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“Sex work” and “prostitution” in the neoliberal global economy: Potentials of a feminist critique in East-Central Europe
... Ako píše Noémi Katona (2016) vo svojej štúdii o prostitúcii v maďarskom prostredí, neoliberalizmus je v podmienkach jednotlivých krajín a prostitúcie definovaný rôznymi nástrojmi. V tejto štúdii argumentujeme, že analýza techník moci a právneho systému na Slovensku radí medzi štáty so systémom tzv. ...
... Noémi Katona (2016) však pripomína, že súčasný neoliberalizmus nie je všade rovnaký a ani jeho vplyv na komerčné poskytovanie sexuálnych služieb nie je jednotný. Sociálna kontrola a dohľad 13 jedincov v pouličnej prostitúcii tak, ako sa často deje v metropolách a, ako píše Coleman (2005), pozostáva z rôznych aktov monitorovania a posudzovania. ...
... Also, there is such extreme poverty in certain parts of Hungary that there are many women who see no other option than prostitution to provide for themselves or their families. So, framing the fact that these trafficked or extremely poor women are selling their bodies as a choice and their human right ignores the lived reality of these people (Katona, 2016). Instead of asking questions such as why the demand for prostitution is embedded in the patriarchy, how capitalism is profiting from this, and how the state is failing to effectively address the root causes, some people devote their resources to mitigating the surface and stick to recognition regarding the claim of 'destigmatizing sex work.' ...
As early as 1995, Nancy Fraser problematized the shift of justice claims from redistribution towards recognition (Fraser, 1995). Since then, this shift has proven even more pronounced, displacing redistribution claims and reiterating identities (Fraser, 2000). At the same time, we can see how recognition claims in the form of identity politics became overall present in the social justice activism of the Anglo-Saxon countries, stirring heated controversies there, not only from the Right, but from Marxist, liberal and feminist points of view, too. On the European continent, these debates take the form of mostly right-wing movements mobilizing against ‘gender ideology’ and ‘political correctness’, portrayed as imminent danger coming from the US and/or the West. In my paper I critically engage with the widespread matrix of visualizing political positions and fault lines as being on two axes: economic (left and right) and cultural (liberal and authoritarian), and discuss why placing the attitudes towards ‘oppressed minorities’ on the cultural axis cuts the related issues from their embeddedness in material conditions. I point out that the cultural axes, the recognition shift, and the human rights paradigm type of articulation of injustices are going into the same direction, namely a culturalist interpretation of oppressions. Empirically based on the controversies around the Istanbul Convention (2017) and the Gender Studies MA programs (2017-2018) in Hungary and theoretically on Fraser’s concept of ‘perspectivic dualism’ as outlined in her debate with Axel Honneth (Fraser and Honneth, 2003), I argue that this culturalist interpretation both of prevailing injustices and of the right-wing contestations actually reinforces the cultural war framework of the Right rather than overcoming it.
My PhD thesis is based on my work as a patient advocate and peer educator in the fields of HIV, viral hepatitis, mental health and general patient advocacy, and gives an account of the key learnings from the personal and professional process in the course of my work and research. The dissertation discusses the relevance of the affective dimension in doing patient advocacy and, to some extent, in working in the non-governmental sector in general in late-stage capitalist societies, drawing primarily on experience with and literature from patient organisations and expert patients from the global North. The affective model of patient advocacy is introduced and described as a descriptive but also prescriptive model for the capacity building and organisational development activities of patient organisations. I posit that any such work becomes meaningful and successfully if it acknowledges and includes the affective dimension. The mixed method research process included interviews, desk research, online surveys, and autobiographical research and analysis to draw some general conclusions about the role of emotions in patient advocacy, and how working as an expert patient or patient advocate will contribute not only to the personal coping of the individual with the trauma of illness, but will also further the development and deepening of citizenship, thus democracy. Several good practices, such as the European AIDS Treatment Group and its work in biomedical research and development; and the European Patients’ Academy on Therapeutic Innovation EUPATI are described and discussed. The importance of conscious learning, teaching and knowledge production by expert patients and patient organisations is emphasised with particular view to the importance of the democratic and solidary distribution of scientifically sound information about health and illness as a tool to tackle inequalities. Defended on 20 January 2020. Degree awarded on 13 March 2020.
The Soviet Union's dramatic collapse in 1989 was a pivotal moment in the complex history of Central and Eastern Europe, and Ivan Berend here offers a magisterial new account of the dramatic transformation that culminated in ten former Soviet Bloc countries joining the European Union. Taking the OPEC oil crisis of 1973 as his starting point, he charts the gradual unravelling of state socialism in Central and Eastern Europe, its ultimate collapse in the revolutions of 1989, and the economic restructuring and lasting changes in income, employment, welfare, education and social structure which followed. He pays particular attention to the crucial role of the European Union as well as the social and economic hurdles that continue to face former Eastern-bloc nations as they try to catch up with their Western neighbours. This will be essential reading for scholars and students of European and economic history, European politics and economics.
V tomto článku sleduji linii současné české feministické kritiky, která se zaměřila na vliv transformačních ideologií na ranou postsocialistickou feministickou teorii v Česku (v kontextu střední a východní Evropy). Dále si vypůjčuji přístup Kiosseva a Budena, abych prozkoumala transformační rétoriku zapuštěnou do raných prací českých a slovenských feministek. Tvrdím, že určité řečové obraty a tón řeči omezily jejich politickou představivost. Následně dávám tuto kritiku do souvislosti s pracemi zaobírajícimi se institucionalizací feministických diskurzů ve střední a východní Evropě, abych postihla určité mocenské linie, které strukturovaly proces zdomácňování feministických teorií a rodové/genderové analýzy. Na závěr konstatuji, že další analýza na průsečíku těchto dvou kritických přístupů by nám poskytla nové možnosti přístupu ke kategorii rodu/genderu poučené postsocialistickým kontextem, který ze své podstaty klade otázky o politickém kódování feministického projektu.
Undoing democracy : neoliberalism's remaking of state and subject -- Foucault's birth of biopolitics lectures : the distinctiveness of neoliberal rationality -- Revising Foucault : homo politicus and homo oeconomicus -- Disseminating neoliberal rationality I : governance, benchmarks and best practices -- Disseminating neoliberal rationality II : law and legal reason -- Disseminating neoliberal rationality III : higher education and the abandonment of citizenship -- Losing bare democracy and the inversion of freedom into sacrifice.
Neoliberalism--the doctrine that market exchange is an ethic in itself, capable of acting as a guide for all human action--has become dominant in both thought and practice throughout much of the world since 1970 or so. Writing for a wide audience, David Harvey, author of The New Imperialism and The Condition of Postmodernity, here tells the political-economic story of where neoliberalization came from and how it proliferated on the world stage. Through critical engagement with this history, he constructs a framework, not only for analyzing the political and economic dangers that now surround us, but also for assessing the prospects for the more socially just alternatives being advocated by many oppositional movements.