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Verb-dritt-Stellung im türkisch-deutschen Sprachkontakt: Informationsstrukturelle Linearisierungen ein- und mehrsprachiger Sprecher/innen

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Abstract

In present-day German we find new word order options, particularly well-known from Turkish-German bilingual speakers in the contexts of new urban dialects, which allow violations of the canonical verb-second position in independent declarative clauscs. In these cases, two positions are occupied in the forefield in front of the finite verb, usually by an adverbial and a subject, which identify, at the level of information structure, frame-setter and topic, respectively. Our study investigates the influence of verbal versus language-independent information-structural preferences for this linearisation, comparing Turkish-German multilingual speakers who have grown up in Germany with monolingual German and Turkish speakers. For tasks, in which grammatical restrictions were largely minimised, the results indicate a general tendency to place verbs in a position after the frame-setter and the topic; in addition, we found language-specific influences that distinguish Turkish-German and monolingual German speakers from monolingual Turkish ones. We interpret this as evidence for an information-structural motivation for verb-Third, and for a clear dominance of German for Turkish-German speakers in Germany.

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... V3 structures in V2 contexts are attested in native speakers of German (e.g., Bunk, 2020;Müller, 2013;Schalowski, 2015), multi-ethnolectal Germanic varieties such as Kiezdeutsch (e.g., Freywald et al., 2015;Wiese et al., 2016), as well as heritage Germanic languages (Abraham, 2011;Alexiadou & Lohndal, 2018). Some explanations concern processing strategies. ...
... Wiese et al. (2020) hypothesize that V3 follows a "natural order" that reveals an information-structural processing preference (Framesetter > Topic > Verb), an alternative within the V2 property made available through multilingual backgrounds of the Kiezdeutsch speakers (Wiese & Müller, 2018). This is based on German native speakers' syntax being underlyingly OV, evidenced by verbal brackets, and robust V2 (e.g., Wiese et al., 2016), and theoretically modeled with extended CPs (Walkden, 2017) or as decomposed V2 rule where V can move to different loci in the extended CP, that is FinP (V3) or ForceP (V2; Hinterhölzl, 2017). While L2 speakers' V3 in the ZISA study is understood as simplification of V2 with an underlying SVO syntax and therefore explicitly distinct from Kiezdeutsch V3 (Wiese et al., 2016), the L2 data in this study shows a different picture. ...
... This is based on German native speakers' syntax being underlyingly OV, evidenced by verbal brackets, and robust V2 (e.g., Wiese et al., 2016), and theoretically modeled with extended CPs (Walkden, 2017) or as decomposed V2 rule where V can move to different loci in the extended CP, that is FinP (V3) or ForceP (V2; Hinterhölzl, 2017). While L2 speakers' V3 in the ZISA study is understood as simplification of V2 with an underlying SVO syntax and therefore explicitly distinct from Kiezdeutsch V3 (Wiese et al., 2016), the L2 data in this study shows a different picture. Participants with Pattern 3b and 3c show evidence of underlying OV through verbal brackets and target-like subordination as observed for Kiezdeutsch speakers and V2 productions about 50% of the time in the case of Pattern 3c. ...
Article
Aims and objectives/purpose/research questions This study explores the asymmetric placement of the finite verb in Korean L2 German speakers and examines the effect of sociolinguistic factors on the produced verb placement patterns. Design/methodology/approach Fifty-eight participants performed a sentence completion task that elicited the preferred placement of the (finite) verb in matrix and subordinate clauses. In addition, language background interviews were conducted to better understand the sociolinguistic circumstances of the Korean immigrants. Data and analysis The experimental data are analyzed using implicational scaling to identify patterns of verb placement. The effect of sociolinguistic factors was tested fitting an ordinal logistic regression model. Findings/conclusions Contrary to the developmental stages of L2 German syntax found in previous research, the experimental results revealed that target-like subordinate clauses are produced more robustly than verb second (V2) constructions. It is argued that this result is better explained with difficulties producing subject-verb inversion, V2, than with facilitative L1 transfer effects from Korean, producing German subordinate clauses with V-final order. Concerning social factors, the type of occupation (coal miner or nurse) was most significant in predicting the preferred L2 verb placement pattern, followed by L2 education and age of immigration. Originality This article adds to the understanding of L2 German syntax by revisiting previously identified stages of L2 German development with data that target the preferred verb placement in matrix and subordinate clauses from less-researched L1 Korean speakers. The intra-group distinction of Korean immigrants into coal miners and nurses further allows a differentiated look at the role of sociolinguistic factors. Significance/implications This research is significant as it aims to draw a comprehensive picture of L2 German acquisition and usage in the context of labor migration, highlighting a less-studied group of immigrants.
