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Experiences of shame by race and culture: An exploratory study
Abstract
This study explored experiences of shame in the context of racial and cultural belonging. Participants were a multiracial purposive sample of 11 South Africans (five females and six males, four white, two coloured, two Indian and three black Africans; in the age range between 40 to 61 years). The participants completed a semi-structured interview on their perceptions of shame in the context of family and community. The interview data were analysed utilising interpretive phenomenological analysis (IPA). Participants from all racial groups considered shame experiences primarily in relation to violation of family and community norms and values. Findings show that male white Afrikaans-speaking participants narrated shameful experiences mainly with regard to the violation of religious (Calvinist) norms and values. Furthermore, the violation of racially constructed boundaries was also likely with females with an Indian and white Afrikaans culture background. Overall, the findings suggest white Afrikaans culture to be less shaming of individuals in comparison to black, coloured, or Indian cultures. Shame beliefs appear to be culturally nuanced in their salience to members or racial-ethno groupings.
... The shame-stigma-power relationship has further been explored and illuminated in other cultural contexts through qualitative studies from sociology, anthropology, and cultural psychology. For instance, in-depth interviews with South Africans revealed both cultural differences between racial groups and the lasting influence of racial segregation during Apartheid on individuals' experiences of shame (Ivey & Sonn, 2019;Mayer & Viviers, 2017). Contrary to White South Africans, most South Africans of colour considered shame essential to maintain social harmony and cultural norms within their community (Mayer & Viviers, 2017). ...
... For instance, in-depth interviews with South Africans revealed both cultural differences between racial groups and the lasting influence of racial segregation during Apartheid on individuals' experiences of shame (Ivey & Sonn, 2019;Mayer & Viviers, 2017). Contrary to White South Africans, most South Africans of colour considered shame essential to maintain social harmony and cultural norms within their community (Mayer & Viviers, 2017). Participants' narratives from both racial groups also highlighted how whiteness both sometimes offered protection from shame within the larger community (Mayer & Viviers, 2017) and made White South Africans the frequent subject of moral blame for having historically benefitted at the expense of people of colour (Ivey & Sonn, 2019;Mayer & Viviers, 2017). ...
... Contrary to White South Africans, most South Africans of colour considered shame essential to maintain social harmony and cultural norms within their community (Mayer & Viviers, 2017). Participants' narratives from both racial groups also highlighted how whiteness both sometimes offered protection from shame within the larger community (Mayer & Viviers, 2017) and made White South Africans the frequent subject of moral blame for having historically benefitted at the expense of people of colour (Ivey & Sonn, 2019;Mayer & Viviers, 2017). Similarly, in-depth interviews with other minority groups further emphasize how shame can become a marker of power imbalances within a society (Ho & Goh, 2017;Mirdal, 2006;Treloar et al., 2016). ...
L’émotion de la honte est généralement conceptualisée dans une perspective occidentale et universaliste. Dans cet article, nous examinons d’abord de manière critique les définitions concurrentes de la honte enracinées dans les traditions occidentales et les opposons aux conceptualisations de la honte enracinées dans d’autres traditions culturelles (comme illustré par le travail des chercheurs chinois et taïwanais). Nous explorons ensuite le rôle critique de la culture et des menaces sociales chroniques, telles que la discrimination, dans la construction sociale de la honte. Bien que les recherches actuelles indiquent des continuités et des discontinuités dans l’expérience de la honte à travers les contextes, les définitions occidentales ont limité notre capacité à comprendre les conceptualisations et les stratégies de régulation de diverses traditions culturelles, le rôle de la honte dans l’amélioration de soi, et la propension de la honte à agir comme un signal en réaction à la stigmatisation sociale. Notre objectif est de mettre en évidence les preuves existantes de la construction sociale de la honte, de faire en sorte que la recherche sur la honte ne soit plus centrée sur les cadres occidentaux, et d’identifier des pistes de recherche supplémentaires pour l’étude de conceptualisations contextualisées et écologiquement significatives de la honte.
... • ethnic or racial shame, i.e.,. inferior value due to discriminated ethnicity (Mayer & Viviers, 2017); ...
