Affordable Housing and Disaster Recovery: A Case Study of the 2013 Colorado Floods

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99
7Affordable Housing
and Disaster Recovery
A Case Study of the
2013 Colorado Floods
Andrew Rumbach and Carrie Makarewicz
7.1 INTRODUCTION: DISASTERS, AFFORDABLE
HOUSING, AND RECOVERY
Affordable housing* is an essential part of healthy and sustainable communities,
creating health, education, and economic benets to households (Mueller and Tighe
2007; Housing Colorado 2014). It is also a central issue in disaster recovery. When
affordable housing is damaged or destroyed, communities must decide whether to
* Housing is considered affordable when occupant(s) pay 30% or less of their gross income, including
utilities (HUD 2015). Households are considered “housing burdened” if they pay more than 30% of
their gross income for housing. Subsidized housing is generally restricted to households ear ning less
than the area median income (AMI), though in some h igh cost regions, eligibility may exceed 120% of
the AMI.
CONTENTS
7.1 Introduction: Disasters, Affordable Housing, and Recovery ..........................99
7.2 Disaster Recovery and Affordable Housing ................................................. 100
7.3 The 2013 Colorado Floods............................................................................ 102
7.4 Methods ........................................................................................................ 102
7.4.1 Loss of Affordable Housing: Evans, Lyons, and Milliken ............... 103
7.4.1.1 Evans, Colorado ................................................................. 103
7.4.1.2 Lyons, Colorado ................................................................. 104
7.4.1.3 Milliken, Colorado ............................................................. 105
7.5 Affordable Housing and Recovery in Colorado: Key Insights ..................... 106
7.5.1 Affordable Housing as Pre-Existing Problem ..................................10 6
7.5.2 Vulnerability of Lower Income Households ..................................... 106
7.5.3 Role of Local Government and Residents ........................................ 107
7.5.4 Other Actors and Specialized Agencies ........................................... 107
7.6 Conclusions: Lessons and Implications ........................................................ 10 8
Acknowledgments ..................................................................................................108
References .............................................................................................................. 108
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100 Coming Home after Disaster
rebuild it, and if so, where and when. Such decisions shape the long-term character
of the community, as well as the recovery of households who rely upon affordable
housing. These households are often more exposed to hazards, and after a disaster,
they often are at the mercy of landlords and local governments to repair or rebuild
housing they can access and afford. In this chapter, we explore key variables that
guide decisions about affordable housing post-disaster, based on the 2013 oods
in Colorado. The oods destroyed a signicant amount of affordable housing in a
region where housing affordability is a major and ongoing challenge.
We seek to answer what drives some communities to rebuild, or attempt to
rebuild, affordable housing post-disaster, and not others? First, we discuss research
on disaster recovery and affordable housing that forms the theoretical and regulatory
context for our case. Next, we describe the 2013 ood in Colorado and its effect on
affordable housing in the Front Range region*. We then present brief case studies
of three ooded communities that lost a signicant amount of affordable housing
during the oods: the town of Lyons, in Boulder County, and the city of Evans and
town of Milliken in Weld County. We conclude with key ndings from Colorado and
general lessons for post-disaster affordable housing.
7.2 DISASTER RECOVERY AND AFFORDABLE HOUSING
In contrast to earlier studies that theorized disaster recovery as “ordered, knowable,
and predictable” (see e.g., Haas et al. 1977; Kates and Pijawka 1977), contempo-
rary research shows that disaster recovery is an uneven process with some house-
holds and groups recovering more quickly and completely than others (Mileti 1999;
Wisner etal. 2004; Daniels etal. 2006; NRC 2006; Olshansky etal. 2012). Others
also nd that the terrain of recovery is quite varied (Rubin 1985; Olshansky etal.
2006; Ganapati and Ganapati 2009; Rubin 2009; Smith 2012). Smith and Wenger
(2007, p. 238) argue that recovery is largely a social, not technical, process, and
unequal recovery reects larger social, economic, and institutional processes that
reproduce inequality outside of disasters (see also Benner and Pastor 2012). Housing
is a key component of sustainable disaster recovery (Bolin 1985; Berke etal. 1993;
Smith and Wenger 2007; Olshansky 2009; Smith 2012). Although affordable hous-
ing is just one element of recovery, it is a fundamental and often controversial issue,
particularly around issues of equity and sustainability (Bolin and Stanford 1991;
Kamel and Loukaitou-Sideris 2004; Green etal. 2007).