... Deviations from V2 are typically characterised as ungrammatical in descriptions of word order in present-day German (cf. Wiese et al. 2017a for a discussion of examples). Putative exceptions to this have been analysed as separate patterns, e.g., hanging or free topics, clefts, and left dislocation (Altmann 1981;Grohmann 2003;Frey 2005;Günthner 2006), topic drop and V1 declaratives (Fries 1988;Önnerfors 1997;Simon 1998;Reis 2000), and irrelevance conditionals, speech act or counterfactual adverbial clauses in the forefield (Axel 2004;d'Avis 2004), and meta-communicative expressions in a pre-forefield in front of the clause proper (Auer 1997) (see Schalowski 2015 for a full overview). ...
... The forefield is a prime domain for information-structural distinctions, and V3 seems to exploit this further. In Wiese (2011), Wiese et al. (2017a), we suggest, as a key source for V3 in German, an information-structural preference, namely to represent both framesetters (including discourse linkers, cf. Schalowski 2017) and topics before the predication. ...
... Freywald et al. (2015) provide further cross-linguistic support for this information-structural foundation, for V3 in Norwegian, Swedish, and Dutch, in addition to German. A series of experiments (Wiese et al. 2017a;b) with nonverbal communication tasks, where grammatical restrictions were largely removed, underlined the psychological reality of this foundation: placing verbs in a position after framesetters and topics showed up as a strong option, which points to an information-structural motivation for V3 that holds across speakers of different linguistic backgrounds (German, English, Turkish), even in violation of language-specific word order options. This, then, provides a natural motivation to violate strict V2 in favour of V3. ...
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In examples as (i), there are two constituents, rather than one, occupying the domain in front of the finite verb (the "forefield") in a German sentence, in violation of the Germanic V2 rule. (i) Heute ich werd meine Zigaretten mitbringen today I will my cigarettes with-bring 'Today, I will bring my cigarettes with me.' Accordingly, such examples are typically marked as "ungrammatical" in discussions of word order options. Yet, over the last years, such data has been attested in a range of Germanic "V2 languages", indicating a systematic option. While initial observations came from multilingual communities, lately there has also been some evidence from monolingual contexts. We pick up on this by showing, through corpus analyses on spontaneous speech from multilingual and monolingual speakers, that what we find here is a genuine V3 option that is integrated into the general topological layout that also supports V2. We argue that this is a systematic-if comparably less frequent-and possibly diachronically old option with a broad distribution that can shed a special light on the nature of verb-second. This variant has been overlooked in analyses so far, underlining the importance of taking into account the whole gamut of language variation for grammatical theory, rather than only standard-close language use.
... • Like many urban vernaculars and contact varieties, Heritage Low German in the USA allows more than one constituent before the finite verb. These findings tentatively support the idea that V3-structures reflect a syntactic option that can be implemented to fulfil discoursepragmatic and information-structural needs (see Wiese et al. 2017) • Due to the small data set, these initial findings are to be considered with caution. Hopefully, future research with a larger data set, including more speakers, more tokens, and a quasi-longitudinal perspective, can provide a more detailed assessment of these trends. ...
... Hypothesis: Some researchers have attributed the use of V3-structures to interferences from the dominant language (Alexiadou & Lohndal 2018, Sewell 2015, or to individual attrition (Bender 1980, Wirrer 2009). Wiese et al. (2017) propose that V3-structures are a syntactic option that may be used for discourse-pragmatic purposes, to allow the introduction of the discursive frame and topic of the sentence early in the clause. In this case, the occurrence of V3 would be predictable by linguistic factors. ...
