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Setting the agenda: The mass media and public opinion

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Abstract

Unfortunately, I do not have an electronic file for Setting the Agenda. Best wishes for your research, Max McCombs
... One framework to study public reactions on social media is rooted in the theories of agenda setting (McCombs & Shaw, 1972) and intermedia agenda setting (McCombs, 2004). The original agenda setting theory, which is referred to as the first level agenda setting, posits the transfer of salience of issues from news media to the public agenda (McCombs & Shaw, 1972). ...
... climate change in Su & Borah, 2019;earthquake in Valenzuela et al., 2017). Intermedia agenda setting further expands the theory by examining the interactions between different media outlets, for instance, how traditional media and Internet-based media such as social media interact and shape each other's agenda (McCombs, 2004). Previous research on agenda setting on Twitter suggests that although the influence between traditional media and social media is reciprocal, in general, traditional media still has greater top-down agenda-setting power (e.g. ...
... In comparison, discussion on vaccination increased significantly after the White house's official withdrawal from WHO on July 6th, and after the news on Moderna's success in its Phase I vaccine study on July 15th. These findings support the agenda setting theory (McCombs, 2004) that news media predicts the perceived salience of issues from the public, manifested as changes in topic sizes discussed on Twitter. In addition to the news coverage, government policy changes too, significantly drove the discussions on mask wearing and vaccination during the study period, which reflected the critical role the government plays in setting up public health agenda and influencing public reactions during a health crisis. ...
... By selecting the news that citizens read and scrutinizing the quality of information they consume, media outlets integrate citizens into common narratives [13]. Some scholars refer to this as 'agenda-setting,' whereby news media have the power to integrate public opinion by telling them what the important issues, worthy of attention, are [14,15]. ...
... That said, they may still mediate polarization in other ways. As mentioned above, an important function of brokerage traditionally provided by news media involves 'agendasetting', whereby news media effectively tell people what topics to pay attention to, even if they don't dictate what the specific positions should be [14,15]. From that angle, established news media can still promote integration by delineating important topics of public discussion, thus drawing interest from partisans across the spectrum, uniting them in their attention, even if as hostile counterparts. ...
... By evidencing prior biases as the decisive factor in building public opinion, selective exposure arguments tend to minimize the impact of news media. However, while news media may be ineffective in telling people what to think, others note it is more successful in telling people what to think about through 'agenda setting' [15,14]. Based on that, news media can still promote cohesion by delineating what the important topics are, even when positions on these issues diverge. ...
Article
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Politics in different countries show diverse degrees of polarization, which tends to be stronger on social media, given how easy it became to connect and engage with like-minded individuals on the web. A way of reducing polarization would be by distributing cross-partisan news among individuals with distinct political orientations, i.e., "popping the bubbles". This study investigates whether this holds in the context of nationwide elections in Brazil and Canada. We collected politics-related tweets shared during the 2018 Brazilian presidential election and the 2019 Canadian federal election. Next, we proposed a new centrality metric that enables identifying highly central bubble poppers, nodes that can distribute content among users with diverging political opinions-a fundamental metric for the proposed study. After that, we analyzed how users engage with news content shared by bubble poppers, its source, and its topics, considering its political orientation. Among other results, we found that, even though news media disseminate content that interests different sides of the political spectrum, users tend to engage considerably more with content that aligns with their political orientation, regardless of the topic.
... This study focuses on consensus mobilization, a prerequisite for action mobilization [4]. What social movement scholars call consensus mobilization resonates with "public issue salience" (and the salience of the issue's attributes) in media scholars' language [5]. News media attention has been an important mechanism to raise public issue salience [5]. ...
... What social movement scholars call consensus mobilization resonates with "public issue salience" (and the salience of the issue's attributes) in media scholars' language [5]. News media attention has been an important mechanism to raise public issue salience [5]. Accordingly, analyses of consensus mobilization have referred to the media industry's information regimes such as newspaper subscriptions, availability of news stations, or frequency of news coverage [6,7]. ...
... Related to networked framing, agenda-setting theory is one of the most established and classical media theories that explain how media coverage shapes the public's perception of political reality. While the original focus of agenda-setting theory has been on the effect of journalist coverage on setting public agendas in terms of what to think about and how to evaluate them [5], the theory has been advanced to focus on and explain various aspects of media ecosystem. ...
Conference Paper
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This study draws on networked framing and intermedia network agenda-setting theories to examine how different informational actors have framed the March for Our Lives gun control movement in 2018. This study uses the Social Science One Facebook URLs share dataset to compare network-agenda setting of different media types including offline news media, partisan sites, nonpartisan sites, advocacy/activism organizations, and social media/aggregate services. Results suggest that news media’s framing was the richest and most dynamic, suggesting their important roles in setting the gun issue as a salient public agenda. Meanwhile, emerging media expanded the scope of framing by covering race, gender, and equity issues into gun politics. The movement/activist organizational actors showed the least similarity to other media types, inviting further questions on the role of movement/activist actors in shaping public attention and agendas in the process.
... The theory most concerned with effects of media visibility is agenda-setting (McCombs 2007). In short, agenda-setting identifies how elements (issues and actors) in the news (media agenda) affect public opinion (public agenda). ...
... To do so, the salience of migrant women and migrant men in German migration-related news coverage published between January 2003 and December 2017 was examined. This topic selection was motivated by the assumption that actor salience corresponds with visibility, and thus potentially with public attention or lack of attention for the concerns of these actors (McCombs, 2007). It further builds on the findings of previous studies, which suggested that migrant women have a double disadvantage when it comes to their visibility in the media Lünenborg & Fürsich, 2014;Silva & Mendes, 2009). ...
Thesis
Communication scientists have made fast progress in the automated content analysis of large quantities of media data. This cumulative dissertation contributes to this field with a comprehensive methodological work on automated content analysis strategies specially for the analysis of multilingual text corpora. It does so with three overview articles, each introduces, compares, and discusses multiple strategies for the analysis of a multilingual text corpus: Article 1 for rule-based dictionary methods, article 2 for supervised machine learning, and article 3 for topic modeling methods. As the methodological handling of several languages is particularly important for comparative communication research, the dissertation further provides recommendations for this discipline. These developed guidelines concern the valid and resource-saving design of methodological strategies for scenarios in which the cross-language comparability of automated instruments and measurements is important. To highlight the language sensitivity of automated instruments, article 4 considers the implications of more complex language-specific structures and their translatability. A key conclusion derived from this dissertation is that automated strategies are appropriate methodological strategies to capture the essence of multilingual text corpora. Protocols for validating instruments that are adapted to the multiple languages and to the needs of comparative communication research are, however, essential and cannot do without the adequate expenditure of resources. In concluding, this dissertation provides solid ground for the application of the methodological insights to various urgent substantial research questions of comparative and multilingual dimensions. It joins in the call to strengthen international research collaborations, research infrastructures, and open science initiatives to stimulate further work in multilingual automated content analysis.
