying what we actu-
ally mean by fake news. Such clarification will allow a more focused study of the phe-
nomenon. Specifically, current definitions seem to focus on the third quadrant, which
centers on fabrications that are low in facticity and high in the immediate intention to
deceive. These dimensions limit how we can deploy the term fake news in contempo-
rary discourse and highlights the difference between labeling fabricated content as fake
news, and calling out accurate reporting of an incident revealing unflattering qualities
of a particular group or personality as fake news. Increasingly, some groups are deploy-
ing the term to shut down commentary they disagree with as fake news. However, the
presence of opinion does not render a piece as fake news. An opinion piece that does
not pass itself off as a news article and clearly identifies the author directly accountable
to the opinions presented is not fake news. It is what it is—an opinion piece.
The Role of the Audience
An important factor in defining fake news currently missing from the definitions
reviewed in this study is the role of the audience. In particular, an important question
is: Does fake news remain fake if it is not perceived as real by the audience? In other
words, can an article, which looks like news, but is without factual basis, with an imme-
diate intention to mislead, be considered fake news if the audience does not buy into
the lie?
While news is constructed by journalists, it seems that fake news is co-con-
structed by the audience, for its fakeness depends a lot on whether the audience per-
ceives the fake as real. Without this complete process of deception, fake news remains
a work of fiction. It is when audiences mistake it as real news that fake news is able to
play with journalism’s legitimacy. This is particularly important in the context of social
media, where information is exchanged, and therefore meanings are negotiated and
shared. The socialness of social media adds a layer to the construction of fake news, in
A typology of fake news definitions
Level of facticity
Author’s immediate intention to deceive
High Low
High Native advertising News satire
Low Fabrication News parody
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that the power of fake news lies on how well it can penetrate social spheres. Social
spheres are strengthened by information exchange, and it may well be that the quality
of information becomes secondary. Future studies should focus on the role of the audi-
ence in not only sharing and believing in fake news, but in legitimizing it to qualify as
fake news. Another dimension of this is that fake news needs the nourishment of trou-
bled times in order to take root. Social tumult and divisions facilitate our willingness to
believe news that confirms our enmity toward another group. It is in this context that
fake news finds its audience.
A clear definition of fake news, one that matches its empirical manifestation, can
help in testing and building theories in news production and consumption. However,
the typology we mapped out here is based only on how previous academic studies
operationalized the term. For example, we disagree that news satires are fake news, at
least with how we are currently defining it. But our goal is to map out how previous
scholarship has defined the term. Since discourse on fake news also now takes place in
the mainstream press, as journalists find themselves having to differentiate, if not
defend, their work from fake news, future studies can build on the arguments we pre-
sented here to examine contemporary discourse about fake news.
Fake news has real consequences (Goldman 2016; Lopez 2016), which makes it
an important subject for study. But theorizing in this area must start with a clarification
of the concept. This paper reviewed previous studies that used the term and noted the
range of meanings that have been attached to it. By identifying the dimensions that
guided previous definitions of fake news, and in offering a typology based on such
dimensions, this paper hopes to contribute to clarifying the concept and informing
future—and real—studies on fake news.
No potential conflict of interest was reported by the authors.
This work was supported by the Ministry of Education, Singapore.
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Richard Ling, School of Communication and Information, Nanyang Technological
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... These authors also suggest that "fake news is essentially a distortion bias on information manipulated by the publisher" [12]. Tandoc et al. [13] note that the word 'fake' is often used interchangeably with words such as copy, forgery, counterfeit, and inauthentic. Other authors situate fake news within the context of misinformation and disinformation. ...
... Zannettou et al. [18] conducted relevant research on the types of false information available online and proposes a categorization into six types: fabricated, propaganda, hoaxes, rumors, clickbait, and satire news. Similarly, Tandoc et al. [13] categorize the types of fake news into propaganda, advertising, photo manipulation, fabrication, parody, and satire. Based on extensive research and consulting the above classifications, we assembled the most prevalent forms of disinformation that are encountered online and fall under our fake news umbrella-term definition. ...
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... In relation to the approach to news during the TLS, elements were identified that made difficult its evaluation, such as headlines or images that do not represent the content of the news; genuine content framed in a false context; content deliberately designed to harm or mislead; content in video format or real images that are manipulated; and content maliciously attributed to prestigious sources. These descriptions coincide with much of the typology of content assigned to "fake news" in academic articles (Tandoc et al., 2018). Thus, both the news items chosen for classroom discussion and the activities allowed for discussion of a range of misleading information that tests the verification of the information. ...
