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Mexican Political Biographies : 1935-1975 / R.A. Camp ; pról. de P.H. Smith.
Abstract
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... effervescence of these years made Puebla increasingly difficult to govern. Between 1963 and 1973 three governors were forced to resign under pressure from the federal government due to their inability to resolve the state's unrest and violence (Camp 1993). The appointment of Guillermo Morales Blumenkron as provisional governor in 1973 marked the beginning of the end of the conflict. ...
... 41. Sotelo and Amaya (1998) (Camp 1993). 45. ...
The relationship between state governments and organized business in Puebla was highly contentious throughout the 1980s and 1990s. Business associations responded to the economic shock of 1982 by supporting opposition PAN candidates for local office, leading to attempts by PRI governors Guillermo Jiménez Morales and Mariano Piña Olaya to co-opt and confront private sector leaders. In this context, coordinated efforts to respond to economic change in Puebla failed. Instead, adjustment to Mexico’s trade liberalization occurred through firm and industry-specific actions, with limited inputs from local government. This pattern of government-business relations can be explained by the organization of the private sector. A traditional, conservative elite dominated local business associations, making organized business a political threat rather than a developmental partner for local governments. Meanwhile, Volkswagen and other large firms did not participate in business associations and instead pursued unilateral actions to adjust to economic change, largely outside of local institutions.
... 3 Si bien una parte importante de esta información puede ser consultada de forma individual en excelentes diccionarios biográficos (p. ejemplo, Camp, 2011o Musacchio, 2002 y en Internet, esta es -hasta donde sé-la primera base de datos que contiene información actualizada sobre la educación superior de los funcionarios públicos que ocuparon un alto puesto en la burocracia federal en los últimos 45 años. ...
... Todas las variables fueron capturadas siguiendo un conjunto de reglas predefinidas y que están disponibles a solicitud. La información contenida en la base se obtuvo de diversas fuentes, en todos los casos, la primera opción de consulta fueron los diccionarios biográficos de Camp (2011) y Humberto Musacchio (2002. Una segunda opción fueron los portales del Registro de Servidores Públicos (http://www.servidorespublicos.gob.mx/) ...
This research studies the link between universities and the federal bureaucratic elite in Mexico. Using a new database of the higher education of 1,448 public servants who filled a high position in the federal bureaucracy between 1970 and 2014, I analyze the academic training of these workers, and the place and discipline(s) they studied. The results reveal the constant decreased percentage of such government employees who did their undergraduate training at public institutions, particularly at the Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México, the predomination of foreign institutions in graduate work, and the high concentration of disciplines these individuals studied.
... Siguiendo el patrón descrito por Duverger, las mujeres que ingresaron a la polí tica nacional en la primera década tras la obtención del voto, tuvieron un perfil pro fesional ligado a carreras como Filosofía y Letras, Periodismo, Abogacía y Magiste rio. Ello, excepto los escasos casos que se incorporaron a través de orga nizaciones sindicales (Camp, 1995;Zaremberg, 2009a). ...
El ideal liberal de ciudadanía, surgido con los Estados modernos, refiere a un conjunto de derechos y deberes que tienen los individuos como miembros de la comunidad política en que viven. Así, ser ciudadano/a implica para cualquier persona el reconocimiento de su calidad de sujeto a través del ejercicio de un conjunto de derechos y el cumplimiento de deberes que comparte con todos los/as otros/as ciudadanos/as de un Estado-nación.
... We use data from the Mexican Political Biographies project, which include detailed information on nearly 3,000 influential politicians from 1935 to 2012. Political elites were chosen for inclusion in the data set because they held the most influential political posts in Mexico from all three branches of government, including Supreme Court justices, cabinet-level secretaries and assistant secretaries, repeating members of the congress, top party leaders, and state governors (Camp 2011). We used two subsets of this data set to test Hypotheses 2 and 3, one data set for cabinet secretaries and one for assistant secretaries. ...
What explains women’s exclusion from and entry into high-level executive positions? This article analyzes the recruitment of cabinet secretaries and assistant secretaries in Mexico. We examine two potential causal factors to explain women’s exclusion from high-level executive positions: an inadequate supply of qualified women and a preference for men by those making the appointments. We also examine two potential causal factors to explain women’s entry into the executive branch: reliance on family connections and formally structured career paths. We find no evidence to support the supply hypothesis, but we do find evidence of gender discrimination in executive appointments, especially in agencies that have never had a female leader. We also find that women are no more likely than men to rely on family connections to get high-level executive appointments and that women do better in careers structured by clear qualifications and formal procedures for advancement.
... Criteria for the selection of Mexican foreign ministers by regime, 1946-2015.Sources: Mexico's foreign secretaries' biographies by the Secretariat of Foreign Affairs, http://sre.gob.mx/siglo-xx;Camp (2011). ...
