Towards contextual understanding of gender: Student teachers’ views on home economics education and gender in Ghana and Finland

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9 Towards contextual
understanding of gender
Student teachers’ views on home
economics education and gender in
Ghana and Finland
Hille Janhonen- Abruquah, Hanna Posti- Ahokas,
Hannah Benjaba Edjah and
Manasseh Edison Komla Amu
The diversity among students is to be recognised and respected, so gender
needs to be taken into consideration (Lahelma, 2011). Through culturally
responsive education (Gay, 2013), the contextual and relational aspects of
learning can be emphasised, and, thus, gender can be acknowledged. The
focus of this chapter is on the contextual understanding of gender in home
economics education as it is perceived by university teacher students at the
University of Helsinki, Finland, and the University of Cape Coast, Ghana.
Finland is characterised by a seemingly gender- neutral approach to home
economics education, whereas Ghana has a feminised approach. Following
the researchers’ commitment as teacher educators to precipitate change and
transformation in education, this empirical analysis draws on group discus-
sions with future home economics teachers at two universities in these
countries.
Home economics and its multiple content areas (e.g. food and nutrition,
consumer issues, family studies, sustainable living) are understood and
emphasised in different contexts in various ways (McGregor, 2011; Wahlen,
Posti- Ahokas, & Collins, 2009). In the school subject of home economics,
gender may be more visible and determinative of pupils’ participation and
roles than in other subjects. In both Ghana and Finland, home economics has
a relatively strong position at different levels of education. In both contexts,
gender has been defined as a critical yet overlooked issue in home economics
education (Amu & Edjah, forthcoming Anttila, Leskinen, Posti- Ahokas, &
Janhonen- Abruquah, 2015). In Ghana, gender inequality is recognised as a
critical societal problem and discussed in relation to education policy, includ-
ing setting targets for equal access and enrolment for male and female stu-
dents. In addition, demand to meet the Millennium Development Goals
focused on eliminating gender discrimination and inequalities in access and
achievement at all levels of education requires attention to the subject of
home economics, as it is a heavily female- dominated field of study across
the educational system. In Finland, education policies and the national
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144 H. Janhonen-Abruquah et al.
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curriculum increasingly emphasise the importance of replacing the prevailing
gender- neutral rhetoric of current education policies and practices with
gender awareness to advance gender equality (FNBE, 2014). Finnish home
economics education, particularly at the basic education level, has been
widely considered gender neutral (Turkki, 2011). However, the growing
gender awareness promoted through research, policy and curricula has
resulted in an increasing focus among home economists on gender- related
problems within their field (Amu & Edjah, forthcoming; Anttila et al., 2015;
Turkki, 2011).
Defined as an academic discipline and curriculum area connected to
everyday living in households and wider societal arenas (International Federa-
tion for Home Economics (IFHE), 2008), home economics (education) is in
a good position to capture, discuss and advance gender- related issues from
multiple perspectives and at different levels, from individual perspectives to
wider policy frameworks. However, gender is difficult to address as it runs
through structures, cultures and subjectivities, and the concept of gender has
different meanings for different people (Lahelma, 2011, 2014). Therefore,
challenging the normative, dichotomised perspectives on gender is simultan-
eously one of the most critical tasks and the greatest opportunities for home
economists working in different countries (Pipping- Ekström & Hjälmeskog,
2006; Thompson, 1986).
Culturally responsive teaching (Gay, 2010, 2013) can act as the pedago-
gical practice of gender awareness, as it aims to achieve meaningful learning
for all. Learners are addressed in a comprehensive way and are multi-
dimensionally engaged in learning activities. Learning aims for change and
freedom and is both transformative and emancipatory (Gay, 2013, p. 52).
Attention to gender is needed for teaching to become truly transformative
and emancipatory. In home economics education, whether seen as a feminine
subject as in Ghana or as a gender- neutral subject as in Finland, gender plays
a critical role. Through this chapter, the authors argue for the importance of
analysing the various contextual, multi- dimensional understandings of gender
and their influence on practices in home economics education and on the
image of the profession. Drawing from online and focus group discussions of
home economics university students facilitated by the authors in 2013 and
2014, this research analyses home economics student teachers’ perceptions of
gender in Finland and Ghana. The aim is to deepen understanding of the
influence of gender on attitudes, practices and policies in home economics
education. This understanding is one of the ways to move towards cultural
responsiveness in education, which contributes to more equal and just
societies.
Research on students’ voices in higher education development (e.g. Seale,
2010) has been reported in home economics education by Turkki (2005),
who demonstrates the richness of perspectives provided by home economics
student teachers on improving teacher education and the image of the home
economics profession. Additionally, McGregor (2011) has emphasised the
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Home economics and gender 145
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importance of pre- professional socialisation in the future of home economics.
