No full-text available
To read the full-text of this research,
you can request a copy directly from the author.
Le livre noir de communisme : crimes, terreur, répression / S. Courtois... [et al.].
Abstract
Catalogación rápida
... Funkcja konstytucji polega na legitymizowaniu władzy oraz zagwarantowaniu politycznej i prawnej odpowiedzialności jej organów 10 � 7 J. Barcz, Ustrój lizbońskiej Unii Europejskiej. Podstawy traktatowe, struktura, instytucje i prawo, Piaseczno 2017;M. Dunin-Wąsowicz, Polska, euro i strategia twardego jądra, "Sprawy Międzynarodowe" 2014, 3, s. 55-72;M. Dunin-Wąsowicz, A. Darska, G. Tchorek, Integracja europejska i nowy ład gospodarczy, Warszawa 2012. 8 J. Barcz, Główne kierunki reformy ustrojowej postlizbońskiej Unii Europejskiej (2010 Traktaty te są podstawą specyficznej organizacji, lecz nie należy ich utożsamiać z konstytucją narodową. Uwzględnić należy, iż jest to konstytucja bez państwa, a Unia jest strukturą ...
... 220-223). Sustituida la esclavitud por el trabajo asalariado, la explotación continúa de forma implacable, creando una casta obrera a la que se niega la posibilidad de mejorar su situación («Abolición de la esclavitud y desarrollo del trabajo 22Ashton 1948;Hayek 1952;Taylor 1975;Lindert-Williamson 1983;Crafts 1985;Williamson 1985;Nardinelli 1990;Crafts-Harley 1992;Folsom 1996;Feinstein 1998Hobson 1902;Angell 1910;Brailsford 1918;Schumpeter 1919;Friedjung 1919Friedjung-1922Langer 1935. Sobre la polémica acerca del imperialismo y el libre comercio, cf. ...
... Kuljić, 2001). Dok su u Nemačkoj preispitivanje i diskvalifikacija totalitarne prošlosti nacizma i komunizma bili u funkciji ponovne reunifikacije nacije, u Francuskoj, pre svega Fransoa Fure (François Furet) u knjizi Prošlost jedne iluzije i Stefan Kurtoa (Stéphane Courtois), kao priređivač zbornika Crna knjiga komunizma, žele da definitivno raskrste sa " komunističkom iluzijom " i da razbiju neke utemeljene " antifašističke tabue " koji su doprineli održavanju " komunističkog totalitarizma " , kako bi osporili bilo kakvu alternativu kapitalizmu (Furet, 1995; Courtois, 1997). S obzirom na značajnu ulogu komunista u Pokretu otpora, njihovu političku legitimaciju kroz učešće u nekoliko vlada nakon Drugog svetskog rata, nepostojanje preovlađujućih antikomunističkih osećanja, ali i preživljavanje relativno izraženog antiamerikanizma u francuskom društvu, obnova konzervativnih teorija o totalitarizmu je u ovoj zemlji tokom 1990-ih kao prioritet imala " demitologizaciju " komunističkog antifašizma. ...
Le principal postulat sur lequel se fonde le concept d’antitotalitarisme est
qu’il est possible, malgre toutes les differences evidentes qui distinguent
des regimes fascistes, nazis et communistes, de percevoir l’harmonie et des
principes identiques qui les rassemblent sous l’egide du regime oppressif
d’un nouveau type: le totalitarisme. Le travail se focalise sur la
specificite locale de la France et sur les travaux qui ont ete entrepris dans
ce pays afin d’averer la parente du systeme fasciste et real-socialiste. Le
“discours antitotalitaire“ en France, conformement avec les exigences de
grand changement d’epoque hegemonique, a eu differentes fonctions politique
en differentes periodes. Dans cette maniere, nous avons limite notre l’etude
a trois periodes bien definies: 1930-1945, 1947-1990, 1991-2002. Notre these
principale est que „l’antitotalitarisme“ francais - dans sa totalite - ne
constitue pas un concept theorique systematique et coherent, mais
principalement une mutation anhistorique et ascientifique des
disqualifications politiques, conditionnee par les particularites d’un
contexte socio-historique national. Independamment de toutes les complexites
et ambiguites, la conclusion est que „la reflexion antitotalitaire“ en France
est en grande partie un produit de la scene politique interieure, et l’outil
intellectuel et politique majeur dans la „croisade“ contre le socialisme
reel.