This article investigates the sources of foreign ministries’ policy-making capacity in presidential regimes. Using the concept of family resemblance, we argue that professionalization of the diplomatic corps is a necessary condition, whereas the institutional attributions of the ministry and the degree of presidential delegation are relevant but substitutable elements. The higher the scores on either of the latter dimensions, the stronger is the capacity of the foreign ministry to influence the chief executive and to contest other players’ policy preferences. To empirically validate our concept, we measure the three dimensions in Argentina, Brazil, and Mexico between 1946 and 2015 using data on diplomats’ recruitment and career paths, influence of diplomatic schools and doctrines, appointment patterns of foreign ministers, and relevance of presidential diplomacy, with an emphasis on travels abroad. Our analysis indicates that Argentina, Brazil, and Mexico enjoy a high level of professionalization of their diplomatic corps; however, differences—both across countries and over time—remain regarding institutional attributions and presidential delegation.
... Governor's Experience indicates whether the state executive had previously held an elected public office. The information for this variable comes from the Dictionary of Mexican Political Biographies (Camp 2011), and I coded as 1 those tallies in states where the governors were previously elected as mayor, deputy, or senator, and 0 if otherwise. Also, Camarilla identifies those governors within Salinas's political group. ...
This paper investigates the opportunities for non-democratic regimes to rely on fraud by documenting the alteration of vote tallies during the 1988 presidential election in Mexico. In particular, I study how the alteration of vote returns came after an electoral reform that centralized the vote-counting process. Using an original image database of the vote-tally sheets for that election and applying Convolutional Neural Networks (CNN) to analyze the sheets, I find evidence of blatant alterations in about a third of the tallies in the country. This empirical analysis shows that altered tallies were more prevalent in polling stations where the opposition was not present and in states controlled by governors with grassroots experience of managing the electoral operation. This research has implications for understanding the ways in which autocrats control elections as well as for introducing a new methodology to audit the integrity of vote tallies.
... 3 Theoretical aspect noted by Katz and Mair (1992) and the backbone in the work for the Spanish case of Linz et al. (2000) or Jerez, Linz and Real-Dato (2013). 4 There are also national monographic studies among which we can mention for Argentina: Carizo (2002); Bolivia: Romero Ballivián (2009); Brazil: Avelar (2001) and Samuels (2003); Chile: Cordero and Funck (2011); Mexico: Camp (1995); Peru: Dargent (2009); Uruguay: Chasquetti (2010); Central America: Martínez Rosón (2008). 5 There is increasing empirical evidence as proved by Xia et al. (2015), which defines how decisions to vote are influenced by "first impressions" the electors have of the candidate that are "constructed" in the orbitofrontal cortex of our brains. ...
This is a theoretical proposal for the study of political careers from the perspective of three different moments (entrance, development and exit) according to the use of political capital made by politicians. Different patterns of political capital as well as their impact on political trajectories are studied; the weight of time and economic resources (political income) are also considered. A politician is somebody elected trough an electoral process and/or nominated by someone elected; it is also the case of any organic member of an institution, e.g., a political party. Regardless of the case, this individual must receive a salary for such activity.
... La columna no suma 100% porque muchas veces los candidatos ocuparon más de un puesto antes de obtener la nominación. Este cuadro fue elaborado por la autora con información tomada de Camp (1995). ...
Since there have been so many works stressing the process of fiscal decentralization, virtually no research on Mexican politics has analyzed the issue of party decentralization. This article holds that, due to the increase in electoral competition, subnational political leaders have obtained control over significant political resources, such as nominations, campaign financing and future jobs. In order to measure the scope of these changes, this article uses data on the political careers of PRI Senate candidates, in order to assess the degree of decentralization of one of the most highly centralized parties in the world.
El objetivo de este artículo es identificar actores civiles que iniciaron sus carreraspolíticas entre 1929 y 1943, para dilucidar qué hizo posible la transición degobiernos presididos por generales veteranos de la Revolución mexicana agobiernos compuestos por civiles profesionales de la política en sintonía con elcontexto nacional, estableciendo un cambio generacional cuyos miembros fuerondefinidos como civiles que se presentaban como “técnicos abocados a la redenciónnacional a través del conocimiento y la lealtad al presidente”.
The objective of this article is to identify civil actors who began their political careers between 1929 and 1943, to elucidate what made possible the transition from governments presided over by veteran generals of the Revolution to governments made up of civilian political professionals in tune with the national context, establishing a generational change whose members were defined as civilians, who presented themselves as "technicians dedicated to national redemption through knowledge and loyalty to the president".