... A study of the agenda-setting [153] power of false news is instead accomplished in Vargo et al. (2018) [247], where authors focus on the online mediascape from 2014 to 2016. They leverage a few different agenda-setting models with a computational approach (collecting data from GDELT) in order to examine, among other targets, the influence of false news on real news reports, i.e. whether and to which extent false news have shifted journalistic attention in mainstream, partisan and fact-checking organizations. ...
... It appears that mainstream news actually disregarded European elections in the months preceding them, focusing on arguments of national debate [51]; this trend was also observed in other European countries according to FactCheckEU [74], claiming that misinformation was not prominent in online conversations mainly because European elections are not particularly polarized and are seen as less important compared to national elections. We believe that this might have affected the agenda of disinformation outlets, which are in general susceptible to traditional media coverage [153], thus explaining the focus on different targets in their deceptive strategies. ...
Thesis
In the last decade, online Social Networking Sites have become a fundamental part of our everyday life. Billions of individuals worldwide participate in such virtual communities, sharing and discussing messages, photos, videos, and other user-generated content. News consumption habits have also changed, and more and more individuals consume online news on social platforms such as Facebook and Twitter rather than traditional media such as newspapers and TV. However, online social media also expose us and make us vulnerable to a variety of false and misleading information which erodes public trust towards institutions, with severe backlashes in the real world. One example is the ongoing COVID-19 pandemic, which has been accompanied by waves of potentially unreliable information which undermine medical intervention and governmental efforts to circumvent the spread of the disease. In this work, we leverage a network and computer science approach to tackle the problem of disinformation -- a term we use hereby as a shorthand to indicate all sorts of misleading, false and potentially harmful information -- spreading in online social networks. Focusing on Twitter and Facebook, we study the mechanisms and the actors involved in the spread of false information and other malicious content during relevant events such as political elections and the ongoing COVID-19 pandemic, when the need of reliable information for the public is higher. We carry out a systematic comparison of reliable information, published by mainstream and traditional news websites, versus unreliable information conveyed by websites that have been repetitively flagged for sharing disinformation, misinformation, hoaxes, fake news and hyper-partisan propaganda. We provide evidence of superspreaders of disinformation, i.e., influential users which are responsible for most of the disinformation shared online, and we unveil links with far-right communities, which oftentimes exploit fabricated information to push their agenda. At the same time, we show that reliable information accounts for the majority of news stories circulating online and that disinformation has a small yet non-negligible online prevalence which can still influence individuals’ opinions and feelings. We further investigate the interplay between vaccine-related disinformation shared on Twitter and the vaccine hesitancy and uptake rates measured across U.S. regions, following the roll-out of the COVID-19 vaccination program. Building a regression model which takes into account demographics, socio-economic and political factors, we find a significant association between online disinformation and vaccine outcomes. Finally, drawing on the results of aforementioned analyses, we deploy a methodology to accurately classify news articles based on the interactions between users that naturally take place on Twitter. Following the intuition that users shape different diffusion patterns depending on the content they share, we train and test off-the-shelf machine learning classifiers that can classify the veracity of a news article, without the need of looking at its content. All in all, our results contribute to a better understanding of the issue of disinformation spreading in online social media, and highlight the need for intervention by platforms and governments to address this issue in a timely fashion.
... To achieve these policy goals, political actors use social media to directly participate in the public debate (Bossner & Nagel, 2020;Gupta et al., 2016;Lybecker et al., 2015;Merry, 2016Merry, , 2018Parth & Nyby, 2020) or they publish press releases with content intended to be reproduced and disseminated by traditional mass media, such as newspapers (Leifeld, 2013;Merry, 2019;Schaub & Braunbeck, 2020). Political actors' use of media is well reasoned, as it evidently affects public opinion and agenda-setting (McCombs & Valenzuela, 2021). ...
... When looking at the reform coalition's use of villainous causal relationships in Fig. 9, it is apparent that its members addressed two specific target groups to increase attention on the issue: citizens and farmers. Gaining stronger citizen support can be influential, either directly through a larger vote share in an upcoming election or indirectly through public opinion, which may influence the behavior of decision makers (McCombs & Valenzuela, 2021;Soroka & Wlezien, 2009). One way coalition members tried to win citizen attention was highlighting the risks posed to drinking water resources and associated health issues. ...
Article
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The overuse of fertilizers in agriculture and their entry into freshwater has many negative impacts on biodiversity and poses problems for drinking water resources in Germany. In response to exceeding levels of nitrate concentrations in groundwater in parts of the country, an intense public dispute evolved and a significant policy change in fertilizer regulation occurred in 2020. Based on the German case of agricultural water pollution, this study demonstrates in an innovative way how discourse network analysis is a fruitful method for the integrated study of actor coalitions and their use of narrative strategies in public debate. Theoretically, the study draws on the narrative policy framework (NPF) to explain how actor coalitions use narrative strategies to attempt to influence policymaking on water pollution by agricultural activities. The empirical analysis builds on newspaper articles and press releases disseminated between 2010 and 2020. The results demonstrate how two opposing actor coalitions with congruent policy beliefs formed in the struggle over fertilizer regulation. These not only diverged in their policy beliefs but also differed in their use of narrative strategies to try to expand or contain the policy issue. More precisely, the coalitions adapted their narratives over time in response to changes in the likelihood to win or lose. Furthermore, the results suggest the coalition in favor of stricter fertilizer regulation was more sophisticated in its effort to mobilize specific target groups. Overall, the article provides a valuable contribution to the literature on the NPF by combining research on coalition formation and policy narratives. Supplementary information: The online version contains supplementary material available at 10.1007/s11077-021-09439-x.
... Subsequent studies have served to cement the idea that negative emotions, such as anxiety and uncertainty-expected to rise in a crisis-predict information seeking (So et al., 2019;Tausczik et al., 2012). In journalism and media studies, agenda-setting theory also indicates that people's need for orientation in times of crisis prompts information seeking, and news use could satisfy this need (Matthes, 2005;McCombs, 2004). People were shown to experience an elevated need for orientation when the issue at hand was personally relevant to them and when they perceived that they had less information on that issue than needed. ...
... Put differently, the increase in news use was more enduring for public broadcasters. This finding seems to suggest that the first wave of the COVID-19 pandemic in Germany prompted a need for orientation, as posed by agenda-setting theory (Matthes, 2005;McCombs, 2004) and demonstrated in earlier studies on other outbreaks (Hilton & Hunt, 2011;Kostkova et al., 2013). It also indicates that, at the aggregate level, information seeking may have been employed as a coping mechanism (Li, 2007;Spence et al., 2008); this is in line with existing models predicting information seeking (Griffin et al., 1999;Kahlor, 2010) and recent experimental work (So et al., 2019;Tausczik et al., 2012). ...