... This takes into account that, unlike in such SVO languages as English, the German sentence bracket is fully retained here: in V2 and V3 alike, it is only the finite verb that moves to the left in root declaratives and thus demarcates the forefield, while infinite predicate parts and participles remain in their basic SOV position on the right, at the right border of the middle field (cf. Wiese 2013; Wiese et al. 2017). The V3 pattern hence fully incorporates into the system of German topological fields -an integration into the general make-up of German that should not come as a surprise, given that German is the dominant language in the speech community (in the examples above, the speaker in (3) is monolingually German and uses [g]-spirantisation in jestern 'yesterday', which is characteristic for the traditional Berlin dialect; the speaker in (4) speaks Turkish as a heritage and German as a dominant language). ...
... This would mean that such constraints can be effective even in an extra-grammatical task, where speakers manipulate concrete objects and combine them manually with laminated verbs, rather than talking, and hence language-specific grammatical restrictions are largely removed (cf. also Wiese et al. 2017 for a discussion of such effects in Turkish-German bilinguals). The fact that we still find some language-specific effects, points to an interaction of extra-grammatical and grammatical domains that goes both ways: information-structural preferences can have an impact on the resilience of syntactic options in language variation and change, and syntactic constraints can in turn also impact the choice of linearisations for the presentation of information in extra-grammatical tasks. ...
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Recent findings from spoken language use outside formal standard German provide evidence for linearizations that violate the V2 constraint, suggesting that there might be extensions of V2 in German to a more liberal forefield that can also accommodate V3. Evidence for this was first reported from Kiezdeutsch, an urban dialect from informal peer-group settings in multilingual contexts, and has subsequently also been found in more monolingual settings of German. Findings point to a specific pattern that allows both frame setters and topics to appear together in the left periphery. This chapter contains results from a cross-linguistic study that further explored such an information-structural motive. The investigation was inspired by a seminal study by Goldin-Meadow et al. (2008) that revealed language-independent preferences for the serialization of thematic roles, a ‘natural order of events’. The study investigates a possible ‘natural order of information’ in three typologically different languages, namely German, English, and Turkish: were speakers more likely to place verbs in a position after frame setter plus topic (supporting V3) if language-specific grammatical restrictions were removed? Results indicate an information-structural motivation of V3 that holds across speakers of different linguistic backgrounds (German, English, Turkish), even in violation of language-specific word order options.
... For heritage Cimbrian German, Abraham (2011: 258) suggests that "processing facilitation eases the parsing of oral encoding […]." Wiese and colleagues propose information structural constraints for V3 in Kiezdeutsch, a multi-ethnolectal German variety, where the underlying structure is analyzed as framesetter > topic > verb sequence (e.g., Wiese, 2013;Wiese, Öncü, and Bracker, 2017). Because Kiezdeutsch speakers show robust V2 as well as the 'verbal bracket,' (8a), V3 occurrences in Kiezdeutsch are argued to be an additional, systematic option to V2, strategically used as an informal, spoken register, not a violation of V2. ...
Article
This study examines the L2 German verb placement preferences in 58 Korean immigrant workers in Germany. The verb placement preferences are compared to predictions of Organic Grammar (Vainikka and Young-Scholten, 2011). Assuming an incremental, bottom-up morphosyntactic development, the theory predicts the possibility that L2 acquirers develop only partial clausal structures. Organic Grammar further proposes a two-tree approach of morphosyntactic development and predicts that main clauses with verb-second order (V2) are acquired before subordinate clauses with verb-final order ( OV ). To test these predictions, participants completed two production tasks. Results show a mixed picture. Some participants’ L2 clausal structure seems to have developed only partially, supporting the incremental approach. Regarding the predicted order of acquisition, however, some participants who showed robust use of targetlike subordination with OV , struggled with V2, preferring V3 instead. This suggests the need for a revision of the two-tree approach to incorporate the V3 preference.
... V3-structures require a processing effort which needs to be justified in the sense of communicative advantages (Winkler 2014: 143). However, Wiese & Öncü & Bracker (2017) show that in non-verbal settings (which are less influenced by language-specific restrictions), orders of framesetter, topic and verbal action are chosen which conform to the V3-order by German speakers. The study thus suggests that from a conceptual perspective, orders which are not compatible with the grammatical principles of a language might even be easier to process. ...