Due to the notion of extrinsic self-worth and collective self-construal, shame is positively valued in the East. These traditional values warrant a qualitative investigation to deconstruct the emotion and social scripting of internalized shame as phenomena that emerges in collective contexts. Separate narratives of childhood shame experiences from 91 hours of 51 interviews with three Asians provided storylines of shame events, values, that constructed socio-cultural scripts of shame (SIS). Narrative restorying presented the voice of the Abused Self, Romantically Rejected Self, Academic Self, Suppressed Creative Self, Conflicted Self, Not a Proud Self, Misgendered Self, Divorced Self, Depressive Self, Inferior Female Gender, and Inferior Status.
Primary findings: External shame events and SIS were endorsed by societal values. External shame and societal values functioned as contextual mechanisms which facilitated an internalization of values, which in turn constructed SIS. Progressive self-shaming, self- devaluating, scripted fear, and shame-related morbidity were related to SIS. Neglect functioned as “non-events” preceding a vulnerability to SIS. Influences of socio-cultural values and SIS were bi-directional. I propose: four basic components of internalized shame, i.e., rejected, devalued, neglected, and abused; a distinction between internalized shame as an affect, as an identity belief, and as self-shaming events, the latter of which is proximal to morbidity; varied pathways that linked external shame events and societal values to SIS; and considerations to defend the injustice related to the condoning of shamer’s abuse due to status-related power privileges. Finally, as an alternative to the humanistic philosophies condoning, or alternatively condemning shame, a theological anthropology of a divinely-scripted-communal-self is presented.
... Preliminary research suggests that levels of selfcompassion are higher amongst female African American college students when compared to female European American (Miron et al., 2014). Meanwhile, another study among multiracial South Africans noted that individuals identifying with white Afrikaans culture reported experiencing less shame compared to black, colored, or Indian Afrikaan cultures (Mayer & Viviers, 2017). Further, a qualitative study found that sexual minority adolescents of color view their sexual identity through the lens of their racial identity, which may exacerbate shame (Flores & Davalos, 2019). ...
Women are at increased risk for post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) and depression associated with rape, and shame plays a vital role in the development and maintenance of PTSD and depression. Thus, there is a need to identify factors that may decrease shame among female survivors of adult rape. Self-compassion may be one such factor. The present study used path analysis in MPlus version 7.3 to examine the indirect effect of self-compassion on PTSD and depression via rape-related shame. We hypothesized that higher levels of self-compassion would be associated with lower levels of rape-related shame, which in turn would be associated with lower levels of PTSD and depression. College women ( N = 305) who reported experiencing rape completed anonymous online surveys assessing rape, self-compassion, rape-related shame, PTSD, and depression. Consistent with our hypothesis, results indicated that self-compassion was negatively associated with assault-related shame, which in turn was positively associated with PTSD and depression. There was also a significant indirect effect of self-compassion on PTSD and depression via rape-related shame. Further, rape-related shame fully explained the relation between self-compassion and PTSD. Findings suggest that self-compassion may be an appropriate target to reduce rape-related shame and may subsequently facilitate reductions in PTSD and depression symptoms.
... Like many Afrikaners who grew up in conservative and religious families in the 1970s and 1980s, I was also able to relate to Hadil's complete faith in the divine intervention of an omnipotent God, notwithstanding obvious religious differences. It is also important to note, for purposes of the current article, that issues of guilt and self-blame are key to the experience of Calvinist religion in South Africa (Mayer and Viviers 2017), issues which I myself have experienced extensively. ...
In a rapidly transforming world, cultural assimilation and the hybridity of clients and therapists are increasingly acknowledged. Juxtaposed against universalist and relativist discourses in Cultural Psychiatry, the elucidation of perceived “difference” from cultural norms, constructed as being observed in the lives of either the client, or therapist, or both, requires critical reflection on how such norms are derived and by whom. This cultural case study describes a clinical encounter between a Muslim South African woman, and a South African man of Afrikaner descent. A shared experience of marginalization led to surprising similarities and common ground against obvious cultural differences, which have contributed to the strengthening of the therapeutic relationship and consolidation of trust. Beside the more parsimonious focus on “shared marginalization” as a potential bridge to move towards transcending overt cultural differences, the case study’s emphasis on a shared humanity within the interwoven texture of perceived difference go beyond dichotomous discourses that sharply dissect “sameness” from “otherness”. This may well have relevance to any clinical encounter in which identity is dynamically presented and re-presented in complex ways.