Article
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While extraordinary events like pandemics may prompt an increase in information-seeking behaviour, such trends are unlikely to be sustainable. Over time, issue fatigue/overdose is expected to set in. This study employed generalised additive mixed models (GAMMs) to determine whether attention to TV news corresponded with real-world developments. We sought to predict news use in Germany during the first wave of the COVID-19 pandemic based on disease occurrence next to two well-established predictors of news use (total TV use and day of the week). The association of key events with news use was also assessed. Initially, news use increased with disease occurrence. However, as the pandemic progressed, the linkage between the two variables weakened considerably, suggesting the onset of a habituation effect. Some support emerged for the idea that key events increased news use. Overall, our results are more in line with the explanation provided by agenda-setting theory and various information-seeking models than with the notion of coping through information avoidance. Thus, how the pandemic progresses appears to be a good predictor of news use at the aggregate level, although its predictive power decreases over time.
... Although temporal aspects have not been analyzed just yet, perceived egregiousness should decrease when the transgression trigger becomes less salient. This thinking is in accordance with the agenda-setting theory (McCombs, 2013;McCombs et al., 1998), which posits that media reports exert a major influence on the proportion of emphasis placed on news. Consequently, a topic's salience should depend greatly on media coverage, with public attention diminishing over time as awareness shifts to other topics (McCombs & Shaw, 1972). ...
Article
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Media reports that a company behaves in a socially nonresponsible manner frequently result in consumer participation in a boycott. As time goes by, however, the number of consumers participating in the boycott starts dwindling. Yet, little is known on why individual participation in a boycott declines and what type of consumer is more likely to stop boycotting earlier rather than later. Integrating research on drivers of individual boycott participation with multi-stage models and the hot/cool cognition system, suggests a "heat-up" phase in which boycott participation is fueled by expressive drivers, and a "cool-down" phase in which instrumental drivers become more influential. Using a diverse set of real contexts, four empirical studies provide evidence supporting a set of hypotheses on promotors and inhibitors of boycott participation over time. Study 1 provides initial evidence for the influence of expressive and instrumental drivers in a food services context. Extending the context to video streaming services, e-tailing, and peer-to-peer ridesharing, Study 2, Study 3, and Study 4 show that the reasons consumers stop/continue boycotting vary systematically across four distinct groups. Taken together, the findings help activists sustain boycott momentum and assist firms in dealing more effectively with boycotts. Supplementary information: The online version contains supplementary material available at 10.1007/s10551-021-04997-9.
... The media, therefore, have the power to direct people towards what to think about (Trent & Friedenberg 2008;McCombs 2004). Balmas and Sheafer (2010) add that agenda setting also relates to how the media determine how to think about certain issues emphasised on the news. ...
... Policy activity and political culture have been shown to influence media coverage of emerging problems [25,67], and vice versa, but the direction of this influence can be difficult to determine [57]. With regard to this, not all issues can feasibly be at the top of the policy agenda [80,81]. Nevertheless, the variations in the trends of different frames around AMR in UK news reporting indicate that there has been a greater level of debate in both public and political discourses about the issue. ...
Article
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Educating the public about antimicrobial resistance (AMR) is considered a key part of an optimal public health response. In both media depictions and policy discourses around health risks, how a problem is framed underpins public awareness and understanding, while also guiding opinions on what actions can and should be taken. Using a mixed methods approach we analyse newspaper content in Australia and the United Kingdom (UK) from 2011 to 2020 to track how causes, consequences and solutions to AMR are represented in countries with different policy approaches. Analyses demonstrate greater variability in the frames used in UK newspapers reflecting large hospital and community outbreaks and a sustained period of policy reform mid-decade. Newspapers in Australia focus more on AMR causes and consequences, highlighting the importance of scientific discovery, whereas UK coverage has greater discussion of the social and economic drivers of AMR and their associated solutions. Variations in the trends of different frames around AMR in UK newspapers indicate greater levels of public deliberation and debate around immediate and actionable solutions; whereas AMR has not had the same health and political impacts in Australia resulting in a media framing that potentially encourages greater public complacency about the issue.
... An individual's attitude or behavior can change based on one's friend circle and social media. It could be a positive or negative change in behavior depending on the behavior that is adapted [41]. So social media is now playing a significant a role in stress and depression related health behaviors. ...
Conference Paper
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In the present situation, the Corona virus syndrome 2019, commonly known as COVID-19, is threatening the lifespan of human being and it has been declared as a pandemic. In addition, with affecting the economy and creating health hazards for people around the globe, it has also affected their mental health. The frequency of this condition is surprising and it is more difficult to evaluate. Every year, only few people out of millions of people get proper medical treatment of depression. In women, depression can be complicated by biological factors and social pressures. Researchers have started to examine informations about women's stress and sadness on Twitter, Facebook pages, and YouTube videos for the study. Connecting with the public, sharing useful information, and managing one's online presence are all feasible in social media platforms. The Social Norms Theory and the Agenda Setting Theory have been used to conduct this research. In order to determine the types of communications, tweets of Twitter and videos of YouTube (that addressed stress or depression-related material for women) have been examined. According to the study, traditional approaches such as physical exercise and yoga are suggested by social media users to relieve stress and despair.
... Like gatekeeping, the agenda-setting role of the media has undergone a new dynamic since the rise of the Internet. New potential agenda setters have appeared on the scene, such as the public and tools that can at least control what goes on the agenda (Denham, 2010;Golan, 2006;McCombs, 2004;Wallsten, 2007). With these new potential agenda setters in mind, scholars have long questioned the agendasetting power of traditional media. ...
Article
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Newsroom innovation labs have been created over the last ten years to develop algorithmic news recommenders (ANR) that suggest and summarise what news is. Although these ANRs are still in an early stage and have not yet been implemented in the entire newsroom, they have the potential to change how newsworkers fulfil their daily decisions (gatekeeping) and autonomy in setting the agenda (agenda-setting). First, this study focuses on the new dynamics of the ANR and how it potentially influences the newsworkers’ role of gatekeeping within the newsgathering process. Second, this study investigates how the dynamics of an ANR could influence the autonomy of the newsworkers’ role as media agenda setters. In order to advance our understanding of the changing dynamics of gatekeeping and agenda-setting in the newsroom, this study conducts expert interviews with 16 members of newsroom innovation labs of The Washington Post , The Wall Street Journal , Der Spiegel , the BBC, and the Bayerische Rundfunk (BR) radio station. The results show that when newsworkers interact with ANRs, they rely on suggestions and summaries to evaluate what is newsworthy, especially when there is a “news peak” (elections, a worldwide pandemic, etc.). With regard to the agenda-setting role, the newsworker still has full autonomy, but the ANR creates a “positive acceleration effect” on how certain topics are put on the agenda.