Disasters can impact affordable housing directly through damage or destruction
of homes (the focus of this chapter) or indirectly through housing price increases due
to the sudden drop in supply. Rebuilding affordable housing post-disaster confronts
the same constraints faced under normal conditions, including location and land
availability, the will and capacity of local actors, and the availability of external
resources, among others. Affordable housing tends to be disproportionately located
in hazard-prone areas, where land is often cheapest, causing disproportionately
* The Colorado Front Range is an urban cor ridor east of the Rocky Mountains housing more than 80%
of Colorado’s population. It stretches from Pueblo to Fort Collins, including the cities of Colorado
Springs, Denver, Boulder, and Greeley, and surrounding communities.
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101Affordable Housing and Disaster Recovery
higher levels of damage during disasters to lower income households (Peacock etal.
2007, p. 265). After a disaster, rebuilding in hazard-prone areas often triggers new
regulatory and insurance burdens, making recovery more costly and difcult (Green
etal. 2007) when redevelopment on these sites is restricted by contemporary ood-
plain development rules and regulations.*
Thus, local actors and institutions are critical to affordable housing recovery.
Although research has shown that permanent housing replacement is “primarily a
market driven process” (Peacock et al. 2007, p. 264; Zhang and Peacock 2009),
housing is highly regulated and dependent upon appropriate zoning and infrastruc-
ture, and hazard and mortgage insurance is regulated at the state and federal levels.
Public sector actions are especially critical for affordable housing, which is rarely
provided without incentives, write-downs, special nancing, and other tools (Nelson
and Khadduri 1992; Mueller and Schwartz 2008). While household resources and
market mechanisms are important, municipal decisions regarding land, allocation
of public resources (e.g., fee waivers), communications, recovery plans, pursuance
of grants and partnerships, and public involvement are also essential. Local gov-
ernment capacity also dictates recovery since housing reconstruction can be over-
whelming, including permitting, inspection, zoning, nancing, negotiating with
larger governments, and identifying new housing models and more sustainable
designs (Comerio2014).
Like other aspects of recovery, external resources drive the reconstruction of
affordable housing. Traditionally, housing reconstruction has relied upon private
funds like personal savings, loans, and insurance, with government programs ll-
ing the gaps (Zhang and Peacock 2010, p. 6; referencing Comerio 1998). It fol-
lows that recovery for households with few resources and reliance upon affordable
housing lags behind other groups. But the Department of Housing and Urban
Development (HUD) is attempting to address this disparity. Eligible communities
can request an advance on their existing HUD funds† to repair public housing and
construct rental housing (Zhang and Peacock 2009; Comerio 2014) and HUD and
Federal Emergency Management Agency (FEMA) have created the CDBG-Disaster
Recovery (CDBG-DR) block grant. When used for housing, 50% of the CDBG-DR
funds must benet low and moderate income households.
Despite its importance, the topic of affordable housing recovery remains under-
studied (Tierney etal. 2001, p. 100; quoted in Peacock etal. 2007, p. 260). There
are exceptions, of course, namely the post-Katrina literature (e.g., Green etal. 2007;
Quigley 2007), as well as recent national publications that provide guidance for
* In the United States, communities participating in the National Flood Insurance P rogram (NFIP) are
required to regulate development within mapped oodplains. In many communities, development that
existed prior to the creation of the NFIP program is not built to contemporary codes and sta ndards.
After a disaster, owners of those developments must rebuild them to the most current codes (e.g., by
elevating above the base ood elevation), which can be cost prohibitive. In some cases, redevelopment
is not allowed at all, because the damaged properties are located in high hazard areas like oodways.
† These HU D funds include Community Development Block Grants (CDBG) and the HOME Investment
Partnership Program.
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102 Coming Home after Disaster
housing reconstruction*. Nevertheless, there is a dearth of research on local level
post-disaster decision making for affordable housing. This chapter aims to ll those
gaps in prior research.
7.3 THE 2013 COLORADO FLOODS
The September 2013 oods were one of the costliest disasters in state history
(Colorado Recovery Ofce 2014), affecting dozens of communities across the Front
Range†. Eighteen counties were in the federal disaster declaration, with much of the
damage concentrated in Boulder, Larimer, and Weld counties (see Figure 7.1).
Affordable housing was a major challenge for the Front Range before the disaster.
Typical of many regions in the western United States, the Front Range is experienc-
ing rapid population growth with an accompanying rise in housing prices and decline
in the availability of affordable housing. Regionally, average rents and median home
prices have increased 10%–16% each year since the ood, and rental vacancy rates
continue to drop (Housing Colorado 2014; S&P Dow Jones Indices LLC 2015).