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In the last 15 years, the verb-second phenomenon in the Germanic languages has received particular interest and a lot of research has been devoted to its occurrence in dependent environments aiming at finding out whether, and if so, by which criteria it is licensed. However, not only dependent clauses display verb-order variation, there are also different options for positioning the finite verb in main clauses. For example, German declarative clauses (which have been the focus of attention) can display verb-first order. Furthermore, attention has been paid to declarative clauses which are claimed to show verb-third order. And the finite verb might also occur in final position in other types of non-embedded utterances. The contributions to this volume intend to study the formal and interpretative properties of main clauses which do not display the word order which is canonically expected of them. Questions which are addressed are: What are the conditions under which the above mentioned orders become possible or even necessary? Is their nature syntactic, semantic, information structural or stylistic? Are there genre-specific distributions? How similar are the licensing conditions for such ‘deviating’ orders across different (Germanic) languages and/or different historical stages within one language? What are the differences between verb-end and verb-first/-second structures in less well-studied non-assertive utterance types such as interrogatives or exclamatives? How can such variation be accounted for at all? How do such structures fit into systems of sentence mood/type or utterance types? How important is further linguistic material (such as modal particles, intonation, verbal mood)? The contributions of this volume intend to provide new insights for the debate by appealing to synchronic, diachronic and comparative approaches. Sonja Müller & Mailin Antomo: Introduction Frank Sode & Hubert Truckenbrodt: Verb position, verbal mood, and root phenomena in German Nathalie Staratschek: Desintegrierte weil-Verbletzt-Sätze – Assertion oder Sprecher-Commitment? Rita Finkbeiner: Warum After Work Clubs in Berlin nicht funktionieren. Zur Lizensierung von w-Überschriften in deutschen Pressetexten Imke Driemel: Variable verb positions in German exclamatives Ulrike Demske: Syntax and discourse structure: verb-final main clauses in German Janina Beutler: V1-declaratives and assertion Julia Bacskai-Atkari: Clause typing in main clauses and V1 conditionals in Germanic Ines Rehbein, Hans G. Müller & Heike Wiese: The hidden life of V3: an overlooked word order variant on verb-second Ciro Greco & Liliane Haegeman: Initial adverbial clauses and West Flemish V3 Artemis Alexiadou & Terje Lohndal: V3 in Germanic: a comparison of urban vernaculars and heritage languages Volker Struckmeier & Sebastian Kaiser: Just how compositional are sentence types?
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Some contemporary German-speaking authors exploit the discrepancy between the expected presence of the nominal group determinant (Gn) in German and the absence of an actualizer to code a German-Turkish variety, designated by the term Kiez, which metonymically means "language of the neighbourhoods". An example of this is the ritual threat "ich mach dich messer", which could be translated literally as: "I'll make you a knife", which pragmatically corresponds to a meaning such as "you're going to have to deal with my knife". The absence of any determinant for the noun “Messer” creates an unusual language for the German-speaking reader. The contribution analyses the achievements and effects of two contemporary German-Turkish authors: Feridun Zaimoglu in Kanak Sprak, written in this "language of the scoundrels", and Emine Sevgi Özdamar in the title set Mutterzunge, "Language of the mother".
Chapter
This volume offers an up-to-date survey of linguistic phenomena at the interfaces between syntax and prosody, information structure and discourse – with a special focus on Germanic and Romance – and their role in language change. The contributions, set within the generative framework, discuss original data and provide new insights into the diachronic development of long-burning issues such as negation, word order, quantifiers, null subjects, aspectuality, the structure of the left periphery, and extraposition. The first part of the volume explores interface phenomena at the intrasentential level, in which only clause-internal factors seem to play a significant role in determining diachronic change. The second part examines developments at the intersentential level involving a rearrangement of categories between at least two clausal domains. The book will be of interest for scholars and students interested in generative accounts of language change phenomena at the interfaces, as well as for theoretical linguists in general.