... The first is by scholars in the fields of gender and critical media studies who have made a considerable contribution to analytical thinking about cultural and social views linked to gender inequality and gender role stereotypes (Wood 1994;Machado 2004;O'Donnell 2016;Kapoor and Narkowicz 2019). Also, critically thinking about the media tensions related to mapping a mental picture of certain types of offenders linked to agenda-setting (McCombs 2004;Jewkes 2004;DiBennardo 2018). The second insight concerns contributions to the notion of performativity, which has been widely debated in feminist theory as "always a doing" process (Butler 1988: 33). ...
... Hence, the media contribute to building a public consensus on the issues of the day, altering their perceived salience in public discussions (McCombs, 1997(McCombs, , 2004Lippmann, 1949). ...
... The authors assert that such attributes, which have been called "the second level of agenda setting, " are granted directly or indirectly by journalists in media reports, and they emphasize particular aspects or attributes of the objects of news coverage. Over the years, studies have reaffirmed the theory's basic assumptions (Dearing & Rogers, 1996;Scheufele, 2000;McCombs, 2005McCombs, , 2014Brosius & Weimann, 1996) in a manner that ostensibly seeks to establish a causal explanation. In addition to investigating correlations between the salience of issues in various media platforms and their perceived importance in the view of the public, various studies have manipulated individuals' news consumption to confirm the correlations between news coverage and the public's perception of the relative importance of election issues (Iyengar & Kinder, 2010). ...
Article
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This study investigates the effects of the two leading prime ministerial candidates’ personal Facebook and Twitter accounts and the effects of exposure to the general social media and web discourse in Hebrew on voters’ agendas during Israel’s April 2019 election. All the posts that appeared on the contenders’ accounts at a point in time in each of the four pre-election campaign weeks were analyzed to identify prominent issues. Social media and web content in Hebrew were also analysed over the same period. The data was compared with 2,217 responses to questionnaires completed on the four dates. The questionnaires also surveyed voters’ political orientations and the likelihood of their following the candidates’ accounts. The results revealed a significant correlation between contenders’ and voters’ agendas. However, significant differences were identified in agendas between those respondents who followed both leading candidates, those who followed a single candidate, and those who followed neither.
... Neste sentido, a comunicação de massa desempenha um papel significativo na definição da agenda das preocupações públicas. Agenda pode ser compreendida, assim, como a ordenação de eventos e assuntos hierarquicamente ordenados de acordo com a frequência ou proeminência que recebem pelos veículos informativos (MCCOMBS, 2004;VALENZUELA;ARRIA-GADA, 2009). ...
Book
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Procurando compreender tanto a forma pela qual a reforma política foi tratada pela cobertura jornalística, bem como o papel dos periódicos como agentes políticos, questiono de que forma os jornais Folha de S. Paulo (FSP), O Globo (OG) e O Estado de S. Paulo (OESP) comportaram-se como agentes interessados nas diferentes propostas de reforma política debatidas no Brasil logo após a Constituição de 1988 até 2017. Levanto, ainda, outros questionamentos, como qual a agenda dos jornais sobre reforma política entre 1989 e 2017? Que pautas e enquadramentos são acionados ao longo do tempo, evidenciando possíveis transformações nos interesses das empresas? Há diferenças entre pautas e enquadramentos mobilizados pela cobertura informativa e pela opinativa? A cobertura informativa corresponde ao padrão dos editoriais? Os argumentos e as agendas mobilizados são semelhantes tanto internamente (dentro dos próprios jornais) quanto externamente (comparação entre eles)? O objetivo do trabalho, portanto, é: Analisar se, e em que medida, os jornais Folha de S. Paulo, O Globo e O Estado de S. Paulo comportam- -se como agentes interessados nas reformas políticas debatidas no Brasil desde 1989 a 2017, bem como avaliar a maneira pela qual a cobertura sobre a temática se desenrola ao longo do período.
... Before proceeding, it is necessary to comprehend the application of hypothetical and theoretical foundations of inter-media agenda setting and agenda building. The sources, as agenda setters and doorkeepers, are critical components of the media's role (McCombs, 2004;Tedesco, 2011;Singer, 2005). However, Gandy, Oscar H. (1982) already suggested that "we must take into account who sets the agenda for which medium; this is only possible by going beyond agenda-traditional setting's concepts. ...
... The concept of agenda setting refers to the capability of the mass news media to not only influence how people think about certain topics but, more importantly, what they perceive as an issue in the first place (McCombs 2004). The suggestion is that within a modern society the mass news media constitute the public agenda, comprising of all issues that at least achieved awareness within the majority of the public (Cobb et al. 1976). ...
... The opinion-forming press and the tabloids represent two peaks of journalistic activity: the first appearance, overlapping with other countries (cf. the articles in this volume), the second illustrating the specificity of Polish discourse and, in particular, the ability of the ruling party to impose topics (McCombs, 2004). On the latter point, the crux of the discussion appears not to be the problem of migration per se, rather the dispute between the EC and the Polish government over the imposition of migration quotas. ...
Article
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The widely described migration crisis in Europe took place in 2015–2018. Like any major event, it was covered by the media in a variety of ways. While one could find analyses of the related media content for many European countries, a comprehensive study for Poland has not been previously conducted. This paper describes the Polish media’s divided positions on migration from 2015 to 2018. The media content analysis was based on the monitoring of the press, television, and the Internet. The following research techniques were used: (1) a summary of the number of messages over particular months to show the intensity of the phenomenon, (2) quantitative analysis employing corpus linguistics (CL), (3) qualitative analysis using critical discourse analysis (CDA). The analyses revealed a sharp divide between conservative and liberal discourses. These differences—tone, sentiment, and subject matter—were apparent in how the migration crisis was described. Conservative media only showed negative aspects of migration, and if there were no such issues in Poland, protests against migrants in Europe became their chosen topic. Liberal media much more often referred to the specificity of migration to Poland (economic migration from Ukraine) and showed the need for solidarity with migrants. However, the dominant difference was the political sympathies of individual media. We have shown divisions in media coverage based on this very factor. Tabloid coverage was not associated with any political party; it criticized the actions of the government and the opposition. However, the most critical perspective from which we want to describe the collected material is the securitization of migration. The subject of security is present in each analysed discourse, regardless of political divisions. Our research shows though that the intensity of threats is more significant in the right-wing press.
... So, over time, those aspects of public affairs that are prominent in the media usually become prominent in public opinion. This ability to influence issues, persons and topics are perceived as the most important of the day is called the agenda-setting role of the mass media (McCombs, 2004). Further, these scholars contend that the repetition of messages about public issues in the news day after day, along with the pervasiveness of the mass media in our daily lives, constitute a major source of journalism's influence on the audience. ...