7.4 METHODS
To understand the decision-making process for affordable housing recovery, we fol-
lowed the recovery process in three selected communities for 2 years (2013–2015)
* See for instance, FEMA’s National Disaster Housing Strategy (2009), HUD’s Pre-Disaster Housing
for Permanent Housing Recovery (2012), and the American Planning Association’s Planning for Post-
Disaster Recovery: Next Generation (2014).
† The histor ic ood event destroyed 1500 homes and resulted in nearly $4 billion in economic loss
(CR RO 2015).
Larimer County
Boulder
County
Weld County
Greeley
Evans
Milliken
Fort Collins
Fort Collins
Denver MetroDenver Metro
LongmontLongmont
Boulder
Lyons
Wyoming
North
70
34
36
85
287
76
FIGURE 7.1 Location of case study communities.
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103Affordable Housing and Disaster Recovery
using a case study research design. Our data include surveys with 97 households,
45 interviews with local, county, and state ofcials involved in recovery, and direct
observation of over 50 recovery meetings and events. We analyzed the household
surveys to compare household recovery trajectories across communities (Rumbach
et al. 2016). We summarized notes from the meetings and transcribed the inter-
views in order to identify themes, processes, stakeholders, and other inuences.
Throughout the research, we sought clarication and conrmation of our ndings
from individuals directly involved in the recovery.
7.4.1 Loss of AffordAbLe Housing: evAns, Lyons, And MiLLiken
In this section, we present brief case studies of each community, describing the
ood’s impacts on affordable housing and subsequent actions (or inactions) taken
locally during the recovery.
7.4.1.1 Evans, Colorado
Evans is a fast-growing city located along the South Platte River in the plains east of
the Rocky Mountains. Over the past decade, Weld County has had strong economic
growth from the oil and gas, agriculture, and meatpacking industries. From 1990 to
2013, the population of Evans tripled, from 6150 to an estimated 19,994 (US Census
2014; Weld County 2014), creating signicant housing pressures in Evans and nearby
communities. At the time of the ood, the city’s rental housing vacancy rate was
below 2%, a historic low, while rental prices had reached an all-time high (Greeley-
Weld Housing Authority, personal communication 2015).
The ooding of the South Platte River (see Figure 7.1) signicantly damaged or
destroyed over 300 housing units in Evans, including 208 mobile homes and several
dozen market-rate affordable rentals. The mobile homes were located in two adja-
cent communities near the river, outside the regulatory (100-year) oodplain. As a
consequence, the vast majority of residents did not have ood insurance. After the
ood, Evans quickly condemned the destroyed trailers, citing the potential public
health impacts of the ooded homes. In January 2014, Evans revised and updated
their oodplain maps, designating large portions of the two mobile housing parks
as within the regulatory oodplain. City leadership argued the pre-ood maps were
outdated and their primary charge was to protect public safety moving forward. The
updated maps made reconstruction of the mobile home parks cost prohibitive. The
owner of the largest park sued the city for impeding his business,* but both mobile
home parks remain closed.
As of 2015, most of the site-built affordable rental housing had been repaired and
reoccupied, but anecdotal conversations with former tenants suggest that some own-
ers are now charging signicantly higher (20% or more) rents.
Though the oods permanently destroyed 208 mobile homes, and rental prices
have risen, Evans has not pursued federal recovery grants or committed public
resources to rebuilding affordable housing. Based on interviews with public of-
cials, the city and elected ofcials believe the market will supply lower cost units if
* As of 2015, the lawsuit was rejected by the Weld County courts, and is under appeal.
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104 Coming Home after Disaster
there is a demand, and that the local government’s primary responsibility in disaster
recovery is to protect public safety and ensure that infrastructure and critical facili-
ties are repaired and protected. Since the ood, more than 800 permanent housing
units have been built or planned, but very few (<10%) will be affordable to house-
holds earning less than 80% of the area median income (AMI), and none will be
government regulated (permanently) affordable (Greeley-Weld Housing Authority,
personal communication 2015).
7.4.1.2 Lyons, Colorado
Lyons is an historic small town in Boulder County at the foothills of the Rocky
Mountains and the conuence of the St. Vrain and South St. Vrain rivers (see
Figure7.1). Originally a mining and railroad town, Lyons is now known for its arts,
culture, and summertime music festivals. Lyons has grown in recent years from 1287
residents in 1990 to 2035 in 2013 (US Census 2014). Growth has been spurred by the
population and economic growth in the region, and the increasingly expensive and
growth-controlled housing market in the nearby city of Boulder.