This study is linked to the regular learning activities at two universities, creat-
ing a space to co- construct understanding of gender. For teacher educators,
this research provides an opportunity to listen to students’ voices, which can
facilitate responding to the needs and expectations of student teachers. The
study is connected to the activities of the North–South–South network:
‘Culturally responsive education’ and is part of on- going research- based
development of home economics teacher education in Ghana (e.g. Amu &
Edjah, forthcoming; Edjah & Amu, 2012) and Finland (Janhonen- Abruquah,
Posti- Ahokas, Palojoki & Lehtomäki, 2014; Posti- Ahokas, Janhonen- Abruquah,
& Johnson Longfor, 2015).
Home economics education and gender equality
Gender has been an integral part of the development of the home economics
field throughout its 120-year history. Thompson (1986) contends that home
economics, though a female- defined discipline, was never intended to be for
women only. She applies a metaphorical model with classical roots to describe
the lived space where the public Hermean sphere, named after the Greek god
of communication, is visible and masculine, and the Hestian world, named
after the Greek goddess of the hearth and home, is private, invisible and fem-
inine (Thompson, 1986). The domains are not mirror images of one another
but exist in relation to each other while remaining distinctive. They are com-
plementary and interdependent. According to Thompson (1986), understand-
ing the essence of home economics requires a shift from a male- defined
Hermean mind- set to a female- defined Hestian mind- set. This perceptual
shift, claims Thompson (1986), brings into focus a holistic reality and raises
thinking beyond gender to more complex levels of social and intellectual
organisation. Thompson’s (1986) metaphor helps understanding of the com-
plementary male and female mind- sets and allows the viewing of the two
simultaneously existing spheres as less defined by biological sex, permitting
individuals to shift from one world to another in a more flexible manner.
Thompson (1986) demands that home economics be recognised for its
potential to contribute to reducing the gender- role stereotyping of necessary
everyday tasks. In more recent home economics research, the gender per-
spective is typically present in investigations of the division of household
work and parenting (e.g. Aalto, 2014; Braun, Lewin- Epstein, Stier, & Baum-
gärtner, 2008; Lewin- Epstein, Stier, & Braun, 2006). However, the under-
lying structures influencing the division of work and other gender- related
phenomena in everyday life have received less research attention.
Some recent research on home economics education has focused on the
gender perspective and contributed to the analysis of the influence of gender
on education practices. In a study on the home economics teaching profes-
sion in Australia, Pendergast (2001) analyses home economics teachers as rep-
resentatives of a female- dominated profession and the stereotypes attached to
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146 H. Janhonen-Abruquah et al.
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them. She argues that the stereotypes do not correspond with teachers’ iden-
tities, and, thus, it is essential to deconstruct these stereotypical views to
revive the profession (Pendergast, 2001). Petterson’s study (2007) on Swedish
home economics education describes the various imaginative ways students
perform gender in home economics classes and thereby re- negotiate their
biological sex and change the gender order in various contexts and situations.
According to Petterson (2007), home economics classes are characterised by a
strong female genderisation combined with striving for gender equality.
Anttila et al. (2015) study the performance of gender and agency in Finnish
home economics textbook illustrations and conclude that home economics
textbook images reflect traditional, heteronormative gender positions and
styles. The agency portrayed in home economics settings is strongly gendered
and performed within predetermined gender categories: for example, pictur-
ing cooking males as chefs and women as housewives.
Research in two African contexts – Tanzania (Stambach, 2000) and Ghana
(Amu & Edjah, forthcoming) – analyses students’ perceptions of home eco-
nomics education in secondary- level education and discusses the prevailing
attitudes towards home economics as a subject characterised by strong gen-
dered assumptions. These studies depict how home economics operates
between traditional gender roles and the ideals of changing contemporary
society in which a more flexible performance of gender is allowed and gender
equality is enhanced.
In this chapter, gender equality is approached from the perspective of cre-
ating equal empowerment and enabling conditions. The importance of prac-
tical and art subjects in providing spaces to advance gender equality within
and through education is emphasised (Berg et al., 2011; Turkki, 2009).
Current issues related to gender and home economics
education in Ghana
In the Ghanaian education system, pupils are introduced to aspects of home
economics at the primary level. Home economics is introduced as a course at
the basic level in junior high school (ages 12–15). In the first year of junior
high school, all students are exposed to a compulsory subject called basic
design and technology, which is a combination of home economics, visual
arts and pre- technical skills. All students, regardless of gender, are introduced
to these three areas and informed before selecting to continue in one of these
three areas in their second and final years of junior high school education.