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Finite verb placement in German(ic) contact languages has received heightened attention in recent years. In particular, the occurrence of main clauses with two preverbal constituents instead of the “canonical” only one, or verb-third word order (V3), has attracted researchers’ interest especially for Germanic contact varieties. Although previous studies of V3 in urban vernaculars, heritage languages and monolingual populations have used a variety of different methodologies, and proposed an abundance of theoretical approaches, to date, there has been no study (1) using variationist methodology, (2) exploring the contributions of prosody and information-structure to V3 syntax, (3) offering a longitudinal perspective, and (4) focusing on heritage Low German in the United States. This dissertation seeks to fill these gaps. The dissertation is based on a total of 58 interviews recorded in 1998 and 2018/19 with 46 heritage East Frisian Low German speakers from Grundy County and surrounding counties in Iowa, USA. The community was established in the USA in the mid-19th century and is now acutely endangered by communal language shift to English as the majority language. In addition to a detailed sociolinguistic history of this speech community, the dissertation presents a quantitative description of the linguistic and social factors contributing to the use of V3-structures. A statistical analysis of more than 2000 main clauses confirms the presence of a sentence-initial adverbial (i.e. a temporal adverb) to be the most significant constraint on V3-structures. The exploration of a more narrowly defined data-set of more than 600 main clauses with sentence-initial adverbials reveals both linguistic and social factors contributing to the variable use of V3-structures. Most notably, V3-structures are most strongly favored by prosodically separated adverbials which occur in a preceding intonation unit from the finite main verb and/or are followed by a pause. An additional factor that favors V3-structures is greater prosodic weight (i.e., more preverbal syllables). These prosodically separated adverbials may serve to highlight a contrast between information from the previous discourse and new (contrary) information in the subsequent intonation unit, and seem to be consciously employed as effective narrative devices by the speakers. Also promoting V3 are verbs conjugated in the present tense. From a more exploratory survey of the data, it emerges that V3-structures are preferred in longer, uninterrupted narrations, where a narrative present tense may be used as a storytelling strategy. Moreover, V3-structures may be more frequently used when the subject has been mentioned in the 10 preceding intonation units but importantly is different from the subject referent in the immediately preceding intonation unit. In other words, V3-structures seem to be more likely, if the subject is topical and accessible but needs to be “reactivated” after an utterance with a different subject referent. Concerning the social factors, it is shown that men use V3-structures markedly more often than women and that the usage of V3-structures increased over time, both with regard to speakers’ year of birth and between the two points of data collections. Nevertheless, because the usage of V3-structures remains constrained by linguistic factors and is systematically motivated by discourse-pragmatic needs, these structures do not occur arbitrarily. Thus, the observed verb placement variation seems to be part of an ongoing communal language change.
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This paper investigates a new urban vernacular that developed in linguistically diverse, mul-tiethnic and multilingual, areas in urban Germany, "Kiezdeutsch", from the perspective of German dialects. I show that the grammatical and pragmatic patterns we find here indicate a system in its own standing (rather than a mere accumulation of features) that characterises a new, dynamic variety that fits into the dialectal landscape of German. A closer look at Kiez-deutsch phenomena from such a 'dialect' point of view reveals a dominance of language-internal motivations, rather than contact-induced effects, suggesting that such new urban dialects might offer us a special means of access to internal tendencies of language variation and change.
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In this article I discuss examples of multiple constituents before the finite verb in German. I provide an analysis that uses an empty verbal head that takes the ele-ments before the finite verb as arguments or adjuncts. The empty verbal head that is used for the analysis of multiple frontings is identical to the empty verbal head that is used to account for the analysis of verb first sentences (verb movement). The analysis uses techniques that were developed independently for the analysis of Incomplete Category Fronting.
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Drawing on a variety of different phenomena the paper argues for the existence of a designated topic position in the middle field of the German clause. This implies that German is discourse configurational with regard to topics. The result allows some basic questions to be addressed, including the possible number of sentence topics, the possibility of topics in embedded clauses, the question whether there is a dependence between scrambling and topicality, and the question whether the generic interpretation of a bare plural subject is dependent on its topical status. Moreover, a proposal for the structural representation of the medial topic position is put forward.