Bu makalede Sibirya’daki Türk kökenli halklar ve diğer küçük grupların sosyolojisi yorumlayıcı yaklaşım çerçevesinde incelenecektir. Bu araştırma, Sibirya’da yaşayan Türk kökenli halklar ve diğer küçük grupların sosyolojik yapısını anlamak amacıyla nesnel bir yöntem kullanmaktadır. Nesnel yöntem, bilimsel bir yaklaşım benimseyerek objektif veri toplama ve analiz etme sürecini içerir. Araştırmacılar, olguları tarafsız bir perspektiften incelemek için veri toplama ve analiz yöntemlerini dikkatlice seçmişlerdir. Araştırmanın evreni, Sibirya coğrafyasında yaşayan Türk kökenli halklar ve diğer etnik azınlıkları kapsamaktadır. Sibirya'nın geniş ve çeşitli coğrafi, kültürel ve demografik yapısı, araştırmanın evrenini oluşturan temel parametrelerdir. Bu bağlamda, Sibirya'nın farklı bölgelerinde yaşayan topluluklar ve kültürler, evrenin temel bileşenlerini oluşturmaktadır. Araştırmanın örneklem grubu, Sibirya’daki Türk kökenli halklar ve diğer küçük grupları temsil eden özenle seçilmiş bir grup bireyden oluşmaktadır. Örneklem, coğrafi çeşitliliği, kültürel farklılıkları ve demografik özellikleri yansıtmak adına dikkatlice seçilmiş, temsil edici bir nitelik taşımaktadır. Bu örneklem grubu üzerinden elde edilen veriler, genellemeler yapmak ve Sibirya’daki bu toplulukların sosyolojik yapısını anlamak için kullanılacaktır. Bu nesnel yöntem, geniş bir coğrafyada yaşayan Türk kökenli halklar ve diğer küçük grupların sosyolojik gerçekliklerini anlama amacı taşıyan bu çalışmanın temelini oluşturarak bilimsel bir perspektif sunmaktadır. Sibirya toplumları yaklaşık elli civarında farklı haktan ve küçük etnik gruplardan oluşmaktadır. Bu konu küçük gruplar, ayrıca ırk ve etnik ilişkiler sosyolojisi bilimini de ilgilendirmektedir. Ülkemizde Sibirya da yaşayan halklar çok fazla tanınmamaktadır. Araştırma sonucunda Sibirya’daki etnik toplulukların sosyolojik sorunları analiz edilmiş ve bu küçük grupların bir fotoğrafı çekilmiştir.
Socialism produces distinct forms of humorous ridicule that are relatively rare in capitalist, bourgeois democracies. These forms are arranged in a hierarchy that reflects the distribution of power in this type of social and political order, one which differs markedly from a bourgeois democracy or indeed even a traditional or dictatorial authoritarian society. Merely authoritarian societies lack the kind of over-riding ideology and central control of economic and cultural life that are the defining characteristics of socialism. Socialist humorous ridicule is cruel at the top; then comes an aggressive and admonishing, but in intention humorous, official ridicule employed by the state in pursuit of centrally defined political ends. Finally, there is the ridicule by ordinary people of the elite and the social order they have imposed on the masses who respond by spontaneously and autonomously inventing and circulating innumerable jokes and anecdotes. This pattern is a product of the exercise of a monopoly of political and economic power by the leaders of the Communist Party and the distinctive political inequality that characterises socialism, an inequality based not on ownership but on differential access to the power of the state. The rulers of merely authoritarian societies that were not socialist such as Franco’s Spain, Pinochet’s Chile or Afrikaner South Africa did not and could not attain the same kind of hegemony that was possible under socialism because there existed economic, religious, scientific and even legal institutions that enjoyed a substantial degree of independence from their political rulers. Accordingly, they did not exhibit to anything like the full extent the patterns of humour to be found under socialism. The aggregate patterns of humour in socialist societies must be treated not as interactions between individuals but as ‘social facts’ to be understood in relation to other social facts, notably the nature of political power, with both sets of social facts being contrasted with those to be found in the capitalist democracies that are the antithesis of socialism.