At the senior secondary- school level (ages 16–18) in Ghana, home eco-
nomics is an elective course. At this level, the course consists of three sub-
jects: food and nutrition, clothing and textiles and management in living. The
main aim is to equip students with basic life and employment skills, making
the course both useful and gainful. Students of home economics have the
option of specialising in either food and nutrition or clothing and textiles.
The home economics course is not offered in all senior high schools in
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Home economics and gender 147
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Ghana. Out of 562 senior high schools in Ghana, a total of 67 are single- sex,
with 43 for females while the remaining 24 are for males (Ghana Education
Service, 2015). Male students in these single- sex schools do not have access
to home economics programmes of study. This set- up deprives a large
number of male students from acquiring knowledge in home economics that
could help them decide whether it is of interest to them. Similarly, in female
single- sex schools, technical courses are not offered, depriving female students
of access to knowledge in technical programmes at the senior high- school
level. These divisions are a subtle way of reinforcing gender- stereotyped roles,
which are deeply rooted in Ghanaian culture.
Upon completion of senior high school, students have options for further
study in education colleges, nurses’ training colleges, polytechnic institutes
and universities. Students who wish to further their studies at universities are
given the opportunity to continue specialising in either food and nutrition or
clothing and textiles, with resource management as a core component. Of the
eight public universities in Ghana, four offer home economics education.
In Ghana, home economics as an academic programme is female domi-
nated, with males accounting for less than 5 per cent of enrolment
(Neequaye, Darkwa, & Amu, 2014). Home economics programmes in
schools at all levels are dominated by female students, and the field is seen in
many countries as a professional field for women, as Saleem (1998) points
out. The female- dominated nature of home economics in Ghana can be
traced to the way and manner in which the programme was introduced into
the formal education system. As noted by Amu, Offei- Ansah and Amissah
(forthcoming), from the very beginning, the content and scope of home eco-
nomics in Ghana were limited to traditional feminine roles, and boys were
discouraged from performing these perceived female roles. As girls were
offered the home economics course, boys took other courses, such as agricul-
ture, and this gendered pattern has persisted in the programme to date. In a
study of 290,000 junior high school applicants to senior high schools in
Ghana, Ajayi and Buessing (2013) find that 1 of every 4 girls selected home
economics as their first choice, compared to 2 of every 100 boys. Ajayi and
Buessing (2014) also find that male students are more likely to choose agricul-
tural science, general science, business and subjects which they believe can
lead to the traditionally socialised gender- stereotyped roles.
In the Ghanaian context, gender inequality is seen as fuelled by cultural
attitudes and values present in the society. Ghanaian society is a clear mirror
of most African communities’ prescriptions for appropriate male and female
roles (Ampofo, 2001). The cultural construction of masculinity and feminin-
ity in Ghanaian society is founded on a belief in fundamental biological dis-
tinctions between male and female human natures and corresponding
behavioural prescriptions typically expressed in societal norms and values
(Abu, 1991; Adinkrah, 2012; Nukunya, 2003). Household tasks are often
gender stereotyped, which encourages the disparities between gender
enrolments in different subjects. In Ghana, distinguishing male and female
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148 H. Janhonen-Abruquah et al.
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characteristics are inculcated and absorbed from early childhood (Amoah,
1991; Nukunya, 2003). Akotia and Anum (2012) explain that these differen-
tiated socialisation paths for boys and girls have impacts on their gender role
perceptions in adulthood and influence their programme and career choices
as they transition from childhood.
Current issues in Finnish home economics education
In Finland, home economics is taught as a compulsory subject for all seventh-
grade students (age 13) in basic education. In the eighth and ninth grades
(ages 14 and 15), home economics is one of the most popular optional sub-
jects. More recently, home economics has been introduced at the elementary-
school level and is taught in some general upper- secondary schools
(Venäläinen, 2015). At the secondary- school level, home economics is taught
mainly in vocational upper- secondary schools that have home economics-
related training programmes in catering, hospitality services and domestic ser-
vices. In universities, home economics science can be studied as a major at
the bachelor’s, master’s and doctoral levels.
In basic education, the main objective of home economics education is to
develop pupils’ skills in cooperation, information acquisition and the practical
work necessary to manage daily living. Topics taught include family and
living together, nutrition and food culture, the consumer and changing
society and the home and the environment. The aim of the subject is to teach
general life skills for personal growth and development (Finnish National
Board of Education, 2004).
Promoting gender equality is one of the goals of home economics educa-
tion (FNBE, 2004). However, a recent national assessment of home eco-
nomics learning outcomes (Venäläinen, 2015) identifies significant differences
in boys and girls’ learning outcomes. Similarly, Anttila et al. (2015) warns of
the risk of taking for granted the expected promotion of gender equality by
the common home economics education for boys and girls. Given that the
general curriculum for basic education (FNBE, 2014) to be implemented in
2016 encourages the enabling of individual learning paths free from predomi-
nant gender positions, it is essential to consider how gender is reconstructed
and discussed in home economics teacher education.