In exploring dating and couple formation, we look at how it may be shaped by family of origin, how are family treats us now, prior relationships, friends and family, community, and/or social media; in this chapter, we will also explore how societal discourse has influenced interracial, intercultural, and interreligious partners and families within the dating arena. We discuss how support, or lack of it, influences the couple’s relationship, how they get to know each other, and how they negotiate their interests via multiple identity negotiations. The central theme of this chapter is to highlight the need to honor differences as avenues of connection, rather than relying on the belief that dating interracially, interculturally, and/or with interfaith aspects is like homogenous couples.
Shame is a significant factor for psychological problems in adolescents. The present study aims to assess the Persian version of the Adolescent Shame‐Proneness Scale (ASPS) among Iranian adolescents. Participants of this correlation study were 2291 high school students aged 12–18 (1296 girls and 1036 boys), selected through a multistage random cluster sampling method. The results indicated that the ASPS has adequate validity and reliability. Assessment of model fit using confirmatory factor analysis revealed satisfactory goodness of fit indices. Similar to the original version of ASPS, a three correlated factor model was confirmed in the present sample, and girls scored higher on all three subscales of ASPS. This scale can be a reliable and flexible instrument for measuring the significant emotion of shame in Iranian adolescents in research and clinical settings and can help expand the shame literature. (1) The Persian version of the Adolescent Shame‐Proneness Scale (ASPS) is a reliable scale for researchers and therapists to expand the shame literature in Iran and has cross‐cultural utility. (2) Girls scored higher than boys on all three subscales of ASPS, “Negative Self‐Evaluation,” “Emotional Discomfort,” and “Externalization.” (3) Shame and guilt differ despite overlap because shame is associated with negative self‐evaluation in general attributions, whereas guilt is characterized by a specific behavior. The Persian version of the Adolescent Shame‐Proneness Scale (ASPS) is a reliable scale for researchers and therapists to expand the shame literature in Iran and has cross‐cultural utility. Girls scored higher than boys on all three subscales of ASPS, “Negative Self‐Evaluation,” “Emotional Discomfort,” and “Externalization.” Shame and guilt differ despite overlap because shame is associated with negative self‐evaluation in general attributions, whereas guilt is characterized by a specific behavior.
The negative impact of the coronavirus disease outbreak 2019 (COVID-19) on work mental health is reported in many countries including Germany and South Africa: two culturally distinct countries. This study aims to compare mental health between the two workforces to appraise how cultural characteristics may impact their mental health status. A cross-sectional study was used with self-report measures regarding (i) mental health problems, (ii) mental health shame, (iii) self-compassion, (iv) work engagement and (v) work motivation. 257 German employees and 225 South African employees have completed those scales. This study reports results following the Strengthening the Reporting of Observational Studies in Epidemiology (STROBE) guidelines. T-tests, correlation and regression analyses were performed. German employees had lower mental health problems and mental health shame, and higher self-compassion than South Africans. Mental health problems were positively associated with mental health shame and amotivation, and negatively associated with work engagement and intrinsic motivation in both groups. Lastly, self-compassion, a PP 2.0 construct, was the strongest predictor for mental health problems in both countries. Our results suggest (i) that German culture’s long-term orientation, uncertainty avoidance and restraint may help explain these differences, and (ii) that self-compassion was important to mental health in both countries. While the levels of mental health differed between the two countries, cultivating self-compassion may be an effective way to protect mental health of employees in those countries. Findings can help inform managers and HR staff to refine their wellbeing strategies to reduce the negative impact of the pandemic, especially in German-South African organizations.
The Value of Shame
Exploring a Health Resource in Cultural Contexts
Editors: Vanderheiden, Elisabeth, Mayer, Claude-Helene (Eds.)