Lyons also faced signicant affordable housing shortages prior to the ood. From
2000 to 2010, the median home value rose by 71% to over $340,000, while the num-
ber of available rentals fell by half (Town of Lyons 2015). At the time of the ood,
rental vacancy in Lyons and Boulder County was at a 12-year low (APA 2014a,b).
Of the renters in Lyons who earned less than 80% of the AMI, more than half (52%)
were cost-burdened (Town of Lyons 2015).
The oods signicantly damaged or destroyed roughly 20% of the Lyon’s housing
stock, including 172 site-built homes and 43 mobile homes, approximately 90% of
the town’s low income housing (Lyons Recovery Action Plan [LRAP] 2014; Town
of Lyons 2015). The town recognized that the loss of affordable housing would be
a major recovery challenge and a citizens’ housing recovery group formed immedi-
ately. Three months later, the town undertook an intensive 8-week recovery planning
process with hundreds of local participants, resulting in the LRAP. The LRAP has a
dedicated chapter on housing recovery, including a goal to increase opportunities for
affordable housing. The Board of Trustees (BOT) designated the citizens’ group as
an ofcial task force on housing recovery and charged them with studying the issue
and generating proposals. Their actions were regularly reported in the town’s local
newspapers and at BOT meetings.
Despite political and popular support, 2 years after the ood the town has been
unable to replace but a handful of the affordable units. As a result, the population has
shrunk to 1865, with 185 households still displaced (Colorado Public Radio 2015).
Of those, 72% (133) were low income (80% of the AMI), and 39% (72) were very low
income (30% of the AMI) (Town of Lyons 2015).
Two related factors led to the long-term loss of affordable housing in Lyons. First,
many of the damaged or destroyed homes were in the designated 100-year oodplain
or oodway, introducing signicant regulatory and nancial barriers to rebuild-
ing. Both mobile home parks, which included 43 affordable units, were located in
the oodway and have permanently closed. A substantial number of homeowners
(over30) in the Conuence neighborhood, a ood-damaged area with many afford-
able homes, are voluntarily participating in two property buyout programs funded by
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105Affordable Housing and Disaster Recovery
FEMA and HUD. Second, Lyons has a severe shortage of developable land within its
planning boundaries but outside of the oodplain, due to the steep terrain surround-
ing the town and Boulder County’s Open Space program, which has purchased land
near Lyons since the 1970s. The few available parcels are unsuitable for replacement
housing for a variety of reasons, particularly conservation easements, unsuitable ter-
rain, and high valuations.
After more than a year of intensive debate and planning, the town proposed a
new 66-unit affordable housing development that would give preference to ood-
displaced households. The proposed site was an approximately 6-acre parcel within
a 30-acre park near downtown and existing infrastructure. Possible funding included
disaster recovery grants and affordable housing tax credits totaling $27 million
(Town of Lyons 2015). Colorado state law requires that the sale or disposal of munic-
ipal parkland be subject to a popular vote (Colorado Revised Statutes 31-15-713).
The election, held in March 2015, rejected the proposal by a count of 614-498. Full
analysis of the vote is beyond this chapter’s scope, but opposition centered on con-
cerns over lost park space, distrust by some local residents of the county’s housing
authority and federal recovery programs, and the proximity to nearby schools and
neighborhoods, as well as the oodplain.
7.4.1.3 Milliken, Colorado
Milliken is a small historic agricultural town near the conuence of the Big
Thompson and Little Thompson rivers, in Weld County. It has grown rapidly in the
past two decades, from a population of 1605 in 1990 to 5610 in 2010 (US Census).
It is mostly a bedroom community; less than 3% of the population works locally
(US Census). Milliken also faced signicant housing pressure prior to the ood—
the vacancy rate for rent or purchase was less than 2% and the town had very lit-
tle affordable housing (Town of Milliken 2014). Besides two mobile home parks,
Milliken had a 28-unit market-rate apartment complex with affordable rents and a
20-unit permanently affordable senior housing facility. Over 90% of the housing in
Milliken is single-family detached homes.
The oodwaters from the Big and Little Thompson destroyed 35 mobile homes
and substantially damaged eight more, much of Milliken’s affordable housing.