Gender has been recognised as an overlooked issue in Finnish teacher
education that should be given more attention if gender equality is to be
taken seriously. To illustrate the controversies in the Finnish debate around
gender and education, Lahelma (2011) gives examples of teachers and teacher
educators who suggest that gender is not a problem in schools but, in the
same breath, express concerns about poor achievement among boys. There-
fore, a more gender- aware approach is needed to advance gender equality in
seemingly gender- neutral basic education in Finland (Lahelma, 2011, 2014).
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Home economics and gender 149
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Study of Finnish and Ghanaian home economics
student teachers’ views of gender
This study applies critical, student- centred approaches to education research.
Research on students’ voices in higher education (Lehtomäki, Moate &
Posti- Ahokas, 2015; McLeod, 2011; Seale, 2010) foregrounds students’ per-
spectives to inform development oriented towards transformation and change
in education. Connecting this study with the regular practices of home eco-
nomics teacher education and the development of university degree require-
ments at both participating universities are strategies supporting the
research- based development of home economics education at the university
level. Additionally, the study was a shared dialogic learning process across the
two countries, benefitting from the North–South–South network and espe-
cially the student and staff mobility, which permitted data collection and time
for joint writing.
Data were collected from home economics student teachers who will enter
the teaching field. Exploring their ideas can prompt deliberation about their
practices in their future profession. Home economics student teachers’ views
of gender in home economics education were captured in students’ online
and focus group discussions at the University of Helsinki, Finland, and the
University of Cape Coast, Ghana. In Finland, data collection was conducted
through an optional master’s-level course on gender and home economics
taught by one of the authors of this chapter in the autumn of 2013. Sixteen
students (2 male, 14 female)1 participated in the course and the data collection
of the study. The analysed data were drawn from students’ online discussions
in the electronic learning platform used in the course. Throughout the
course, students were asked to discuss the role of home economics in advanc-
ing gender equality, focusing on the following questions:
• Is promotion of gender equality an implicit assumption in home eco-
nomics education?
• Aretraditionalgenderrolesautomaticallyorunconsciouslyreproduced?
• Whatiseducation ingenderequality like inthe practice ofhomeeco-
nomics education?
The Finnish data consist of 18 written contributions ranging from 40 to 250
words. Students were free either to start their own discussion or to react to
previous contributions. In the end, the on- line discussion had 8 separate
chains which each included 1–4 contributions. While some contributions
reflected on the course readings, others were reflective of personal experi-
ences and opinions, portraying a variety of perspectives and different levels of
theorising.
The encouraging experience and the thought- provoking contents of the
online discussion motivated a discussion organised around similar themes at
the Ghanaian partner, the University in Cape Coast. Two focus group discus-
sions were carried out in March 2014 with 16 third- and final- year bachelor
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150 H. Janhonen-Abruquah et al.
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students, of whom 2 were male and 14 female.2 These discussions were facil-
itated by two university lecturers in home economics, and each lasted for
approximately 1 hour 30 minutes. The questions presented to the students
participating in the discussions were:
• Whatdoyouseeastheroleofhomeeconomicseducationinpromoting
or advancing gender equality?
• Aretherepracticesthatunconsciouslyreproducetraditionalgenderroles?
In secondary education? At the university level?
• Howcanhomeeconomicsteachersandeducatorsadvancegenderequal-
ity? Please give examples of practices of education for gender equality in
home economics. In secondary education? At the university level?
The discussions were recorded and transcribed by a research assistant. The
analysed data consist of 32 single- spaced pages of transcripts. The Ghanaian
data differ from the Finnish dataset as the focus group discussions in Ghana
were not part of formal learning activities. This resulted in students discussing
the topics based on their own experience and their education in general.
Gender is not a distinctive topic in the bachelor’s-degree programme in home
economics offered at the University of Cape Coast.
At both universities, participating students signed a written consent form
agreeing to the use of their written or spoken views for research purposes. In
the following results section, students’ anonymity is protected by referring to
individual students by numbers and their biological sex. The selected direct
quotations from the Finnish data used in the article were translated into
English from the online discussion conducted in Finnish. The two data sets
were subjected separately to qualitative content analysis (Silverman, 2006;
Wolff, 2007). Preliminary themes were identified in the data. The four
researchers collaboratively performed the steps of content analysis. They dis-
cussed the themes, categories and alternative ways of analysing the data, both
face to face and in online discussions. The research findings are jointly
written.