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This study investigates the linguistic realization of information structure (IS) in Turkish. Following Vallduvı́ and Engdahl [Linguistics 34 (1996) 459], Hoffman (Hoffman, B., 1995. The Computational Analysis of the Syntax and Interpretation of “Free” Word Order in Turkish. Unpublished PhD dissertation, University of Pennsylvania), and Kılıçaslan (Kılıçaslan, Y., 1994. Information Packaging in Turkish. Unpublished MSc dissertation, University of Edinburgh), it is assumed that IS has a tripartite structure, consisting of topic, tail, and focus. The main claim of this paper is that syntax and phonology, by means of word order and prosody, are both responsible for the realization of the IS units. Thus, neither syntax nor phonology can be reduced to a secondary role. The word order–prosody interface reveals that presentational-focus and contrastive-focus are two distinct phenomena in Turkish, which are marked by different focusing strategies, i.e. syntactic and prosodic. It is shown that without drawing the distinction between the two types of focus, focusing phenomena in Turkish cannot be explained. This study also provides a schema representing the surface level structuring of IS in Turkish. At the same time, it is brought to light that in the interaction between specificity and IS, word order is employed in an extremely ‘free’ way to mark the ground elements. This empirical fact suggests that the relation between specificity and IS is far more complex in Turkish than suggested in the previous literature.
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This paper discusses a phenomenon that has recently been observed in areas with a large migrant population in European cities: the rise of new linguistic practices among adolescents in multiethnic contexts. The main grammatical characteristics that have been described for them are (1) phonological/phonetic and lexical influences from migrant languages and (2) morpho-syntactic reductions and simplifications. In this paper, I show that from a grammatical point of view, morpho-syntactic reductions are only part of the story. Using ‘Kiezdeutsch’ as an example, the German instance of such a youth language (which may be the one with most speakers), I discuss several phenomena that provide evidence for linguistic productivity and show that they evolve from a specific interplay of grammatical and pragmatic features that is typical for contact languages: grammatical reductions go hand-in-hand with productive elaborations that display a systematicity that can lead to the emergence of new constructions, indicating the innovative grammatical power of these multiethnolects.
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The lexical layer, headed by the verb, the structural layer in which theta assignment takes place.
Data
In this article, I present evidence for an information-structural basis for linguistic variation in a German multiethnolect, Kiezdeutsch. Using data from word order variation and new particle usages in Kiezdeutsch, I show that variation that seems random from a morphosyntactic point of view, can be motivated by systematic choices at the level of information structure. I argue that this points to an interaction of softer grammatical constraints with more direct options to realise information-structural preferences, and discuss this interaction from the point of view of linguistic architecture.
Article
This paper sketches the view that syntax does not directly interact with information structure. Therefore, syntactic data are of little help when one wants to narrow down the interpretation of terms such as “focus”, “topic”, etc.
Article
The attrition of German in two Turkish girls (seven and nine years old), previously resident in Germany, was observed in Turkey. The attrition was compared to the L2-acquisition of German of a Turkish boy aged 11. Attrition did not set in immediately. In the second stage, after six months, slower speech, hesitation and free morpheme code-switching to Turkish due to lexical attrition, particularly in verbs, indicated its onset. Basic grammatic al categories were involved in the third stage. Bound morpheme code- switching became the predominant pattern. Basic syntactic patterns of German were retained longest. Attrition was largely a mirror-image of acquisition. Simplification, overgeneralization and over-regularization were strikingly similar in both sets of data. Code-switching turned out to be developmentally systematic, and even 'grammaticalized' in the final stages.
Article
The paper presents the findings of two studies of Copenhagen multiethnolect. The first study depicts a set of linguistic features that constitutes the linguistic variety which is termed multiethnolect. This study was by and large carried out from a perspective which in the paper is called a variety perspective. The second study was carried out from a stylistic practice perspective where multiethnolect is analyzed in more holistic terms as part of a broad range of stylistic repertoires in a local community of practice. The two studies serve in this article as illustrations of different approaches to studying language use and variation in multiethnic urban areas.
Article
This paper claims that there is no phonological focus, topic, contrast, or, for that matter, phonological 'new', 'given' or 'backgrounded' elements. In other words, the phonology is unable to define information structure. It is a common fallacy that information structural categories are expressed by invariant grammatical correlates, be it syntactic, morphological or phonological ones. The truth is that phonological and phonetic cues help speaker and hearer to sort out which elements in a sentence express 'newness', 'givenness', 'topic' and 'focus', and only in this sense, phrasing and accent structure (pitch accents and deaccenting) are important phonological correlates of information structure. Languages display variations as to the role of phonology to enhance categories of information structure, and this variation reflects what is found in the 'normal' syntax and phonology of languages.