Article
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The advanced technological space has today democratised the territorial space of the mass media. Its primary function of informing, educating and entertaining have shaped the perception and influenced action of people as their watchdogs, agenda setting and force multipliers. On the contrary, this breakthrough in information communication technology has turned many people to untrained practicing journalist and made some trained journalists to become an arm chair journalists, who publish to perish. In a bid to combat the spread of fake news in Nigeria given the volatility of the nation, the government and the people have been on the toes of journalist but all efforts seems fruitless. With the aid of agenda setting theory, we observed that there is a nexus between fake news and erosion of trust among Nigerian government and Nigerians in Diaspora on issues of national security. We recommend legislation against fake news peddling and a proactive action by the government to stop the inferno. Key words: Mass Media, Fake News, Nigerians in Diaspora, National Security, Information Communication Technology
... Delli Carpini and Keeter (1996) argue that news use is the currency of politics. It helps citizens hold politicians accountable and it influences the salience of issues that citizens think about (McCombs 2018), even in the current high-choice political information environment (e.g. Harder, Sevenans & Van Aelst 2017;Strömbäck & Kiousis 2010). ...
Article
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How do citizens in countries with weak institutions and highly disrupted media landscapes navigate news? We examine a typical South European case, Greece, via cross-national data sets. Combining data from a pool of different surveys, we show that in Greece – unlike the other five countries of the sample – social media are more trusted than news media to help individuals navigate their news environment. A thematic analysis of open-ended survey answers indicates that Greek respondents embrace alternative news sources (social media, digital-born outlets) in record-high numbers because of their distrust of traditional news outlets. Taking into account the historic interplay of media and political institutions, we present Greece as a dystopian case for news organisations and the information environment in countries with weak institutions.
Thesis
There has been a general view among British historians that popular opposition to tax increased dramatically in the 1970s. However, no study has looked in detail at the available evidence. This view has been based largely on politicians’ statements and a few isolated studies from the 1980s, most of which did not focus on Britain specifically. This thesis attempts to construct a more detailed picture of the development of popular attitudes to tax in Britain c1945 to 1992. To do this it first examines the available quantitative evidence, variable and unreliable as much of it is before the 1980s and draws some cautious conclusions about how this suggests popular attitudes to tax developed. The following chapters look at discussions in the major national newspapers and political magazines, two main political parties, the civil service, Trades Union Congress, and Federation of British Industries, later Confederation of British Industry, in a series of case studies. These focus on moments when tax was a particularly high-profile issue: the 1949 budget and 1950 election; the 1959 election and 1961 budget; the 1964 election and 1965 budget, the late 1960s and 1970 election; the late 1970s and 1979 election; and the 1987 and 1992 elections. The findings do not indicate that opposition increased significantly in the 1970s. On the contrary, the quantitative evidence suggests that popular opposition to taxation was consistently at a relatively low level throughout the period studied, potentially even decreasing through the 1980s, when the evidence is more methodologically reliable. Similarly, although there is evidence that some Labour politicians, in particular, were slightly more concerned about opposition to tax from the 1970s onwards, they were also convinced of opposition in the 1940s and 1950s, supposedly the high point of popular support for high taxation. Even in 1992, the evidence indicates that most Labour politicians remained convinced that perceptions of fairness in taxation were crucial and that support for public spending was also extensive. The views expressed by Labour and Conservative politicians’ during the 1980s indicate that they did not think at that time that popular opposition to tax had increased unprecedentedly in the 1970s. Instead, that idea first appeared in the press in 1987, becoming pervasive by 1992. Among the various organisations studied here, the research therefore indicates that this idea of opposition to tax increasing in the 1970s was found initially only among journalists in the late 1980s and early 1990s – and that it was circulated without supporting evidence.
Article
This study relies on Entman’s definition of frames and framing functions to analyze how the Chilean government and news media framed a natural disaster occurring in Chile in 2014. Using structural topic modeling, 705 news stories and 174 official press releases were analyzed to identify under which conditions the media may attribute blame when natural disasters are framed beyond the realm of an accident. Findings indicate the government portrayed its own performance as a successful one where all actors did their job to minimize disaster consequences. Yet, the media narrative did not reflect the government’s efficiency frame, portraying the official response as a result of lessons learned from a previous disaster. Taken together, the results suggest that when the media align with a particular political side, disaster characteristics are not the main issue to report on. This study departs from a description of journalistic practices in time of disasters towards a more complex view of the relationship between government and the press when it comes to disaster coverage.
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The impact of COVID-19 on destination image is critical for international tourism recovery. This study is conducted focusing on China, the first epicenter of the COVID-19 pandemic, with mixed methods. Drawing on survey data collected from 500 US travelers, the study first examines China's destination image perceptions and travel intention. The results reveal that (1) US respondents have low travel intentions to China amid the pandemic; (2) Destination safety and security is the most influential image factor that leads to the low travel intentions to China. News media is proposed to have significant influence on China's image formation due to the COVID-19. A simple content analysis is conducted on CNN's news and China is found to be tied closely with COVID-19 and most news articles are emotionally negative. Those respondents who follow news outlet websites for COVID-19 view China more negatively and have lower travel intentions.
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This study examined research centre Biosphere 2 (B2) coverage by US newspapers between 1984 (as stories of conception before construction emerged) and 2019 (at the time this research was conducted) in order to uncover news diffusion relative to B2 in public media across historic eras and amid shifts in stakeholders over time. The analysis focussed on how a scientific institution and its innovative activities implied values, impacted the meaning-making of its project, as well as influenced the amount of information shared across sources (i.e., regional, metropole or elite) and media scale (i.e., local, regional, national outlets). This analysis identified nine eras delimited by scientific or organisational events. The findings emerging from this study can inform understandings of media behaviour around other scientific institutions and experiments.
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Soziale Medien ermöglichen es ihrem Publikum, Informationen zu liken, zu kommentieren und zu teilen. Nutzerinnen und Nutzer werden so selbst zum Informations-Gatekeeper, der Aufmerksamkeiten im Netzwerk auf bestimmte Themen und Ereignisse lenkt. Solche „Audience Gatekeeping“-Vorgänge wurden bisher in der Politik, kaum aber in der Wirtschaft untersucht. Gelegenheit dazu bietet die Insolvenz des Lieferkettenfinanzierers Greensill Capital im Frühling 2021. Anders als es politische Untersuchungen nahelegen, führte Audience Gatekeeping bei diesem Wirtschaftsereignis nicht zu einer alternativen Themendarstellung, die von der journalistischen Berichterstattung abwich, sondern stärkte die bestehende Informationshierarchie mit wenigen internationalen Leitmedien, die das Thema strukturierten. Gemeinsam mit den politischen Untersuchungen ist jedoch der Befund, dass Suchmaschinen und deren hierarchische Informationsauflistungen das Audience Gatekeeping beeinflussen und dass sich aus der Aufmerksamkeitslenkung qua Verlinkung eine extreme Ungleichverteilung zugunsten einer Handvoll Titel ergibt: Von insgesamt 943 verlinkten Medien erhielten drei Medientitel ein Viertel aller Links, während die Hälfte aller Quellen nur einmal verlinkt wurde. Einer proportionalen Power-Law-Verteilung, wie sie in verschiedenen Studien zur Medienaufmerksamkeit festgestellt wurde, folgt dieses Verteilmuster jedoch nur in abgeschwächter Form.