• Provides new comprehensible perspectives on contemporary research on shame
• Discusses shame concepts from a positive psychology perspective across cultures
• Highlights new insights on the concept of shame for researchers and practitioners in the field of psychology and cultural studies
This volume combines empirical research-based and theoretical perspectives on shame in cultural contexts and from socio-culturally different perspectives, providing new insights and a more comprehensive cultural base for contemporary research and practice in the context of shame. It examines shame from a positive psychology perspective, from the angle of defining the concept as a psychological and cultural construct, and with regard to practical perspectives on shame across cultures. The volume provides sound foundations for researchers and practitioners to develop new models, therapies and counseling practices to redefine and re-frame shame in a way that leads to strength, resilience and empowerment of the individual.
Orientation:
Shame has been internationally researched in various cultural and societal
contexts as well as across cultures in the workplace, schools and institutions of higher
education. It is an emotional signal that refers to experienced incongruence of identity goals
and the judgement of others.
Research purpose:
The purpose of this study was to focus on experiences of shame in the
South African (SA) workplace, to provide emic, in-depth insights into the experiences of shame
of employees.
Motivation for the study:
Shame in the workplace often occurs and might impact negatively
on mental health and well-being, capability, freedom and human rights. This article aims at
gaining some in-depth understanding of shame experiences in SA workplaces. Building on
this understanding the aim is to develop awareness in Industrial and Organisational
Psychologists (IOPs), employees and organisations to cope with shame constructively in
addition to add to the apparent void in the body of knowledge on shame in SA workplaces.
Research design, approach and method:
An interpretative hermeneutical research paradigm,
based on Dilthey’s modern hermeneutics was applied. Data were collected through semi-
structured interviews of 11 employees narrating their experiences from various workplaces,
including the military, consulting organisations and higher education institutions. Content
analysis was used for data analysis and interpretation.
Main findings:
The major themes around which shameful experiences evolved included loss
of face, mistreatment by others, low work quality, exclusion, lifestyle and internalised shame
on failure in the workplace. Shame is experienced as a disturbing emotion that impacts
negatively on the self within the work context. It is also experienced as reducing mental health
and well-being at work.
Practical/managerial implications:
SA organisations need to be more aware of shame in the
workplace, to address the potential negative effects of shame on employees, particularly if
they are not prepared to reframe shame into a constructively and positively used emotion. Safe
spaces should be made available to talk about shame. Strategies should be applied to deal with
shame constructively.
Contribution/value-add:
This article expands an in-depth understanding of shame from emic
and culture-specific perspectives within SA workplaces. The findings are beneficial to IOPs
and organisations to understand what shame is from the perspective of SA employees across
cultural groups. The article thereby adds value to theory and practice, offering IOPs a deeper
understanding of shame in the work context.
The real and imagined racial differences and similarities between groups of students and staff have consequences in everyday experiences in South Africa. One aspect of engaging with the challenges facing higher education transformation post-Apartheid is through understanding how the racialized context interacts with the experience of teaching. This paper reports on what the narratives of four white academics reveal about their experience of teaching at the University of Cape Town (UCT). It analyses indicators of their identity as white academics and how they are both positioned and actively position themselves in relation to students and other academics at UCT. Their narratives reveal how academics simultaneously grapple with the privileges and limitations that accompany identifying as white. These tensions are explored through issues of black student development amid an alienating institutional culture and opposition to the behaviour of their white colleagues.
Significance
Prominent theories of shame hold that shame is inherently maladaptive. However, direct tests of the fit between shame and its probable target domain have not previously been conducted. Here we test the alternative hypothesis that shame, although unpleasant (like pain), serves the adaptive function of defending against the social devaluation that results when negative information reaches others—by deterring actions that would lead to more devaluation than benefits, for example. If so, the intensity of shame people feel regarding a given item of negative information should track the devaluation that would happen if that item became known. Indeed, the data indicate a close match between shame intensities and audience devaluation, which suggests that shame is an adaptation.
Samantha Vice’s proposal on how to live in ‘this strange place’ of contemporary South Africa, includes an appeal to the concepts of shame and silence. In this paper, I use Emmanuel Levinas and Giorgio Agamben to move the discussion of shame from a moral to an existential question. The issue is not about how one should feel, but about the kind of self that whiteness in South Africa makes possible today. Shame desubjectifies. Vice’s recommendation of silence is then taken as witnessing/listening, which I argue grounds the possibility of a recovery of the self.