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This study investigates the socio-demographic predictors for misinformation sharing and authenticating behavior among Malaysian young adults, based on data collected during the COVID-19 pandemic through a self-reporting survey. A total of 833 Malaysians aged between 18 and 35 years old were recruited. Results indicate that 64.5% (n = 537) of the respondents authenticated suspicious news, 16% (n = 133) shared misinformation knowingly, while 30% (n = 250) did so unknowingly. Frequency of sharing news (β = 0.229, p < 0.001), frequency of social media use (β = 0.135, p = 0.03), frequency of access to online news portals (β = - 0.141, p = 0.007) and the ability to identify misinformation (β = -0.161, p < 0.001) significantly predicted misinformation sharing. Conversely, only frequency of sharing news (β = -0.425; p < 0.001) and importance of reading real news (β = 0.873; p < 0.001) predicted authentication behavior. Findings suggest that the majority of the misinformation sharing behavior is accidental instead of intentional, and proposes several strategies that can be adopted to mitigate the wide spread of misinformation including seminars and trainings to improve an individual's social media literacy, critical thinking and analytical skill and also one's social responsibility as a good citizen.
There is vigorous debate as to whether influential social media platforms like Twitter and Facebook should censor objectionable posts by prominent individuals in the United States and elsewhere. A tentative middle ground is employing content moderation to signal to social media audiences that certain posts may contain objectionable information through the mechanism of flagging. Existing studies have mainly examined the effect of flagging regular users' content. To add to this emerging literature stream, we examine the effect of flagging when the underlying content is produced by a prominent individual. Leveraging Twitter's moderation activities on former U.S. President Donald Trump's tweets as our empirical setting, we employ three machine learning algorithms to estimate the effect of flagging Trump's tweets. We explore preliminary evidence as to whether these posts were retweeted less or more than expected. Our results indicate that the flagged tweets were retweeted at higher rates than expected. Our findings suggest that flagging content of prominent individuals on social media might be ineffective or even counterproductive in curbing the spread of content deemed objectionable by social media companies.
Yalan haber olgusu, çağımızın temel problemleri arasında yer almaktadır. Yeni medyanın yaygınlaşması ve yükselişiyle birlikte yalan haber, geleneksel medyanın tekelinden çıkıp kitleselleşmektedir. Enformasyona erişimin kolaylaşması olumlu anlamda bir gelişme olarak değerlendirilirken kitlelerin yalan haberlere maruz kalması demokrasi gibi kurumlar için tehdit olarak algılanmaktadır. Gazeteciler açısından haberin teyit edilmesi geleneksel gazeteciliğin kodları arasında yer alırken, yeni medyada dijital tekniklerin artması gazetecilerin bu alanda yeni rehberler edinmesini gerektirmiştir. Böylelikle gazeteciler için birçok haber doğrulama kitapçıkları üretilmiştir. Öte yandan yalan haber sayısında yaşanan artış “bilgi doğrulayıcıları” veya “haber doğrulayıcıları” olarak yeni bir profesyonelliğin ortaya çıkmasını sağlamıştır. Teknolojikleştirilmiş, rasyonelleştirilmiş ve profesyonelleştirilmiş haber doğrulayıcılığı, yalan haber çağında gazeteciliğe yeni bir işlev kazandırmak amacıyla gelişmektedir. Bu çalışmada, bilgi doğrulayıcılığının hangi düzeylerde geleneksel gazetecilik kimliği sınırları içerisinde yer aldığı sorunsallaştırılmaktadır. Eş deyişle, çalışmada haber doğrulayıcılarının profesyonel kimliklerinin oluşumu incelenmektedir. Aynı zamanda, çalışmada haber doğrulayıcılarının karşılaştığı güçlüklerin profesyonel kimlik üzerindeki etkileri ele alınmıştır. Çalışmada nitel araştırma desenlerinden olgu bilim benimsenmiştir. Bu kapsamda doğrulama platformunda çalışan üç bilgi doğrulayıcı ile görüşülmüştür. Elde edilen bulgulara göre, bilgi doğrulayıcılığı kimliği gerçeklerin aktarılması, objektiflik ve tarafsızlık konularında gazetecilikle benzerlik göstermektedir. Öte yandan bilgi doğrulayıcılığı kimliği, dijital beceriler, çalışma pratikleri ve hız başlıklarında gazetecilikten farklılaşmaktadır.
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The word «fake» and its several synonyms (copy, forgery, simulacrum) touch on a number of ontological and mimetic issues that since Plato have led directly to contemporary debates. In the present survey we will try to outline a «grammar of fake» through three points: a) the issue of pseudos in Plato and its impact on contemporaneity; b) the notion of hyperreality as absolute fake; c) the dimension of operative fake, grasped in its postmodern enucleation.