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El periodismo deportivo se ha caracterizado por la uniformidad y la baja diversidad temática, que se traduce en la excesiva focalización en determinados deportes, competiciones y protagonistas con alta capacidad de atracción económica. La crisis del Covid-19 ha ofrecido al periodismo deportivo la oportunidad de reexaminar sus estrategias y articular una agenda distintiva. A través del análisis del contenido de 1,409 piezas y 195 portadas, se examina la cobertura desarrollada por El País, El Mundo y La Vanguardia durante los primeros 65 días del estado de alarma, con el objetivo de determinar si los periódicos aprovecharon la crisis para desarrollar un periodismo deportivo más diverso. La crisis del Covid-19 no modificó las prioridades existentes, sino que intensificó la atención sobre aquellos deportes que ya acumulaban más poder mediático. En un escenario sin competiciones, la atención sobre el fútbol masculino y profesional permaneció intacta. La ‘futbolización’ contrasta con un escaso tratamiento del impacto de la pandemia sobre otras disciplinas minoritarias y el deporte femenino y adaptado. La prensa también fue ajena a varias temáticas, personajes y perspectivas de importancia a nivel mundial. Las disparidades en la agenda conllevan repercusiones sociales, económicas y deportivas de primer orden. Abstract Sports journalism has been characterized by uniformity and low thematic diversity, which translates into excessive focus on certain sports, competitions and protagonists with a high capacity for economic attraction. The Covid-19 crisis has offered sports journalism the opportunity to reexamine its strategies and articulate a distinctive agenda. Through content analysis of 1,409 pieces and 195 front pages, the coverage developed by El País, El Mundo and La Vanguardia during the first 65 days of the state of alarm is examined, with the goal of determining whether newspapers took advantage of the crisis to develop a more diverse sports journalism. The Covid-19 crisis did not modify the existing priorities, but rather intensified attention on those sports that already accumulated more media power. In a landscape without competitions, the focus on men's and professional football remained intact. ‘Footballization’ contrasts with a scant treatment of the impact of the pandemic on other minority disciplines and women's and disability sport. The press was also oblivious to various themes protagonists and perspectives of worldwide importance. The disparities on the agenda carry major social, economic and sports repercussions.
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Based on recent ramifications of the traditional agenda-setting model, this paper aims at analyzing the convergence of the media and the public agenda in times of crisis. Specifically, drawing upon the network agenda-setting theory, this article explores the main key words associated with COVID-19—related topics in both the media and the public agendas. Main findings suggest that the media used context dependent key words to refer to the pandemic. At the beginning of the pandemic, in March 2020, both television and online news stories referred to issues related to the virus itself, to the measures taken to limit its spread, and to some medical conditions, while in January 2021 media focused on key words related to vaccination and immunization. In terms of public agenda, results show that people tended to refer to pandemic-related issues mainly in negative terms, due to both media exposure and, presumably, personal experiences. These results offer valuable insights into the dynamics of both media and public agenda in the context of the COVID-19 pandemic, providing fertile ground for better understanding how media shape several public attitudes and behaviors.
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The article indicates the relevance of the study of media practices of the population with the exit to the formation of relatively stable models of media consumption in the conditions of the reflexive growth of the impact of such a player in the information field as new media. The characteristics of the features of the typologisation and classification of social subjects are given, possible approaches to typologisation and classification are reflected, as well as those contradictions that may arise during the implementation of the designated research procedures. A two-stage scenario for the implementation of the study of media consumption of the population of Belarus with the derivation of social portraits of consumers of traditional and new media finds its justification, the content of these constructs is reviewed. Using a practical example of an independent representative sociological research, the possibilities of factor and cluster analysis in empirical typology using software are demonstrated with a detailed description of the implementation of procedures and proposals for ways to resolve possible difficulties in the course of their application. The author presents and interprets the author’s five-component typology of media consumption models with an exit to the possibility of its application in wide practice with the available array of primary sociological information on the basis of calculating a number of additional indicators. The results obtained can find their application in the sociology of mass communication and the media and are addressed to specialists in the field of sociology of public opinion, theories of the information society, as well as the theory and methodology of sociology.
Chapter
This chapter makes a case for applying a masculinities lens to understand multiple forms of violence in conflict and nonconflict settings. It discusses how violence is tied to inequalities, marginalization, patriarchal and other power structures, masculinities, and young men’s identities. It further examines how those dynamics shape the differential impact of conflict on females versus males and individuals of other gender identities. Further, it brings an intersectional understanding of how ethnicity, social class, and masculinities interact in conflict and high-violence settings, addressing the cases of Brazil and the eastern Democratic Republic of Congo.
Chapter
International news plays an important role in shaping public opinion about the foreign policy and leadership of a country. Yet research shows that the bias in favor of the current political leadership is prevalent in foreign news coverage. In this study, we explore whether these assumptions hold in the case of digital news outlets in media systems outside of established democracies. We examine the representations of Russia in digital news streams of Kazakhstan and Ukraine based on a collection of news published by about 30 top news websites in each of the countries during 2018 (n = 2,339,583 news items). To study the coverage of Russia, we follow an approach combining topic modeling for extraction of news agendas and qualitative analysis of news framing. Then, we compare Kazakhstani and Ukrainian news agendas and their framing. The results suggest that digital news media in the selected cases follow expectations based on the research of offline media despite the transformations that happened in news production with the advance of the Internet.
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Previous scholarly literature has documented a pronounced increase in the prevalence of prejudice-denoting terms in American news media content. Some have referred to this shift in journalistic discourse and related public opinion trends signaling increasing perceptions of prejudice severity in U.S. society as The Great Awokening. This work analyzes whether the increasing prevalence of prejudice themes in American news media outlets has been replicated in the news media ecosystem of a Spanish-speaking country. Thus, we computationally analyzed the prevalence of words denoting prejudice in five million news and opinion articles written between 1976 and 2019 and published in three of the most widely read newspapers in Spain: El País, El Mundo and ABC. We report that within the studied time period, the frequency of terms that denote specific prejudice types related to gender, ethnicity, sexuality and religious orientation has also substantially increased across the analyzed Spanish news media outlets. There are, however, some notable distinctions in the long-term usage dynamics of prejudice-denoting terms between the leading Spanish newspaper of record, El País, and its U.S. counterpart, The New York Times.