Article
Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Minnesota, 1983. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 220-225).
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Jugendsprache -langue des jeunes -youth language. Linguistische und soziolinguistische Perspektiven
  • Ulla - Kotsinas
  • Britt
Kotsinas, Ulla-Britt (1998): Language contact in Rinkeby, an immigrant suburb. In: Androutsopoulos, Jannis K./ Scholz, Arno (Hg.): Jugendsprache -langue des jeunes -youth language. Linguistische und soziolinguistische Perspektiven. Frankfurt a.M.: Peter Lang. (= VarioLingua 7). S. 125-148.
Basic notions of informations structure
  • Manfred Krifka
Krifka, Manfred (2006): Basic notions of informations structure. In: ISIS 6. Potsdam, Berlin: SFB Informationsstruktur. S. 12-49.
On some structural aspects of Norwegian spoken among adolescents in multilingual settings in Oslo
  • Opsahl
  • Ingvild Nistov
Opsahl, Toril/ Nistov, Ingvild (2010): On some structural aspects of Norwegian spoken among adolescents in multilingual settings in Oslo. In: Quist, Pia/Svendsen, Bente Ailin (Hg.): Multilingual Urban Scandinavia. New Linguistic Practices. Bristol: Multilingual Matters. S. 49-63.
Egentlig alle kan bidra!" En samling sosiolingvistiske studier av strukturelle trekk ved norsk i multietniske ungdomsmiljøer i Oslo
  • Toril Opsahl
Opsahl, Toril (2009): "Egentlig alle kan bidra!" En samling sosiolingvistiske studier av strukturelle trekk ved norsk i multietniske ungdomsmiljøer i Oslo ["Eigentlich alle können beitragen." Eine Sammlung soziolinguistischer Studien struktureller Merkmale des Norwegischen in multiethnischen Wohngebieten Oslos]. Dissertation. Universität Oslo.
Word order, prosody and information structure in Turkish
  • Umut Özge
Özge, Umut (2006): Word order, prosody and information structure in Turkish. In: Yağcıoğlu, Semiramis/ Cem Değer, Ayşen (Hg.): Advances in Turkish Linguistics: Proceedings of the 12th International Conference on Turkish Linguistics. İzmir: Dokuz Eylül University Press. S. 25-35.
Turkish in European societies
  • Jochen Rehbein
Rehbein, Jochen (2001): Turkish in European societies. In: Lingua e Stile 36. S. 317-334.
On an information structural typology of multiple prefields in spoken German
  • Sören Schalowski
Schalowski, Sören (2012): How German sentences begin. On an information structural typology of multiple prefields in spoken German. Talk at Meertens Instituut, Amsterdam, 17 Dec 2012. Available online: https://www.sfb632.unipotsdam.de/images/conf/schalowski2012_talk_amsterdam.pdf
From adverbial to discourse connective: the function of German 'dann' and 'danach' in non-canonical prefields
  • Sören Schalowski
Schalowski, Sören (ersch.): From adverbial to discourse connective: the function of German 'dann' and 'danach' in non-canonical prefields. In: Fried, Mirjam/ Leheckova, Eva (Hg.): Connectives as a Functional Category: Between Clauses and Discourse Units. Amsterdam: Benjamins.
Informationsstruktur
  • Danksagung Die Studien
Danksagung Die Studien, die hier vorgestellt werden, wurden ermöglicht durch die DFG-Förderung des Sonderforschungsbereichs 632 "Informationsstruktur" (Universität Potsdam, Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin, Freie Universität Berlin), Teilprojekt B6 "Kiezdeutsch" (Leitung: H. Wiese). Wir danken zwei anonymen Gutachter/inne/n für konstruktive und hilfreiche Hinweise zu einer früheren Fassung dieses Beitrags. Für ihre Hilfe bei der Durchführung der verschiedenen Studien danken wir Maria Pohle, Oliver Bunk und Julia Reinhardt (Universität Potsdam) sowie Kübra Mehmetoğlu und Doğukan Özegi (Ege-Üniversitesi İzmir). Ein besonderer Dank geht an die Schülerinnen und Schüler der Hector-Peterson-Schule Berlin-Kreuzberg und ihre engagierte Lehrerin Heike Esser.