Self-conscious emotions (e.g., shame, pride) are fundamentally important to a wide range of psychological processes, yet they have received relatively little attention compared to other, more "basic" emotions (e.g., sadness, joy). This article outlines the unique features that distinguish self-conscious from basic emotions and then explains why generally accepted models of basic emotions do not adequately capture the self-conscious emotion process. The authors present a new model of self-conscious emotions, specify a set of predictions derived from the model, and apply the model to narcissistic self-esteem regulation. Finally, the authors discuss the model's broader implications for future research on self and emotion.
Two studies tested the idea that the situations that people encounter frequently and the situations that they associate most strongly with an emotion differ across cultures in ways that can be understood from what a culture condones or condemns. In a questionnaire study, N = 163 students from the United States and Japan perceived situations as more frequent to the extent that they elicited condoned emotions (anger in the United States, shame in Japan), and they perceived situations as less frequent to the extent that they elicited condemned emotions (shame in the United States, anger in Japan). In a second study, N = 160 students from the United States and Japan free-sorted the same situations. For each emotion, the situations could be organized along two cross-culturally common dimensions. Those situations that touched upon central cultural concerns were perceived to elicit stronger emotions. The largest cultural differences were found for shame; smaller, yet meaningful, differences were found for anger.
Thematic analysis is a poorly demarcated, rarely acknowledged, yet widely used qualitative analytic method within psychology. In this paper, we argue that it offers an accessible and theoretically flexible approach to analysing qualitative data. We outline what thematic analysis is, locating it in relation to other qualitative analytic methods that search for themes or patterns, and in relation to different epistemological and ontological positions. We then provide clear guidelines to those wanting to start thematic analysis, or conduct it in a more deliberate and rigorous way, and consider potential pitfalls in conducting thematic analysis. Finally, we outline the disadvantages and advantages of thematic analysis. We conclude by advocating thematic analysis as a useful and flexible method for qualitative research in and beyond psychology.
The end of apartheid has brought a resurgence of research into racial identities, attitudes and behaviour in South Africa. The legacy of systematic racial ordering and discrimination under apartheid is that South Africa remains deeply racialised, in cultural and social terms, as well as deeply unequal, in terms of the distribution of income and opportunities. South Africans continue to see themselves in the racial categories of the apartheid era, in part because these categories have become the basis for post-apartheid ‘redress’, in part because they retain cultural meaning in everyday life. South Africans continue to inhabit social worlds that are largely defined by race, and many express negative views of other racial groups. There has been little racial integration in residential areas, although schools provide an important opportunity for inter-racial interaction for middle-class children. Experimental and survey research provide little evidence of racism, however. Few people complain about racial discrimination, although many report everyday experiences that might be understood as discriminatory. Racial discrimination per se seems to be of minor importance in shaping opportunities in post-apartheid South Africa. Far more important are the disadvantages of class, exacerbated by neighbourhood effects: poor schooling, a lack of footholds in the labour market, a lack of financial capital. The relationship between race and class is now very much weaker than in the past. Overall, race remains very important in cultural and social terms, but no longer structures economic advantage and disadvantage.
This paper is part of a special issue of the South African on Samantha Vice's "How Can I Live in this Strange Place?"In this paper I address a tension in Samantha Vice’s claim that humility and silence offer effective moral responses to white shame in the wake of South African apartheid. Vice describes these twin virtues using inward-turning language of moral self-repair, but she also acknowledges that this ‘personal, inward directed project’ has relational dimensions. Her failure to explore the relational strand, however, leaves her description of white shame sounding solitary and penitent. My response develops the missing relational dimensions of white shame and humility arguing that this strand, once visible, complicates Vice’s project by (1) challenging her unitary and homogenous view of white identity, and (2) demonstrating the important role vulnerability plays in our understandings of white shame.
A number of issues can affect sample size in qualitative research; however, the guiding principle should be the concept of saturation. This has been explored in detail by a number of authors but is still hotly debated, and some say little understood. A sample of PhD studies using qualitative approaches, and qualitative interviews as the method of data collection was taken from theses.com and contents analysed for their sample sizes. Five hundred and sixty studies were identified that fitted the inclusion criteria. Results showed that the mean sample size was 31; however, the distribution was non-random, with a statistically significant proportion of studies, presenting sample sizes that were multiples of ten. These results are discussed in relation to saturation. They suggest a pre-meditated approach that is not wholly congruent with the principles of qualitative research.