Entre 1912 y 1950, los clubes conformados por españoles tuvieron una presencia destacada en el balompié de la ciudad de México. En este contexto, otros equipos de futbol construyeron su identidad como clubes “mexicanos” en contraposición a las asociaciones de peninsulares, dando pie a una enconada rivalidad deportiva que en ocasiones devino en conflictos políticos y episodios de violencia. El presente artículo estudia las características de este antagonismo deportivo a través de sus principales episodios, así como las implicaciones sociales que tuvo. En las siguientes páginas argumento que la escenificación cotidiana del conflicto entre españoles y mexicanos en el balompié debe entenderse tanto en el marco de la centralidad de España y lo español en los discursos sobre la nación mexicana, como también en su relación con cada coyuntura específica, donde la rivalidad se vio afectada por los intereses comerciales del mundo deportivo, los cambiantes intereses de España y la colonia española en México y por las tensiones sociales entre la población mexicana y este grupo de inmigrantes.
I examine the role of party dominance on elected politicians’ career path. Politicians’ career is divided between political and technical or administrative posts. To examine this relationship, I use data from the Mexican states over the period 2000‐2014. The paper exploits the 2008 US financial crisis as a source of exogenous variation in incumbents’ popularity level. Results support theoretical predictions that elected politicians’ profile in states with a dominant party changed more than in competitive states after the financial crisis. I find that after the 2008 US financial crisis, political experience of new elected governors in states with a dominant party decreased by 36 percentage points, on average, compared to states with no dominant party. Results are robust to different measures of political and technical or administrative career path.
Resumen Propósito: el modelo educativo en México responde a intereses que no con-cuerdan con la realidad social, ya que no se garantiza la superación de la po-breza y la marginación con este modelo. En este artículo se estudia la forma-ción histórica del proceso educativo en México, a partir de la década de los ochenta hasta el 2010. Descripción: de carácter explicativa, esta investiga-ción se propone conocer la evolución de la estructura educativa de México, así como comprobar si su desarrollo concuerda con el objetivo económico presente en el modelo de desarrollo nacional. Por esta razón, la recolección de datos es de orden cualitativo y cuantitativo. Los datos fueron obtenidos del Sistema Nacional de Información Estadística Educativa y a través de pu-blicaciones oficiales. Punto de vista: se exponen las propuestas del movi-miento de desescolarización, con la finalidad de elaborar una perspectiva crítica que permita determinar si el modelo educativo aplicado actualmente responde a los intereses sociales mayoritarios o si, por el contrario, requiere una reforma basada en las ideas propuestas por autores como Ilich, McLu-han o Freire, según las cuales los individuos y la sociedad se encargan del proceso educativo a través de redes y organismos no centralizados u orien-tados hacia fines técnicos y económicos. Conclusiones: se puede observar un modelo educativo incapaz de responder a la demanda, desfasado en el tiempo y nulo en utilidad ante los nuevos paradigmas sociales, por lo que es necesario hacer un análisis de fondo sobre los objetivos que se pretenden cumplir. Palabras clave: desescolarización, educación, formación técnica, pobreza.
Many scholars suggest that dominant parties enhance authoritarian regime resiliency by regularizing and directing the distribution of spoils, careers, and policy among members of the authoritarian coalition. This article challenges this assertion by providing a novel mechanism to explain why, under stress, some dominant party regimes are more likely to break down than others. The argument posits that an autocracy’s capacity to fend off systemic crises increases when elites who control the power to make decisions locate themselves in the same organization (for example, the military, the bureaucracy, a political party) as elites in charge of implementing these decisions. If elites of these types locate in different organizations (what I refer to as a “parallel power” arrangement), in the face of systemic adversities elite collective action suffers and, consequently, regime resiliency decreases. I illustrate the applicability of the argument in the case of Mexico’s party-based autocracy. The stability of this regime was fatally damaged when, in the presence of systemic challenges in the 1980s and 1990s, the state’s bureaucracy – in charge of making decisions – decided to enact economic and electoral policies against the wishes of the elites in the dominant party, who were in charge of implementing many of these decisions.
This article investigates the sources of foreign ministries' policymaking capacity in presidential regimes. Using a family resemblance concept structure, we argue that professionalization of the diplomatic corps is a necessary condition while the institutional attributions of the ministry and the degree of presidential delegation are also relevant but substitutable elements. The higher the scores on the two latter dimensions, the stronger the capacity of the foreign ministry to influence the chief executive and contest other players' policy preferences. To empirically validate our concept, we measure the three dimensions in Argentina, Brazil, and Mexico between 1946 and 2015 using data on diplomats' recruitment and career paths, influence of diplomatic schools and doctrines, appointment patterns of foreign ministers, and relevance of presidential diplomacy with an emphasis on travels abroad. Our analysis indicates that today Argentina, Brazil and Mexico enjoy a high level of professionalization of their diplomatic corps; however, differences-both across countries and over time-remain as regards institutional attributions and presidential delegation.