Zygmunt Baumans Studien zur Ambivalenz der Moderne und seine paradigmatisch geführte Auseinandersetzung mit dem Holocaust haben weithin Beachtung gefunden, sein Buch über die „Dialektik der Ordnung“ zu Recht hohe Preise und Auszeichnungen erhalten (Joas, H. (1994). Der Traum von der gewaltfreien Moderne. Sinn und Form, (2), 309–318.). Demgegenüber blieb seine Beschäftigung mit der stalinistischen Terrorherrschaft bis heute weitgehend unbeachtet, obwohl Bauman die grundlegenden Parameter für eine Analyse herausgestellt und schließlich einen durchaus innovativen Zugang zum Verständnis der stalinistischen Gewalt geliefert hat.
This text aims to examine a particularly difficult phenomenon to study -- slaughter --, although it is at the center of many wars today and yesterday. Slaughter is defined as a generally collective form of action that aims to destroy non-combatants, usually civilians. Slaughter is viewed as an extremely violent, both rational and irrational practice growing out of an imaginary construct pertaining to someone to be destroyed, whom the torturer perceives as a complete enemy. The aspiration of this text is to show the relevance of exploring slaughter from a comparative standpoint. It will go beyond the mere case study, or rather it will put the best of these studies (on ex-Yugoslavia, Rwanda, etc.) into perspective. To better understand the process by which the slaughter is put into action, two main directions guide the analysis: - historic depth: it is in fact difficult to attempt to understand the slaughters that took place in 1990 without taking into account occurrences in the 20th century, including those termed "genocides." - transdisciplinary overture: slaughter as a phenomenon is so complex in itself that it requires the eye of the sociologist, anthropologist and psychologist, as can be seen in the following pages.
Although the foundations of the Soviet concentration camp system date back to the Bolshevik Revolution and Russian Civil War, the amplitude of human suffering in the Gulag would not be known in detail until after 1962, i.e. the year when A. Solzhenitsyn’s One Day in the Life of Ivan Denisovich was published. But even before the start of World War II, the totalitarian Soviet universe spoke the language of oppression that public opinion in the West constantly refused to acknowledge. This paper tries to recover a neglected corpus of early autobiographical narratives depicting the absurd Soviet concentration system, in the authentic voice of a number of Gulag survivors (G. Kitchin, Tatiana Tchernavin, Vladimir Tchernavin, S. A. Malsagoff, etc.).
The conduct book stakes out the boundaries of correct behavior, making instructions for self-management available to anyone who strives for easy social integration. Given its close relation to the mores of the educated classes, it is a rather unlikely genre to employ for the misanthrope looking to repudiate society. Yet in a series of articles in 1905/06 in his journal Die Fackel, the Viennese satirist Karl Kraus alluded to this genre, sharpening its rules to the point of absurdity as a means to completely close down rather than facilitate societal exchange. In Kraus's etiquette, bad manners come to include all manners. The study of this little-known project enables us to understand Kraus's obsessive preoccupation with clichéed speech as a critical response to the pathologies of communal life around 1900. © 2007 by the Modern Austrian Literature and Culture Association.
Questions of domination and power, legitimacy and legitimation have driven 20th century research on dictatorship and democracy, on totalitarian and authoritarian regimes, on fascism and communism and even on capitalism versus socialism. Reference to Max Weber's ideal-types of legitimate domination was universal, but the prior logical distinction between legitimate and illegitimate domination remained unexamined. Hence Soviet relations of domination were appraised as total, goal-rational, new traditionalist and eudaemonic but never was the legitimacy of relations of command and obedience examined closely, not even in the light of the scope, duration and intensity of Stalinist terror. We propose such a re-examination here and conclude that as a consequence of the terror Soviet (imperial) relations of domination were illegitimate. We buttress this hypothesis through a historical comparison between the Soviet, National Socialist and Chinese communist case; by contrasting it with the most theoretically informed contemporary appraisal of the Soviet path after Stalin's death; and by defending the excess content of the new hypothesis vis-a-vis such notions as total domination, goal-rational legitimation, new traditionalist legitimacy and eudaemonic legitimacy. Our discussion challenges sociology to develop a general theory of domination as a social relation - as begun by Max Weber but never completed.
ResearchGate has not been able to resolve any references for this publication.