Findings
Ghana: overcoming structural and cultural constraints on gender
equality
It is evident in the discussions of the Ghanaian home economics students that
the educational structure itself provides fertile grounds and foundations for
gender inequality. In the second year in junior high school (age 13), pupils
begin to separate and study in depth the subjects they have been socialised to
believe are appropriate for certain genders. For example, boys at the junior
high school level are more likely to choose pre- technical skills, and girls are
most likely to select home economics, while the visual arts are likely to be
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Home economics and gender 151
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chosen by both genders. Psychologically, boys do not believe that they have
equal access to home economics, as they have been brought up to believe
that the subject involves mostly female- dominated activities. Girls, in con-
trast, are oriented to engage less in tasks that involve a lot of physical strength.
Consequently, they tend to select home economics for the remaining two
years of study as it involves the use of little physical strength in most practical
activities, such as cooking, laundry and sewing, compared to pre- technical
skills. In this way, learners align themselves to the beliefs of society, perpetu-
ating existing inequalities.
The name of the programme was also considered to be inimical to male
participation. Participants believed that a name change could bring more men
into the programme. This perception is voiced by female student 5:
the name ‘home economics’ makes people turn their minds to [the]
home.… Since traditionally, Ghanaian men think work in the home is
for women, they do not want to be associated with a subject that teaches
issues of the home.
This finding is in agreement with that of Firebaugh (1980) in North America.
Regarding the cultural context of education, female student 3 in the first
group states that ‘our culture is such that, in the house, most of the domestic
activities are done by the females, so children grow up with that perception’.
In other words, as pupils begin learning lessons that have a direct relationship
to the home, the general thinking is that this content (subject) is for females.
Consequently, learners make choices corresponding with their mind- set
moulded by society. The agents of socialisation ensure that social norms,
values and beliefs are inculcated through socialisation and that individuals
imbibe them early in childhood. Helgeson (2009) suggests that theories about
gender- role socialisation indicate that different people and objects in chil-
dren’s environment provide rewards and models that shape children’s
behaviour to fit the gender role norms in their particular society. Various
agents in children’s environment, including parents, peers, teachers and the
media, influence children’s gender role attitudes. These socialisation agents
usually enforce what is gender- appropriate behaviour through the use of
rewards, sanctions and punishments (Nukunya, 2003). In the focus group dis-
cussions, these agents were identified as behaving in ways that advance gender
inequality. Male participant 1 states that: “Most parents, when their children
are selecting home economics as a course to read at the secondary level, dis-
courage the males from selecting that course as they believe it’s for females.”
Teachers, who one might think should push for more equality, also tend
to act in ways that reduce the opportunities male learners have to study home
economics. Some teachers who male respondents have experienced or come
into contact with suggested that home economics is a female- oriented curric-
ulum. The male facilitator of this discussion shared his own experience when,
in their first contact, his secondary school teacher said, “ ‘This course is for
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women’. … Then the teacher sees a guy and remarks ‘Oh! What are you
doing here?” ’ This report indicates a subconscious imprint made in the mind
of the male student that, regardless of his interest, he does not have the right
to study home economics. Male participants 1 and 2 in the second group
both identified with this experience shared by the facilitator and added that it
is not always explicitly evident, but even the subtle comments made and atti-
tudes revealed by both teachers and learners regarding males studying home
economics lay bare the gender inequalities that exist within the educational
environment. Amu and Edjah (forthcoming) suggest that some parents and
teachers discourage males from studying home economics and often express
displeasure at such attempts by their male children. Sometimes, male students
do not have access to certain options even within the home economics pro-
gramme. These societal perceptions about home economics have made it
unattractive to male students and affected the attitudes of male students who
enrol in the programme. Male participant 2 shares his experience:
In the school where I had my internship, there was this guy who wanted
to read home economics (food and nutrition option) but was forced to
do the clothing and textiles option instead. … He was always out of class
during clothing and textiles lessons.
The issue of student achievement tied to various subject areas also came up
during the discussion. Participants raised the issue of teachers trying to influ-
ence pupils with good general performance to further their studies in any area
other than home economics or vocational studies. The entry requirements for
home economics programmes at various secondary schools are generally
lower than those for other subjects, such as science, business and general arts.
This discourages students of both genders who perform well and are inter-
ested in home economics, as the impression created by the differences in the
entry requirements is that it is a subject for low- performing learners. This also
has implications for gender enrolment in home economics in Ghana. Even
though both genders are affected, female students are more subtly encouraged
to enrol in the programme than males. This is because, in Ghana, high-
achieving students are less likely to select gender- stereotyped programmes,
such as home economics (Ajayi & Buessing, 2014). Ajayi and Buessing (2014)
note that home economics is more popular among girls from deprived areas
of Ghana who are more likely to achieve less (academically) than boys from
urban areas who are more likely to attain higher academic achievement, espe-
cially at the basic level. In Ghana, girls growing up in rural areas with a strong
gender bias against females might be discouraged from attending school and
consequently have lower academic achievement or tend to select traditionally
female- dominated programmes, such as home economics.