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This study examined the various ways in which Danish news media represented digital media as a problem over a period of three years. We present data from a content analysis of 263 newspaper articles and chi-squared analyses identifying associations between worries, voices, culprits, and those responsible for solving problems. We find professionals significantly responsible for framing problems with screen time in terms of mental health issues and addiction, while the broader discourse is one of, for example, time theft, video game addiction, and issues in schools. Technologies are often diffused using “screens” to describe a broad palette of devices/applications, are represented as responsible for distractions while the technology industry is held culpable for effects on social relations and addictive behaviors. We discuss how patterns in media coverage and expert use affects public understandings, and the overall findings that while technologies are represented as responsible for particular problems, the “screen” discourse is a space in which arguments shift between technologies, problems, and authorities.
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The rise of right-wing populist parties in Western democracies is often attributed to populists’ ability to instrumentalize news media by making deliberate provocations (e.g., verbal attacks on migrants or politicians from other parties) that generate media coverage and public awareness. To explain the success of populists’ deliberate provocations, we drew from research on populism and scandal theory to develop a theoretical framework that we tested in two studies examining the rise of German right-wing populist party Alternative für Deutschland (AfD) between January 2015 and December 2018. In Study 1, an input–output analysis of 17 deliberate provocations by AfD politicians in German news media revealed much more coverage about their attacks on migrants than about their attacks on political elites, although all were covered in predominantly scandalizing ways. Next, Study 2, involving media database research and an analysis of Google Trends data, showed that the provocations had increased overall media coverage about the AfD and influenced public awareness of the party
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დღის წესრიგის თეორიის თანახმად, მედიას შეუძლია წინ წამოსწიოს კონკრეტული საკითხები და ამ გზით "უკარნახოს" საზოგადოებას, თუ რაზე იფიქროს. მედიის მიერ გაშუქებულ საკითხთა წყება სხვადასხვა აქტორის ინტერესებისგანაც შედგება. მაგალითად, პოლიტიკური ლიდერებისა და საზოგადოებასთან ურთიერთობის სპეციალისტების მიერ სუბსიდირებული კომპონენტებით. ამავდროულად, ამა თუ იმ პოლიტიკური მხარისადმი მიკერძოებული მედია უფრო დიდი დოზით ხდება კონკრეტული პოლიტიკური დღის წესრიგის გამტარი. საზოგადოებრივ ცხოვრებაში მედიის როლის მნიშვნელობიდან გამომდინარე, ამ ნაშრომის ძირითადი კითხვაა, თუ როგორ გააშუქა ყველაზე რეიტინგულმა პრო-სახელისუფლებო მედიასაშუალებამ კორონავირუსი საარჩევნო პერიოდში და რამდენად დაემთხვა მისი დღის წესრიგი ხელისუფლების პრიორიტეტებს (სტაბილურად მძიმე ეპიდემიოლოგიურ პირობებში). დაკვირვების ობიექტად ტელეკომპანია "იმედი" შეირჩა, კონკრეტულად, მისი მთავარი საინფორმაციო გამოშვება - "ქრონიკა". დაკვირვება განხორციელდა 2020 და 2021 წლების არჩევნების წინა და შემდგომ თვეებში. მედიასაშუალების დღის წესრიგის გამოვლენა მოხდა "ქრონიკაში" კორონავირუსისთვის დათმობილი დროისა და პრიორიტეტულობის მიხედვით. კვლევამ აჩვენა, რომ 2020 წლის საპარლამენტო არჩევნების დღემდე, როცა მძიმე ეპიდ-ვითარებაზე საუბარი ხელისუფლებისთვის არახელსაყრელი იყო, კორონავირუსის გაშუქებას ტელეკომპანია "იმედმა" გაცილებით ნაკლები პრიორიტეტი და დრო დაუთმო, ვიდრე არჩევნების შემდგომ. არჩევნების წინა კვირაში, პანდემიის შესახებ სიუჟეტები ეთერში მთავარი საინფორმაციო გამოშვების დაწყებიდან ერთი საათის შემდგომ გადიოდა. არჩევნების პირველი ტურის შემდეგ, რომელშიც მმართველმა პარტიამ გაიმარჯვა, "იმედზე" კოვიდ-19 -ის გაშუქება შესამჩნევად გააქტიურდა, ხოლო არჩევნების მეორე ტურის (21 ნოემბერი) შემდგომ, კორონავირუსი "იმედის" ნომერ პირველი საკითხი გახდა. მედიის დღის წესრიგის ასეთ რადიკალურ ცვლილებას ხელისუფლების მიერ კოვიდ-რეგულაციების გამკაცრება მოჰყვა. რაც შეეხება 2021 წლის თვითმმართველობის არჩევნების წინა პერიოდს, აქაც გამოიკვეთა, რომ წინასაარჩევნოდ კოვიდ-19 "იმედის" პრიორიტეტებში ვერ ხვდებოდა. მეტიც, მონიტორინგის 27 დღიდან, 10 შემთხვევაში ამ თემაზე სიუჟეტი საერთოდ არ გასულა. არჩევნების შემდეგ პრო-სახელისუფლებო მედიასაშუალებაში კოვიდ-19 -ის თემის მიმართ დამოკიდებულება რადიკალურად და სწრაფად (როგორც ეს 2020 წელს მოხდა) არ შეცვლილა, თუმცა, მისდამი მედიის ყურადღება მაინც შესამჩნევად გაიზარდა. შესაბამისად, ჩვენი წინასწარი დაშვებები პრო-სახელისუფლებო მედიაში კოვიდ-19 -ის გაშუქებასთან დაკავშირებით ცალსახად დადასტურდა, რამდენადაც, "იმედი" მიჰყვებოდა ხელისუფლებისთვის ხელსაყრელ დღის წესრიგს. According to agenda-setting theory, the media can raise specific issues and thus suggest to the public what to think about. However, the range of issues covered by the media is also composed of the interests of various actors, for instance, with components subsidized by political leaders and public relations specialists. At the same time, biased media is becoming a facilitator for a particular political agenda. Given the importance of the role of the media in public life, the central question of this paper is how the most viewed pro-government media outlet covered the coronavirus during the election period and how well its agenda matched the government's priorities (in stably challenging epidemiological conditions). Imedi TV was selected as the object of observation, specifically its main news program - "Chronicle." Observations were made in the months before and after the 2020 and 2021 elections. The agenda of Imedi TV was revealed by the time and priority devoted to the coronavirus in the "Chronicle." The research showed that until the day of the 2020 parliamentary elections, when it was unfavorable for the government to talk about a challenging epidemic situation, Imedi TV gave much less priority and time to covering the coronavirus than after the elections. In the week prior to the election, news regarding the coronavirus was airing an hour after the start of the main newscast. After the first round of elections, in which the ruling party won, the coverage of Covid-19 on Imedi TV became noticeably more active. After the second round of elections (November 21), coronavirus became the most important issue for Imedi TV. Such a radical change in the media agenda was followed by the tightening of coronavirus regulations by the authorities. As for the period before the 2021 self-government elections, it was revealed that Covid-19 was not in the priorities of Imedi TV. Moreover, out of 27 days of monitoring, in 10 cases, this topic was not covered at all. Attitudes towards the Covid-19 in the pro-government media outlet did not change radically and rapidly (as it did in 2020) after the election; however, media attention towards it still increased significantly. Consequently, our assumptions about the coverage of Covid-19 in the pro-government media were confirmed, as Imedi TV followed a favorable agenda for the government.