URN: urn:nbn:de:0114-fqs100387
During the final years of the apartheid era and the subsequent transition to democracy, South African literary writing caught the world's attention as never before. Writers responded to the changing political situation and its daily impact on the country's inhabitants with works that recorded or satirised state-enforced racism, explored the possibilities of resistance and rebuilding, and creatively addressed the vexed question of literature's relation to politics and ethics. Writing South Africa offers a window on the literary activity of this extraordinary period that conveys its range (going well beyond a handful of world-renowned names) and its significance for anyone interested in the impact of decolonisation and democratisation on the cultural sphere. It brings together for the first time discussions by some of the most distinguished South African novelists, poets, and dramatists, with those of leading commentators based in South Africa, Britain and North America.
Shame is a concept widely researched in psychology and it has been contextualised across racial groups, cultures, nationalities and gender. In the sub-Saharan African context, shame has been studied particularly with regard to HIV/AIDS and cultural traditions. However, it seems that most of the studies conducted do not focus on, firstly, the work context or, secondly, shame as a possible health resource, but rather as a construct that is related to negatively perceived concepts, such as guilt, embarrassment or stigma. In the sub-Saharan African context, there is a dearth of studies providing an overview of the research studies conducted on shame in sub-Saharan African contexts. The chapter provides an overview on research of shame in sub-Saharan African contexts. It further on explores shame experiences in South African workplaces and presents personal and organisational strategies to transform shame constructively. The research methodology used was based on an interpretative hermeneutical paradigm and applied qualitative research methods, such as semi-structured interviews with individuals from various higher education institutions (HEI) and observations at one HEI in particular. The chapter presents new insights and findings on which experiences in the workplaces lead to shame and how employees manage these experiences to overcome negative impacts of shame on individual and organisational levels. Recommendations for future theory and practice are provided.
Carl Gustav Jung changed the way of thinking about the person, the conscious and the unconscious. According to Jung, every person carries a shadow and the less it is embodied in the individual’s conscious life, the denser it is. Shame is viewed as an intense, “soul eating” emotion which can impact negatively on the individual. Caroline Myss has developed a therapeutical concept to work with Jung’s archetypes in individual therapy from a positive psychology perspective. The question addressed in this chapter is how shame can be transformed from shadow into light, from the unconscious into consciousness. The aim of this chapter is to present a selected single case study on a therapeutical process working with shame, shadow and archetypal psychology in an individual and group process. Findings show that shame can be transformed through therapeutical work from a “soul eating” into a “soul feeding” emotion.
The Blackwell Companion to Naturalism provides a systematic introduction to philosophical naturalism and its relation to other schools of thought. Features contributions from an international array of established and emerging scholars from across the humanities Explores the historical development of naturalism and its ascension to the dominant orthodoxy in the Western academy Juxtaposes theoretical criticisms with impassioned defenses, encapsulating contemporary debates on naturalism Includes discussions of metaphysics, realism, feminism, science, knowledge, truth, mathematics, free will, and ethics viewed through a naturalist lens
Vice’s answer to the question of this white ‘I’ who must try to live well in South Africa, configures shame, political silence and humble self-reconfiguration. I accept her insightful analysis of ‘whiteness’ in terms of the oppressor’s shame, but find that her specification of identity does not accommodate the multiplicity of privilege/oppression relations in which individuals participate. Since this implies that many South Africans, albeit unevenly, share the oppressor’s shame, her advice concerning ‘whites only’ political withdrawal seems inappropriate and curiously self-subversive. Focussing instead on her reflections concerning moral emotions in ethically-compromised selves, which should motivate self-reconfiguration, and drawing from Kristeva on ‘forgiveness’, I argue that compromised selves in privilege/oppression relations cannot reconfigure themselves independently, and should rather negotiate on-going forgiveness relationships. Further, since privileged and oppressed shoulder different but reciprocal ethical responsibilities, besides considering the privileged self who should appeal for forgiveness,1 one must address a gap in Vice’s argument concerning the reciprocal shame of the oppressed.