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Suggested need for content changes
The most frequently highlighted activities of home economics education in
Ghana are cooking and sewing. This tendency reinforces the narrow percep-
tion that it is a course that deals solely with cooking and sewing:
I think home economics is seen here in Ghana as a female course. In the
past, it was introduced as a course for sewing and cooking, and it was
only for women. This has not changed much. It has to be changed;
without that, it will still be for only females.
(Female student 7)
But if you look at the course itself, it is a course that is supposed to be
viewed as a life- oriented course for both boys and girls. So if the course
is structured like that and made compulsory at the basic level, then the
inequality that exists in enrolment may decrease.
(Female student 4)
The students suggested that the three main areas should be organised into one
course with major components so that both boys and girls could benefit and
develop equal interest in the course. Also, the science background and com-
ponents within the home economics subject should be emphasised in the
basic- level content.
Based on students’ views, the cultural values of Ghanaian society should
also be re- defined, so people gain an understanding that domestic activities
are for both genders, not only females. This view should be consciously
emphasised in the socialisation of children so that, as they grow up, they
understand that they need home economics knowledge to work in the home
as individuals. For this to happen, parents holding traditional concepts of
domestic roles as a female domain need some form of re- orientation.
Participants also suggested that teachers should give priority to males in
home economics classes and not overtly or covertly discriminate against males
through actions or comments. As Agyare- Kwabi (2013) notes, Ghana has
recently given much attention to gender parity in school enrolment, an
agenda largely driven by the desire to meet the second and third Millennium
Development Goals which focus on eliminating gender discrimination and
inequalities in educational access and achievement at all levels. Home eco-
nomics, therefore, stands as an appropriate programme to contribute to the
realisation of this goal.
Finland: from gender neutrality to responsive gender
awareness
In the online discussion conducted during the course on gender and home
economics at the University of Helsinki, student teachers started by discussing
the seemingly gender- neutral context of Finnish home- economics education
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at the basic level. Students reflected on the fact that home economics educa-
tion is a compulsory subject for both boys and girls. They assumed that, in
Finland, gender equality is taken as a given.
Home economics education has not been divided separately into women
and men’s chores, but home economics is for everyone.
(Female student 8, male student 2)
Since home economics education has been a common subject for both
boys and girls since the beginning of comprehensive school reform, this
must have been taken as a major gesture for gender equality.
(Female student 5)
Gender equality is a vast and undefined concept. It is difficult to get hold
of it as the basic assumption is that in Finland, gender equality exists.
(Female student 6)
Finland is seen as a country in which gender equality has been achieved
(Lahelma, 2011). However, ‘genderless gender’ (Ronkainen, 2001) is created
when mute or hidden gendering and sexualisation converge with the gender-
neutral rhetoric of the individual self. Gender neutrality has been understood
as gender equality and means that talking about gender is avoided; accord-
ingly, the impacts of gender are muted (Lahelma, 2011). For example, stu-
dents in this study commented that teaching should be the same for all
learners:
In my opinion and based on my own experience, contemporary home
economics education promotes gender equality only if the learner her/
himself is open to receiving information. Gender equality education is
evident in home economics teaching: all of my pupils carry out exactly
the same tasks – everyone according to her or his skills.
(Female student 1)
Changes in society have influenced the gender equality discussion over time
(Holli, Magnusson, & Rönnblom, 2005). The historical transition from an
agricultural society to contemporary society has diminished the importance of
dividing household chores based on biological sex:
I think that young fathers have been exemplary in combining child and
household care and performing it together with mothers.
(Female student 1)
Men are more and more taking part in household activities, and many
enjoy food preparation at least as a hobby.
(Female student 1)
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Our field has long been a ‘women’s area’. The world has really changed.
Gender has been a bit like a taboo. These things were not questioned or
pondered this way before.
(Female student 2)
Even though society has changed, students gave examples of how home eco-
nomics education still re- creates normative gender roles:
Classes were about cooking. Work division was done equally. Although
everyone was cooking, girls were the ones who were setting the table
and putting the kitchen in order in the end. It was also obvious on the
teacher’s part that she required tidying up and cleaning chores more from
the girls, whereas boys had more freedom to act as they wished. The
teacher’s attitude was that boys need to be understood as they are boys,
and girls ought to be neat.