Book
Perkembangan media massa dan kaitannya dengan politik dan demokrasi menjadi perhatian penting dalam studi ilmu politik. Media dalam sistem demokrasi mempunyai peran, tuntutan dan masalah yang berkenaan dengan keberadaan mereka. Sebagai aktor politik, media berperan dalam mempengaruhi alam pikir dan opini publik. Sebagai arena kontestasi, media diperebutkan oleh beragam aktor ekonomi dan politik karena kapasitasnya dalam mempengaruhi proses-proses politik. Buku ini merupakan bahan ajar pada mata kuliah jurnalisme politik pada Program Studi Ilmu Politik Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik (FISIP) Universitas Brawijaya (UB). Buku yang didukung oleh mahasiswa sebagai kontributor dalam mata kuliah ini, merupakan hasil dari hibah praktik kelas kolaboratif – berbasis proyek (project base method) oleh Universitas Brawijaya. Meski singkat, buku ini diharapkan memberi pemahaman dasar dan kritis bagi mahasiswa peserta mata kuliah Jurnalisme Politik dalam melihat konteks terkait dengan media dan politik di Indonesia, terutama pasca reformasi.
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This research focuses on the critical analysis of the news discourse on the Malaya case on two key dates in the process: 30 March 2006 (dissolution of Marbella’s town hall for urban corruption) and 5 October 2013 (court ruling sentencing 52 people after five years of investigation, plus two years of trial and thirteen months for the document draft). The objective is to verify whether or not there are stigmatizing labels in the information published in three Spanish newspapers: ABC, El Mundo and El País. The denotative and connotative elements in the text are identified and classified through Iramuteq, a lexical statistical tool that searches for correlations of a corpus’ specific graphic forms. The results show the representation of the judicial plot and it is concluded that the three journals use parameters attributing qualities which disqualify specific people.
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This book explores how the Internet is connected to the global crisis of liberal democracy. Today, self-promotion is at the heart of many human relationships. The selfie is not just a social media gesture people love to hate. It is also a symbol of social reality in the age of the Internet. Through social media people have new ways of rating and judging themselves and one another, via metrics such as likes, shares, followers and friends. There are new thirsts for authenticity, outlets for verbal aggression, and social problems. Social media culture and neoliberalism dovetail and amplify one another, feeding social estrangement. With neoliberalism, psychosocial wounds are agitated and authoritarianism is provoked. Yet this new sociality also inspires resistance and political mobilisation. Illustrating ideas and trends with examples from news and popular culture, the book outlines and applies theories from Debord, Foucault, Fromm, Goffman, and Giddens, among others. Topics covered include the global history of communication technologies, personal branding, echo chamber effects, alienation and fear of abnormality. Information technologies provide channels for public engagement where extreme ideas reach farther and faster than ever before, and political differences are widened and inflamed. They also provide new opportunities for protest and resistance.
Chapter
This chapter begins with a sociological exploration of crime victims and victimisation that engages with media and media representations. A key site for those who seek to promote a particular view of crime victims or seek to challenge existing views, the media is also key for policy makers attempting to secure legitimacy and acceptance of new measures affecting victims of crime. This chapter is therefore crucial in its acknowledgement of the media as one of the key sources through which the concepts of crime, victim and victimisation are given meaning in contemporary society. In particular, it will examine established work on the construction of crime news, media production and reception and the increasing primacy of the visual. Social theory has a particular late-modern resonance with regard to the 24/7 news mediasphere and the intense media and social interest that follow serious and high-profile crimes. This chapter will scrutinise how collective victim identity is culturally constructed, represented and remade by the media in these cases.
Chapter
Corruption is one of the most serious challenges facing contemporary democracies. In this chapter, we will provide an overview of the concept, focusing on the “environment” that favors or limits its spread. Indeed, anti-corruption policies can only be effective if they find a fertile ground capable of receiving and implementing them. Our chapter will largely turn around the concept of public opinion, in particular on the role it plays in relation to corruption, because it has been largely demonstrated that an aware and receptive public opinion is the best tool to “fertilize” the ground to grow civic sense and respect for rules. For this reason, particular attention will be paid to the role of the media in presenting the phenomenon to the public opinion. Finally, we highlight some distortions in the mediated narration of the phenomenon that make the political system impervious to sanction mechanisms and that inhibit anti-corruption measures.
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I consider peer reviewed as this document integrates pieces from previous works in that condition.
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This study investigated female lawyers perception of media coverage of child rights issues in Rivers state. To achieve this, four objectives and four corresponding research questions were set. The study was guided by social responsibility, agenda setting and main streaming theories. The survey and content analysis were adopted as the design for the study. The study population was in two streams, the first stream was for survey and the second stream was for content analysis. For the content analysis, daily issues of two newspapers, namely The Punch and Vanguard 91 issues constituted the population for each newspaper thereby bringing the total population of the content analysis to 182 while the population for the survey was one hundred and fifty (150) registered female lawyers in Rivers State, the study adopted the census for the survey population which meant that the entire population formed part of the sample since the population was manageable while for the content analysis 65 issues of each newspaper were drawn using the first sixth number. The result from the analysis showed that the media have not provided adequate coverage to child right violation in Nigeria; that children are not considered important topics in media unless they feature in scandalous or heart-breaking stories; that child rights issues are not reported as frequently as they occur and that child abuse and neglect are the dominant issues reported. The research recommends that the training given to journalists should be revisited to ensure that in their reporting of issues affecting children they conform to ethical standards of the media profession; that legal framework for professional journalism should be provided. In this light, media professionals should also recognize the tenet of the social responsibility theory which compels them to be responsible to the people in their reports; that media professionals have the duty to increase public awareness of the violation of children's rights as well as bring to the attention of the policy makers and security agencies atrocities perpetuated by violators; that adherence to codes of conduct and reporting guidelines should be taken seriously.
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