Students of judicial behavior debate whether justices time their retirement to allow for the nomination of like-minded judges. We formalize the assumptions of strategic retirement theory and derive precise hypotheses about the conditions that moderate the effect of partisan incentives on judicial retirements. The empirical implications are tested with evidence for Supreme Court members under democracies and dictatorships, in six presidential regimes between 1900 and 2004. The theory of strategic retirement finds little support in the United States and elsewhere. We conclude that researchers should emphasize "sincere" motivations for retirement, progressive political ambitions, and—crucial in weakly institutionalized legal systems—political pressures.
The Leader Experience and Attribute Descriptions (LEAD) data set provides a rich source of new information about the personal lives and experiences of over 2,000 state leaders from 1875–2004. For the first time, we can combine insights from psychology and human development with large-N data on interstate conflict for a new theory of leadership and interstate relations. The data set provides details about military experiences, childhood, education, personal and family life, and occupational history before leaders assumed power. The data are available in leader-year format and are compatible with existing tools for analysis such as EUGene (Bennett and Stam 2000). This research note discusses the motivation for the creation of the LEAD data set and discusses the coding decisions for most of the key variables. We provide a series of descriptive statistical illustrations of the data and illustrate the depth of the available information with cases from Latin American leaders, showing the durability of these personal experiences across space and time.
This article aims at analyzing the profile and the social structure resulting from the career itineraries of governmental elites in the states of Guanajuato, the State of Mexico, and Mexico City during the 2000-2012 period. The author applies a mixed method combining the conventional sociological analysis with a network approach. The study observes in the first place the relevance of the local space for the creation and development of elites. Secondly, it identifies the regularities and divergences in the elite recruitment and development processes in the three states under study. Finally, the analysis reveals that instability in employment may be simultaneously construed as uncertainty and an asset since it allows the local elites to gather a considerable political and social capital.
I propose a theory of selective credible commitments in which dictators can credibly commit to private policies with the use of social networks that align the interests of economic and political actors to respect property rights. My theory identifies three factors that affect a dictator's ability to make credible commitments. First, the distribution of power will determine the availability of a critical mass of third party enforcers (influential political actors) that can punish government opportunism. Second, the distribution of wealth in society will determine the availability of rents to help pay for private protection. Finally, there is a need for a governance structure to encourage long-term selective credible commitments, ensuring not only that the dictator stays in power for a long time, but also that there exists a long-lived pool of private enforcers.
The article argues that in the 2006 Federal Chamber of Deputies election, individual candidate traits and experience affected electoral outcomes. Analyses were conducted using a unique dataset of biographical information for 171 candidates in 57 randomly drawn districts. The findings demonstrate that candidates mattered in the recent federal legislative elections. Additionally, they show that the common definition of "high quality" candidates (previous office holders) is insufficient in the Mexican case. The second part of the article analyzes how differing types of candidates were nominated by each party/pact, and examines how the types of nominated candidates can be partially predicted based on the party's nominating rules and their pool of members with previous local electoral success.
Studies of the US Supreme Court debate whether justices time their retirement strategically to allow for the nomination of like-minded judges. Does this practice reflect a widespread behavioral regularity or is it just idiosyncratic to the US case? We develop a formal model of strategic retirement and test it with empirical evidence for Supreme Court members in six countries (the United States, Argentina, Brazil, Chile, Mexico, and Panama) between 1900 and 2005. This sample of countries allows us to hold some contextual variables constant (e.g., an important role of the president in the selection process) while observing variance in others (political instability and judicial career paths). We show that career ambitions and future expectations about politics, more than ideological concerns, drive the justices’ decisions.
This article investigates the reform of municipal funding in Yucatáán in the 1990s. At the beginning of this period, the state government had considerable discretion in municipal funding. By 2000, municipal funding practices were considerably constrained by federal law. The article explores whether, and how, political considerations entered into the distribution of these funds at the end of the Zedillo sexenio, despite reforms. After analyzing the data regarding municipal finance, the article concludes that while normalization made municipal finance somewhat less capricious, funding was still a political and partisan process in the state.
En este artíículo se investiga la reforma del financiamiento municipal en Yucatáán en los añños noventa. Al principio de este perííodo, el gobierno del estado teníía una injercióón considerable en el manejo del financiamiento municipal. Antes de 2000, las práácticas del financiamiento municipal estaban sujetas considerablemente por ley federal. El artíículo explora tanto si las consideraciones polííticas fueron incorporadas en la distribucióón de estos fondos al final del sexenio de Zedillo, ello a pesar de las reformas, asíí como la manera en que tal hecho se llevóó a cabo. Despuéés de analizar los datos con respecto a las finanzas municipales, se concluye que mientras que la normalizacióón hizo el financiamiento municipal algo menos caprichoso, el financiamiento seguíía siendo un proceso políítico y partisano en el estado.
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