(Male student 2)
As in Finland gender equality is seen as a platitude, I believe that, at the
same time, it reinforces and re- creates normative gender roles.
(Female student 6)
Gender equality was seen from the female orientation, and home economics
was reasoned to be a female- dominated area:
The focus has been on women, and males have not been seen as active
agents within the home. Thus, gender has been looked at from the
female point of view.
(Male student 1)
Lahelma (2011) confirms student teachers’ beliefs, stating that the theoretical
and empirical results of recent gender research in education have not been
included in mainstream teacher education. Lahelma (2011) further claims that
it is possible for student teachers to graduate without learning about the
requirements set by the Act on Equality Between Women and Men
(1986/2005) or what these requirements mean in the processes and practices
of schools. Gender has been – and still seems to be – the blind spot in teacher
education (Lahelma, 2011).
Suggestions for increasing gender awareness
Students’ online discussion generated valuable ideas on how to move from
gender neutrality towards home economics education that is increasingly
gender aware and advances gender equality in a responsive way. Student
teachers suggested that the teaching of home economics should be diversified
based on learners’ individual interests:
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Gender equality in home economics classes means that different person-
alities and individuals are taken into consideration. Everyone should be
given a chance and stimulus to work with and take part in class activities.
(Female student 2)
I observed a seventh- grade home economics class. The teacher supported
her pupils individually no matter their sex. One boy was good at
cooking. His interest was in food, colours and food- related themes. The
teacher recognised the boy’s interest and enabled his creative work. She
gave him more hints to work with, showed him books for extra reading
and discussed with and encouraged the boy to create a table setting that
pleased him. This type of teaching is needed more: arousing one’s interest
and making use of it in teaching.
(Female student 3)
Student teachers recognised the need to change the content of home eco-
nomics teaching to promote gender equality:
One of my supervisors in teaching practise criticised my choice of a dish
for being too girlish even though the learners were men. Since then I’ve
been wondering whether recipes are gendered as well. I think this is
about individual preferences and not about differences defined by gender.
Someone likes detailed decorations; another, rougher baking.
(Female student 4)
It is important to understand home economics as something else other
than cooking and cleaning. Individuals’ roles in society have to be
emphasised as well. Then home economics can be seen to promote
gender equality as then, the field is not restricted only to the domestic
sphere. This does not mean that the everyday life in the home is not
important, to the contrary.
(Male student 1)
Some students found it difficult to define the concept of equality and argued
that gender is not always thought of as a factor contributing to inequality:
The concept of equality is a disturbingly vast concept. To my under-
standing, it has been connected lately with immigrants and pupils with
different cultural backgrounds.
(Female student 5)
This difficulty in recognising the importance of gender may be due to the
gender- neutral rhetoric within the education system at all levels. The
forthcoming basic education curriculum for home economics education in
Finland (FNBE, 2014) calls for gender equality but does not define it clearly.
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Therefore, the authors strongly call for conducting more content- related
studies on gender equality in teacher education to increase future teachers’
understanding of issues related to gender. Lahelma (2011, p. 11) argues that
making visible the gendered inequalities built into teaching and learning prac-
tices helps student teachers see the same patterns in society, including in their
own lives and partnerships. Therefore, gender awareness is not a personal
characteristic that a teacher either has or does not have; rather, through theor-
etical knowledge, it can be learned and then applied to identify and under-
stand gender and (in)equality. This goal should be part of pedagogical training
(Lahelma, 2011).
Discussing experiences of introducing gender into Finnish teacher educa-
tion since the 1980s, Lahelma (2011) and Vidén and Naskali (2010) describe
their feelings of happiness when students’ awareness of gender is awakened.
After the courses, the general feeling has been that this knowledge should be
obligatory for every teacher (Lahelma, 2011; Vidén & Naskali, 2010). Sim-
ilarly, a student participating in the course in which the online discussion
took place states that ‘this course has surely opened my eyes in many ways!’
(female student 9). Several students recognised deficiencies in the current
content of Finnish home economics teacher education:
The perspective of gender does not even come to mind as it has not been
included in our studies.
(Female student 8)
The gender theme is kind of artificially kept in the courses, like ‘You
know, boys should not be allowed to act any more wildly than girls’.
(Female student F2)
Our education does not give tools to tackle gender equality.
(Female student 7)
The authors’ own experiences in teaching the course on gender and home
economics have been very encouraging, and the teaching has inspired new
research on gender and home economics, including the present study. Gender
will be mainstreamed in the forthcoming degree requirements to provide
home- economics student teachers with more opportunities to engage with
gender- related issues in their field.