Immediately after the ood, the town authorized the reopening of the mobile home
parks to prevent displaced residents from becoming homeless (Draper 2013). The
residents were required to sign an afdavit, however, that stated the mobile home
park might be included in the oodplain of an updated ood map and “…in such
instance, I may be required to relocate my mobile home in the future at my own
cost…I understand that this relocation might be outside Milliken” (Brown and
Cr um my 2013).
By 2015, approximately 28 of the 43 mobile homes have been repaired or replaced
on a temporary basis, while the owner of one of the two parks continues the process
of obtaining oodplain development permits. In March of 2014, the town adopted
temporary oodplain maps, which expanded the ood hazard area to include the
mobile home parks, beyond what is ofcially regulated by FEMA. As such, the
parks’ owners and residents will need to clear a series of costly regulatory hurdles
in order to rebuild, and residents will need to carry ood insurance. They have also
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106 Coming Home after Disaster
been required to rebuild the parks, lots, and homes to current development codes.
Milliken ofcials argue the new regulations are necessary to ensure the health and
safety of the parks’ residents and anticipate the ofcial oodplain map revisions will
likely expand the special ood hazard area to reect the temporary maps. Residents
and owners have publicly questioned whether the town is trying to rid itself of mobile
homes (Peif 2014).
The town is also actively attempting to purchase both mobile home parks (along
with other nearby properties) for the purpose of ood mitigation using federal hazard
mitigation and recovery grants. These funds require the voluntary sale of the parks
by the landowners and necessitate that the land be used for open space or passive
recreation, and never again be used for residential or commercial development. In
the event the purchase occurs, the households would need to be relocated, almost
certainly outside of Milliken. Since the ood, there has been no new affordable hous-
ing built outside of the repaired mobile home parks. Town ofcials acknowledge that
the free market is not producing new affordable housing, and that it is problematic
for recovery since they expect 86% of the future housing demand will come from
households earning less than $35,000 (Town of Milliken 2014, p. 55). However, the
town argues it does not have the capacity to develop and manage affordable housing
projects.
7.5 AFFORDABLE HOUSING AND RECOVERY
IN COLORADO: KEY INSIGHTS
The loss of at least 300 units of low-cost housing in the three cases offers important
insights into the dynamics of affordable housing in post-disaster recovery.
7.5.1 AffordAbLe Housing As Pre-existing ProbLeM
Which households were most affected, and which have recovered, reect the area’s
broader social, political, and economic context, similar to other disasters. Despite
the region’s growth and economic prosperity, neither the market nor the public sec-
tor have produced sufcient amounts of affordable housing before, or since, the
ood. What relatively little affordable housing existed before the disaster was often
affordable, because it was older, in poor condition, in undesirable locations, or was
a mobile home, and not because it had been subsidized. Replacement subsidies for
these market-affordable units are not available. As a result, some displaced resi-
dents have referred to the disaster gentrication phenomenon—that the ood has
accelerated the replacement of older housing with more costly and less inclusive
neighborhoods.
7.5.2 vuLnerAbiLity of Lower incoMe HouseHoLds
Affordable housing was disproportionately affected because of its physical location
on ood-prone, less expensive land, and households living in mobile home parks were
especially vulnerable. The ood caused 13 mobile home parks to close, displacing
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107Affordable Housing and Disaster Recover y
at least 400 households. In addition to their location, mobile home residents were
uniquely affected because of their lack of legal protections, the inability to relocate
damaged trailers, and community ambivalence toward rebuilding the parks (Lyons
Emergency Assistance Fund 2015). This mirrors experiences in other disasters (e.g.,
Baker etal. 2014).
7.5.3 roLe of LocAL governMent And residents
The varying experiences of the three cases show post-disaster affordable housing
decisions are made primarily by local actors, despite communities recovering under
the same federal and state regime with signicant external support for rebuilding
subsidized affordable housing. In Evans, the local government closed the mobile
home parks immediately, and has left recovery to the private market. In Milliken,
the local government recognized the need for affordable housing, but did little to
facilitate its replacement, and proactively made the rebuilding of mobile home parks
more expensive and difcult in anticipation of updated oodplain maps. In Lyons,
the town government and a large share of residents made a strong commitment to
rebuild affordable housing and were backed by signicant external resources, but
a slight majority of residents voted to stop their efforts. In all three cases, the local
government’s decision framed the issue: was affordable housing a priority, and if
so, under what conditions? For example, CDBG-DR grants are a major source of
funding but because they have signicant “strings attached,” only Lyons was willing
to pursue the funds. Resident demand also mattered. Evans did not perceive strong
demand from residents to replace the affordable housing, in part because of their
beliefs about the role of government, but also because the most affected households
were displaced and no longer had a voice in local affairs. Although Milliken’s mobile
home park residents could return, their voices were limited in comparison to voices
desiring recovery of local recreation and infrastructure. Without a critical mass of
voices, or a strong culture of community engaged planning, a local government is
unlikely to prioritize affordable housing during recovery. While the Lyons case per-
haps illustrates the limitations of local government power, it conrms that the deci-
sion to rebuild affordable housing hinges on local community dynamics.