Race remains one of the most highly charged subjects of discourse in our society. At a cultural level, white racial identity has become dissociatively split off from the rest of identity formation. A racialized subjectivity is usually carried by those with darker skin colors, whereas whiteness is experienced as an unmarked and invisible state. The author argues that whites have dissociated the historical position of the oppressor from collective consciousness, due to our inability to tolerate an identification with the aggressor. Our disavowal of race as constitutive of subjectivity ensures that race becomes a site for enactments.This paper follows the transference-countertransference dynamics between an African American patient mandated to treatment and the author, a white analyst born in South Africa. The haunting presence of racial trauma infused the analysis. Focus is placed on the rich, often unmetabolizable experiences of race, including the ways in which the structure of the treatment recreated the racial dynamics of slavery.
This article seeks to explain the basic impulses behind coloured exclusivity in white supremacist South Africa and to elaborate on continuity and change in the processes of coloured self-definition by identifying the core attributes of coloured identity and outlining the ways in which they operated to reinforce and reproduce that identity. The central argument is that coloured identity is better understood not as having evolved through a series of transformations, as conventional historical thinking would have it and as the existing literature assumes, but as having remained remarkably stable throughout the era of white rule. It is argued that this stability derived from a core of enduring characteristics that informed the manner in which colouredness functioned as an identity during this period. This is not to contend that coloured identity was static or that it lacked fluidity, but that there were both important constraints on the ways in which it was able to find expression and sufficiently strong continuities in its day-to-day functioning for coloured identity to have remained recognisably uniform despite radical changes in the social and political landscape during this time. The principal constituents of this stable core are the assimilationism of the coloured people, which spurred hopes of future acceptance into the dominant society; their intermediate status in the racial hierarchy, which generated fears that they might lose their position of relative privilege and be relegated to the status of Africans; the negative connotations, especially the shame attached to racial hybridity, with which colouredness was imbued; and finally, the marginality of the coloured community, which severely limited their options for social and political action, giving rise to a great deal of frustration.
[This book] examines the increasing evidence that emotions are not prewired, internal processes, but are events that are influenced and shaped by one's social, cultural, and linguistic experiences.
By integrating a diversity of scientific approaches, "Emotion and Culture: Empirical Studies of Mutual Influence" shows that culture penetrates deeply into the component process of emotion: cognitive, linguistic, and even physiological and neurochemical.
This multidisciplinary volume contains contributions from international authorities in the fields of psychology, anthropology, and linguistics and deals with emotion as a social product; the relationships among emotion, language, and cognition; and emotion as a moral category and phenomenon. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
What Are Self-conscious Emotions?Some General Development ConsiderationsSelf-conscious Emotions Are Interpersonal, TooShame and GuiltEmbarrassmentPrideReferences
The concept of Colouredness---being neither white nor black---has been pivotal to the brand of racial thinking particular to South African society .The nature of Coloured identity has always been a matter of intense political and ideological contestation. Between Black and White: Racial Identity in the South African Coloured Community is the first systematic study of Coloured identity, its history, and its relevance to South African national life. Mohamed Adhikari engages with the debates and controversies thrown up by the identity?s troubled existence and challenges much of the conventional wisdom associated with it. A combination of wide-ranging thematic analyses and detailed case studies illustrate how Colouredness functioned as a social identity from the time of its emergence in the late nineteenth century through to its adaptation to the post-apartheid environment. Adhikari demonstrates how the interplay of marginality, racial hierarchy, assimilationist aspirations, negative racial stereotyping, class divisions, and ideological conflicts helped mold peoples' sense of Colouredness over the past century. Knowledge of this history and of the social and political dynamic that informed the articulation of a separate Coloured identity are vital to an understanding of present-day complexities in South Africa. Mohamed Adhikari lectures in the Department of Historical Studies, University of Cape Town. His books include Let us Live for Our Children: The Teachers League of South Africa, 1913-1940, and he coedited South Africa's Resistance Press: Alternative Voices in the Last Generation under Apartheid (Ohio, 2000).
Thesis (M.A. (Clinical Psychology))--University of Cape Town, 2004. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 64-71).
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