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Fake websites have become increasingly pervasive, generating billions of dollars in fraudulent revenue at the expense of unsuspecting Internet users. The design and appearance of these websites makes it difficult for users to manually identify them as fake. Automated detection systems have emerged as a mechanism for combating fake websites, however most are fairly simplistic in terms of their fraud cues and detection methods employed. Consequently, existing systems are susceptible to the myriad of obfuscation tactics used by fraudsters, resulting in highly ineffective fake website detection performance. In light of these deficiencies, we propose the development of a new class of fake website detection systems that are based on statistical learning theory (SLT). Using a design science approach, a prototype system was developed to demonstrate the potential utility of this class of systems. We conducted a series of experiments, comparing the proposed system against several existing fake website detection systems on a test bed encompassing 900 websites. The results indicate that systems grounded in SLT can more accurately detect various categories of fake websites by utilizing richer sets of fraud cues in combination with problem-specific knowledge. Given the hefty cost exacted by fake websites, the results have important implications for e-commerce and online security.
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This study, based on case studies of three online newsrooms, seeks to understand the patterns of how journalists use social media in their news work. Through 150 hours of observations and interviews with 31 journalists, the study found that journalists are normalizing social media while also reworking some of their norms and routines around it, a process of journalistic negotiation. They are balancing editorial autonomy and the other norms that have institutionalized journalism, on one hand, and the increasing influence exerted by the audience—perceived to be the key for journalism's survival—on the other. In doing so, journalists are also seeing a reworking of their traditional gatekeeping role, finding themselves having to also market the news.
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Tabloid journalism is often criticized for its propensity for exaggeration, sensationalization, scare-mongering, and otherwise producing misleading and low quality news. As the news has moved online, a new form of tabloidization has emerged: ‘clickbaiting.’ ‘Clickbait’ refers to “content whose main purpose is to attract attention and encourage visitors to click on a link to a particular web page” [‘clickbait,’ n.d.] and has been implicated in the rapid spread of rumor and misinformation online. This paper examines potential methods for the automatic detection of clickbait as a form of deception. Methods for recognizing both textual and non-textual clickbaiting cues are surveyed, leading to the suggestion that a hybrid approach may yield best results.
Following the 2016 US presidential election, many have expressed concern about the effects of false stories ("fake news"), circulated largely through social media. We discuss the economics of fake news and present new data on its consumption prior to the election. Drawing on web browsing data, archives of fact-checking websites, and results from a new online survey, we find: 1) social media was an important but not dominant source of election news, with 14 percent of Americans calling social media their "most important" source; 2) of the known false news stories that appeared in the three months before the election, those favoring Trump were shared a total of 30 million times on Facebook, while those favoring Clinton were shared 8 million times; 3) the average American adult saw on the order of one or perhaps several fake news stories in the months around the election, with just over half of those who recalled seeing them believing them; and 4) people are much more likely to believe stories that favor their preferred candidate, especially if they have ideologically segregated social media networks.
The value and credibility of online consumer reviews are compromised by significantly increasing yet difficult-to-identify fake reviews. Extant models for automated online fake review detection rely heavily on verbal behaviors of reviewers while largely ignoring their nonverbal behaviors. This research identifies a variety of nonverbal behavioral features of online reviewers and examines their relative importance for the detection of fake reviews in comparison to that of verbal behavioral features. The results of an empirical evaluation using real-world online reviews reveal that incorporating nonverbal features of reviewers can significantly improve the performance of online fake review detection models. Moreover, compared with verbal features, nonverbal features of reviewers are shown to be more important for fake review detection. Furthermore, model pruning based on a sensitivity analysis improves the parsimony of the developed fake review detection model without sacrificing its performance.
The crisis in Ukraine has accentuated the position of Russian television as the government’s strongest asset in its information warfare. The internet, however, allows other players to challenge the Kremlin’s narrative by providing counter-narratives and debunking distorted information and fake images. Accounting for the new media ecology—through which strategic narratives are created and interpreted, this article scrutinizes the narratives of allegedly fake news on Channel One, perceiving the fabricated stories as extreme projections of Russia’s strategic narratives, and the attempts of the Ukrainian fact-checking website to counter the Russian narrative by refuting misinformation and exposing misleading images about Ukraine. Secondly, it analyses how Twitter users judged the veracity of these news stories and contributed to the perpetuation of strategic narratives.
So-called “robot” journalism represents a shift towards the automation of journalistic tasks related to news reporting, writing, curation, and even data analysis. In this paper, we consider the extension of robot journalism to the domain of social platforms and study the use of “news bots”—automated accounts that participate in news and information dissemination on social networks. Such bots present an intriguing development opportunity for news organizations and journalists. In particular, we analyze a sample of existing news bot accounts on Twitter to understand how news bots are currently being used and to examine how using automation and algorithms may change the modern media environment. Based on our analysis, we propose a typology of news bots in the form of a design and editorial decision space that can guide designers in defining the intent, utility, and functionality of future bots. The proposed design space highlights the limits of news bots (e.g., automated commentary and opinion, algorithmic transparency and accountability) and areas where news bots may enable innovation, such as niche and local news.