Discussion and conclusion
The gender positions present in the home and society at large influence the
practices of home economics education in school. In Ghana, the gendered
division of labour is still prevalent in many communities. The domestic
work of cooking, cleaning and childcare is normally considered women’s
work, a perception which feeds into the culture of schools. Various agents of
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socialisation usually enforce what is gender- appropriate behaviour through
the use of rewards, sanctions and punishments (Nukunya, 2003). These
appropriate behaviours do not necessarily advance gender equality but, rather,
societal norms. In Ghana, the socialisation process fosters gender- stereotyped
roles in the minds of children from infancy. This process is reflected in their
education and programme choices at the junior high school level. Participants
were of the view that the structure of the Ghanaian educational system at the
junior high school level appears to entrench the status quo (see also Akotia &
Anum, 2012). Male students select programmes that help portray masculine
gender roles, and female students those that help in playing feminine roles. At
higher levels of the education system, students continue to select programmes
that reflect this gendered- stereotyped mind- set about the division of labour
implanted by society. This mind- set is further reinforced later in life by
parents, teachers, peers and others in society, causing men to shy away from
home economics as they see it as a programme related to female gender roles.
This process has resulted in the unequal representation of male and female
students in home economics programmes in Ghana. Participants suggested
that the cultural values of Ghanaian society should be re- defined, so people
could gain the understanding that domestic activities are essential components
of healthy living and well- being for all individuals, society and the world at
large.
In Finland, gender is a less defining factor in socialisation and education
choices. The socialisation of children is done in such a manner that both
males and females accept the idea of gender equality. Gender parity in home
economics is attributable to the changing gender roles in the Finnish home.
In home economics education, the compulsory course in seventh grade pro-
vides both boys and girls opportunities to learn about home economics and
consider it as a future profession. Teachers in home economics programmes
can support these opportunities by ensuring that boys and girls are given
equal attention and tasks during home economics lessons. Therefore, (at least
most) programmes of study are seen as available to all. The findings from the
Finnish student teachers’ online discussion reflects the gender- neutral rhet-
oric that remains heavily present in the equality discourse. However,
increased gender awareness emerged in student teachers as the discussion
continued throughout the course. Students started to recognise problems in
education practices and began to question practices that maintain and rein-
force normative gender roles. For future changes, both pre- service and in-
service teacher education have crucial roles to play in shifting towards gender
awareness.
Even though the societal contexts within which this research was con-
ducted are very different, the findings point to similarities and common chal-
lenges. First, the female dominance of the field is not an ideal situation, and
collective effort is needed to ensure equal access and participation in home
economics subjects, courses and programmes of study. Second, student teach-
ers have relevant suggestions and valuable perspectives to share and should be
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listened to. This study also points to the immediate need to include more
gender- related content in the home economics curriculum at the universities
in both countries.
Throughout history, significant legislative steps towards gender equality
have been taken, including women’s right to vote and participation in the
labour market and the development of child care facilities outside the home,
to mention only a few. These efforts to promote gender equality have mostly
taken place in the public, Hermian, mind- set (see Thompson, 1986). In the
Hestian mind- set, such equality measures have not been seen to the same
extent. In the private space, there is still room for both Hestian and Hermian
mind- sets to complement each other (Thompson, 1986).
Home economics education is, and should be, closely linked to pupils’
home culture (Venäläinen, 2010) and able to respond to present societal needs
and challenges (Janhonen- Abruquah & Palojoki, 2015). This analysis points
to the variety of gender- related interconnections between home economics
education and changing societal contexts. Based on this analysis, gender pro-
vides a useful lens for culturally responsive education by pointing out the
various connections influencing the way we see the world and by making
‘culture’ more tangible, being represented in everyday practices as well as
larger structures. Paying more attention to these interconnections can make
unequal structures and cultural practices visible to learners and open up
avenues to discuss gender in a contextually relevant and culturally responsive
manner. Culturally responsive education calls for knowing learners, so their
voices were heard in this study, focusing on home economics student teach-
ers’ perceptions. Through this study, the authors aimed not only to hear uni-
versity students’ voices but also to implement a gender awareness approach
into current and forthcoming teaching modules at universities. Listening to
student teachers’ voices on gender can open up opportunities to enhance the
cultural responsiveness of teacher education. By acknowledging student
teachers’ prevalent values and attitudes, together with newly emerging ideas,
teacher educators can support the development of the gender responsiveness
of future teachers. For the students, this course and the study process served
as eye- openers and positioned them to implement more gender- aware
approaches in their future careers as teachers and educators.
Notes
1 This ratio reflects the current gender division in enrolment in home economics
teacher education at the University of Helsinki.
2 This ratio is equal to that of participants from the University of Helsinki and reflects
the gender division in enrolment in the home economics programmes at the Uni-
versity of Cape Coast.
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