7.5.4 otHer Actors And sPeciALized Agencies
Other agencies and organizations are vital for affordable housing recovery, particu-
larly public housing authorities and local nonprots. In Lyons, the affordable housing
proposal was based on $250,000 in pre-application studies funded by the Boulder
County Housing Authority (BCHA). The BCHA won the proposal to lead the devel-
opment team, and committed substantial resources to the design and public engage-
ment processes. In Evans and Milliken, the housing authority is much more limited
in its budget and mission. It is unclear if either community considered applying for
federal funds, but they likely would not have been able to fund the pre-application
studies. The strength of local organizations also varied. In Lyons, several nonprots
contacted and organized displaced residents, and advocated for their needs, giving
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108 Coming Home after Disaster
voice to the displaced. Local ofcials credited these organizations with helping to
justify their actions for the affordable housing proposal. In Evans and Milliken, no
such advocacy organizations exist. Outside nonprots assisted with ood relief, but
no local organizations existed or emerged to address housing. We cannot say whether
local advocacy would have created more public demand for affordable housing in
Evans and Milliken, but it is true that the disaster-affected households in Lyons had
a more active role in recovery (Rumbach etal. 2016), and that Lyons is working with
the households and organizations to identify other affordable housing options.
7.6 CONCLUSIONS: LESSONS AND IMPLICATIONS
Through this chapter we have begun to understand why some communities rebuild,
or attempt to rebuild, affordable housing post-disaster, and others do not. Local con-
ditions, including land availability, the housing market, government priorities and
capabilities, resident support of affordable housing, and the resources, reputations,
and commitments of local agencies, all play a role. These ndings suggest at least
two strategies for improving the recovery of affordable housing. Cities and towns,
the local housing authority, and nonprots should work with the community prior
to disasters to plan for the potential loss of affordable housing. This would identify
the level of risk and the potential for mitigation, engage with those who are most
vulnerable, and gauge public support for recovery options. They should also evaluate
the major external programs for housing recovery like the CDBG-DR and Hazard
Mitigation Grant Program, to determine whether they have the resources, capacity,
and political will to pursue such resources in the event of a major disaster.
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
This work was supported by the National Science Foundation (grant number CMMI
#1446031) and the Natural Hazards Center (Quick Response Grant #250).
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Cat#: K25654 Chapter: 07
TO: CORRESPONDING AUTHOR
AUTHOR QUERIES - TO BE ANSWERED BY THE AUTHOR
The following queries have arisen during the typesetting of your manuscript. Please answer these
queries by marking the required corrections at the appropriate point in the text.
Query
No.
Query
Response
Q1
Kates and Pijawka (1977), Daniels et al. (2006), Mileti (1999), NRC (2006),
Wisner et al. (2004), Zhang and Peacock (2009), Colorado Recovery Office
(2014), US Census (2014), Weld County (2014), Lyons Recovery Action Plan
(2014) are not under References. Please provide complete publication details.
Q2
Is it Tierney et al (2001) or Tierney (2006)? Please confirm the correct year.
Q3
Please confirm the insertion of “a, b” for APA (2014) in text and reference list.
Is it APA (2014a) or APA (2014b)
Q4
Please check URL does not resolve.
Q5
Colorado Resiliency and Recovery Office (CRRO) (2015), Cutter et al (2003),
Federal Emergency Management Agency (FEMA) (2009), Department of
Housing and Urban Development (HUD) (2012), Lee and Jung (2014),
Lindenstein (2014), May and Williams (1986), Mitchell (2003), Romano (2014),
Svaldi (2013), Town of Milliken (2015), Young (1990) are not cited. Please
suggest a suitable place for its citation in the text.
Q6
Please update Rumbach et al. (2016) with volume number and page range.
Q7
Please check URL does not resolve.
Q8
Please provide publisher name in Town of Milliken (2014, 2015).